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ANGELS IN ISLAM

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ANGELS IN ISLAM

A Commentary with Selected Translations of Jalal al-Dïn al-Suyütï’s Al-Habâ’ik fïakhbâr al-malâ’ik (The Arrangement of the Traditions about Angels')

S. R. Burge

Doctor of Philosophy
The University of Edinburgh

2009

A loose-leaf from a MS of al-Qazwini’s, cAja ’ib fimakhluqat (British Library)
Source: Du Ry, Carel J., Art of Islam (New York: Abrams, 1971), p. 188

This thesis presents a commentary with selected translations of Jalal al-Dîn cAbd al- Rahman al-Suyütî’s Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik (The Arrangement of the Traditions about Angels). The work is a collection of around 750 hadith about angels, followed by a postscript (khatima) that discusses theological questions regarding their status in Islam.

The first section of this thesis looks at the state of the study of angels in Islam, which has tended to focus on specific issues or narratives. However, there has been little study of the angels in Islamic tradition outside studies of angels in the Qur’an and eschatological literature. This thesis hopes to present some of this more general material about angels.

The following two sections of the thesis present an analysis of the whole work. The first of these two sections looks at the origin of Muslim beliefs about angels, focusing on angelic nomenclature and angelic iconography. The second attempts to understand the message of al-Suyüfî’s collection and the work’s purpose, through a consideration of the roles of angels in everyday life and ritual. The translation and annotated commentary that follow focus on angels mentioned in the Qur’an itself: Gabriel, Michael, Israfîl, the Angel of Death, the Bearers of the Throne, the Spirit, Ridwan, Malik, the Guardians of Heaven and Hell, al-Sijill, Harüt, Marüt and the Sakîna.

The aim of the thesis is to open up the study of the angelic world of the hadith, beyond the eschatological material and to show the vitality of Muslim beliefs about angels in Islamic tradition.

I declare that I, Stephen Russell Burge, have written this thesis and that the work is my own. The thesis has been submitted to the University of Edinburgh for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy and it has not been submitted for any other degree or professional qualification.

S.   R. Burge

There are a number of people who have helped me enormously during my doctoral studies and whom I wish to thank.

I am very grateful for the financial support of the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC), who have provided me with a Doctoral Studentship throughout my studies, which covered my fees, maintenance and a grant for a research trip. I would not have been able to complete this work without their generous financial support.

Firstly, I would like to thank Prof. Julia Bray, now of the Université de Paris VIII, for introducing me to al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ikfi akhbar al-mala’ik. She also encouraged me greatly in my undergraduate studies at the University of St. Andrews.

A number of colleagues and staff in the Department of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies have provided me with helpful comments on my work, but I would like to mention especially Dr. Ayman Shihadeh, Jokha Al-Harthi and Samy Ayoub for their comments on my Arabic; Songul Mecit for helping me with my German; Margaret Graves for introducing me to Islamic Art and especially Saeko Yazaki and Alex Mallett who have both been a joy to work with and to know.

Special thanks go to my parents who have been extremely encouraging and supportive throughout my studies. My interest in Arabic and Islam began when we lived in Khartoum in the mid 1980s, but I doubt that they ever anticipated one of their children would be writing a thesis as a result.

I would like, especially, to thank my supervisor, Prof. Carole Hillenbrand OBE, for all her encouragement since we first met in 2003. I hope that she has been as fascinated as I have been by Al-Suyuti's Al-Haba’ik and the weird and wonderful world of Islamic angelology. She has not only supervised my work, but encouraged me to publish and to develop as an academic, a researcher, a tutor and an individual; for that I am eternally grateful.

Above all, I would like to thank my wife, Laurelin. Our family has doubled since I began my studies and she has been happy to look after two young children on her own, whilst I worked long hours. She has also been willing to listen to me talking about angels in Islam for more than most could stand and has commented on all of my ideas and random thoughts. I could not have completed this thesis without her constant and steadfast support. I also thank, although they do not yet understand, my two children, Christian and Peter, who show me constantly that play is just as important as work.

0.4 Transliteration System

Arabic

The transliteration used in this thesis is a modified version of the Encyclopaedia of Islam:

Consonants

n,

Vowels

Diphthongs

Feminine Endings

Nisba adjectives

Definite article

Enclitics:

’, b, t, th, j, h, kh, d, dh, r, z, s, sh, s, d, . t, z, c, gh, f, q, k, l, m, h, w, y

a, a, i, i, u, u,

ay, aw

-a / at (in idaafa)

iyy

al- / ‘l- [‘sun’ letters have not been assimilated]

bi-‘l-

 

Case endings are only marked when necessary.

Common English names (such as Michael, Gabriel and Adam) have not been transliterated.

^1*11 UUJ V^l ^_xi ÂS^Jl j|

^Ljj^JI

-i'-i' JA' ^ &^

for

Laurelin, Christian and Peter
with love

CONTENTS

0. Front Matter

0.1             Abstract................................................................................... 5

0.2             Declaration.............................................................................. 6

0.3             Acknowledgements................................................................. 7

0.4             Transliteration System............................................................ 8

0.5             Contents                                                                                 13

1.     Angels in Islam: Classical Islam and Previous Scholarship........ 19

1.1                      The Study of Angels in Previous Scholarship...................... 22

1.2                      Jalal al-Dm al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba ’ik fiakhbar al-mala ’ik.... 33

1.3                      Contextualizing al-Suyuti in the Late Mamluk Milieu____ 38

1.4                      Jalal al-Dm al-Suyuti: Methodology and Sources________ 47

1.5                      The Purpose of Al-Haba ’ik and its Audience___________ 60

2.     The Origin of Islamic Beliefs About Angels_________________ 65

2.1                      Angelic Nomenclature_____________________________ 69

2.1.1        Theophori c Name s________________________ 72

2.1.2        Function Names____________________________ 78

2.1.3        Function Names without Malak_______________ 84

2.1.4        Other Miscellaneous Names                                     87

2.2                      The Iconography of Angels.................................................... 93

2.2.1       The Physical Form of Angels..................................... 97

2.2.2       Angels of Great Size................................................. 104

2.2.3       Finer Detailing: Clothing, Jewellery and Colours.... 110

2.3                      Conclusions                                                                            118

3.     The Angelic World of al-Habâ’ik fîakhbâr al-malâ’ik................. 123

3.1                      The Angels’ Roles in Human Life........................................ 127

3.1.1       The Angels of the Womb......................................... 127

3.1.2       The Scribes............................................................... 131

3.1.3       The Angel of Death.................................................. 136

3.1.4       The Post-Mortem Angels......................................... 146

3.2                      Angels and Ritual................................................................. 152

3.2.1       Angels as the Template of Ritual_______________ 154

3.2.2       Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong?______ 165

3.3                      Conclusions                                                                            181

4.     Al-Habâ’ik fîakhbâr al-malâ’ik: Text and Translation________ 185

4.1                      A Note on the Supporting Manuscript_________________ 189

4.2                      Translation and Commentary________________________ 191

4.2.1       Preface___________________________________ 193

4.2.2       The Necessity of Belief in Angels______________ 193

4.2.3       The Origin of the Creation of the Angels_________ 195

4.2.4       The Great Abundance of Angels_______________ 196

4.2.5       The Four Archangels................................................. 203

4.2.6       Gabriel....................................................................... 208

4.2.7       Michael..................................................................... 224

4.2.8       Israfil......................................................................... 227

4.2.9       The Angel of Death................................................... 235

4.2.10      The Bearers of the Throne....................................... 262

4.2.11      The Spirit................................................................. 273

4.2.12      Ridwan, Malik and the Keepers of the Fire............. 278

4.2.13      Al-Sijill.................................................................... 284

4.2.14      Harut and Marut....................................................... 286

4.2.15      The Sakina                                                                296

5.     Conclusions...................................................................................... 299

6.     Appendices___________________________________________ 307

A               Arabic Text______________________________________ 309

B               Chapter Details - Leiden MS Or.   474(28)______________ 347

C               Textual Variants - Leiden MS Or  474(28)______________ 349

D               Al-Suyuti’s Sources________________________________ 361

E               The Authorities of the Hadïth________________________ 379

F               Précis of Hadïth Not Translated______________________ 387

G               Images of Angels in Islamic Art,______________________ 431

7.     Indexes............................................................................................. 439

7.1                      Index of al-Suyütî’s Sources................................................. 441

7.2                      Index of Qur’anic Quotations............................................... 443

7.3                      Index of Authorities                                                               444

8.     Bibliography.................................................................................... 449

8.1                      Abbreviations-....................................................................... 451

8.1.1       Journals, Encyclopaedia and Monographs................ 451

8.1.2       Ancient and Mediaeval Texts................................... 453

8.2                      Primary Sources (Muslim).................................................... 454

8.3                      Primary Sources (Non-Muslim)............................................ 459

8.4                      Secondary Sources................................................................ 462

Introduction: Angels in Islam

20

1.   Angels in Islam: Classical Islam and Previous Scholarship

In an article published in The Muslim World in 1937, the American missionary Samuel M. Zwemer commented: ‘The angelology of Islam is very extensive and has been treated only partially by western scholars, although it holds such an important place in the belief of popular Islam...’[I] There still remains a large gap in the scholarly literature on the role of angels in Islam, with only two early monographs available on the subject.[II] Admittedly, there are a number of studies in areas that include the angels, but none devoted exclusively to them. This is quite surprising as angels are a fundamental part of Islamic belief, as Sachiko Murata notes: ‘The Islamic concepts of creation, revelation, prophecy, the events that occur in the world, worship, the spiritual life, death, resurrection, and the central position of man in the cosmos cannot be understood without reference to angels.’[III] [IV] In fact, belief in angels is necessary in Islam and their rejection constitutes kufrA This strong stance on angels can be seen quite clearly in the Qur’an, for example: ‘Whoever is an enemy to God and His angels and His messengers, Gabriel, and Michael - surely God is an enemy to the unbelievers.’[V] Angels, then, are an integral part of the Islamic worldview and deserve attention.

Despite the lack of a single monograph exploring angels in Islamic thought, it would be inaccurate to suggest that there has been no scholarship on the subject. The roles of the angels in specific mythic events (such as the prostration of the angels to Adam) and their role in the eschatological works (including the micrâj) have been discussed, albeit not always in much depth. Angels encompass a range of different areas of study: Qur’anic and Hadïth studies, accounts of the micraj and Islamic eschatology, notions of popular religion and discussions in systematic theology (kalam) and philosophy. Although not the focus of one work, Islamic angels have often been featured in all of these areas of Islamic Studies.

1.1   The Study of Angels in Previous Scholarship

There has been no study on the development of Islamic angelology, but there have been a number of works on the origins of Muslim beliefs about angels. These have focused on two main areas: (i) the Jewish or Christian provenance of particular angels or narratives involving angels and (ii) the development of Islamic angelology and its relation to pre-Islamic religion, both usually relating to the study of the Qur’an.

That the Qur’an is the principal source for Muslim beliefs about angels is undeniable, but a number of scholars have attempted to analyse and find the origins of specific Qur’anic narratives. Sometimes the association of angels in Islam, such as Gabriel, with their Jewish or Christian antecedents are quite obvious and were also acknowledged in mediaeval Islamic sources.[VI] [VII] Western studies of the foreign vocabulary of the Qur’an, particularly Arthur Jeffery’s study of 1938,7 attempted to use these examples of non-Arabic vocabulary to locate the origins of Islam in a particular milieu.[VIII] Similar source-critical methods were also used in the study of various Qur’anic pericopes, originally as part of a broader polemic against Islam.[IX] More recently, the methodology has been used to understand the shared heritage of Jewish, Christian and Muslim stories, motifs and traditions more broadly.[X] Steven Wasserstrom’s work on the relationship between Islamic tradition and Jewish Pseudepigrapha is the best example of this type of approach in recent times.[XI] These studies do not aim, as with the early polemicists, to establish a genetic link between the Qur’an (as well as hadith) and earlier Jewish works, but to explore the intricate relationships between Jews, Christians and Muslims in the early period of Islam.[XII]

The secondary literature on narratives involving angels has tended to focus on the Qur’an and its exegetical literature (including both tafsir and qisas al-anbiya’). Taking the narrative of the angelic prostration to Adam as an example, it can be seen that some scholars look at the Qur’anic accounts specifically, [XIII] whilst others look at the narrative more broadly, but always with the Qur’anic episode in mind.[XIV] The earliest articles and studies on this Qur’anic pericope attempt to find a ‘source’ for the story.[XV] William St. Clair Tisdall comments that the story: ‘...is doubtless borrowed from a misapprehension of Heb. i. 6...’[XVI]More recent studies, however, have tended to treat the material interpretively. For example, M. J. Kister attempts to place the traditional qisas literature about the prophets in the context of the Qur’an, arguing that: ‘The rich treasure of stories and traditions relating to Àdam, Hawwa’ and their progeny is closely connected to the narrative verses of the Quran which deal with their creation, temptation, vicissitudes, and fate.’[XVII] Likewise, Annemarie Schimmel is less interested in the sources of the narrative, but explores Muslim responses to the story in theology and mysticism.[XVIII] In Sufism, it is Iblis that becomes an important subject; as Iblis refused to bow down to something other than God, he comes to be seen, by some, as a kind of proto-Sufi and strict monotheist.[XIX] Other commentaries have included a contextualisation of the narrative in its Arabian context,[XX] thematic analyses and comparative approaches.[XXI] However there is a tendency in all of these studies to discuss events and characters other than the angels; authors are interested in what the prostration says about Adam and humans more generally (or in the case of Sufism, Iblis). There has, however, been relatively little work pursued on the role of angels in Islamic tradition more widely.[XXII]

The second focus of the secondary literature on the origins and development of angelology in Islam focuses on its relationship with pre-Islamic paganism.[XXIII] The most notable studies have been by Joseph Chelhod, Jacques Waardenburg and Alford T. Welch.[XXIV] These studies relate the development of Qur’anic angelology to the decline of pre-Islamic paganism, with particular focus on the various verses of the Qur’an that accuse the Meccans of angel and jinn worship.[XXV] There are a number of problems with this type of research. The idea that Arabian religion progressed from animism to monotheism, through various other stages (including polydaemonism, polytheism and panentheism) is based on the concept of religious evolutionism.[XXVI] Religious evolutionism has been largely rejected by anthropologists of religion because of the results of anthropological research, as well as its strong imperialist overtones. Both Waardenburg and Welch approach Qur’anic angelology on evolutionist lines, but their arguments frequently encounter problems. Welch, for example, bases his thesis on the chronological ordering of the verses of the Qur’an and the historiographical and practical problems associated with this are well known.[XXVII]

For those who argue from an evolutionist perspective, the Qur’an uses angels in a larger polemic against polytheism, in which other deities become labelled ‘angels’ to prove that they have no power or authority. Their use in evolutionist arguments often leads to strange conclusions. For example, Welch states that: ‘The angels become little more than symbols and extensions of divine power.. ,’[XXVIII] Why is this surprising? This is exactly what angels are and what they are supposed to be. Welch believes that the Battle of Badr (or the changing of the qibla) marked a moment in which the angels moved from being conceived as humans to taking invisible forms.[XXIX] Again, this is a misunderstanding of the angelology and the result of an attempt to place Qur’anic angelology in a developmental scheme. A brief survey of Judeo-Christian literature shows that angels are often conceived in different ways, with both human and divine forms.[XXX] [XXXI] There is no reason to suggest that the use of two different iconographies marks a development in the angelology of the Qur’an. Welch and Waardenburg fundamentally misunderstand angelology and attempt to force Qur’anic angelology into a developmental scheme that does not 31 necessarily exist.

G. R. Hawting provides a different account of the use of angels in anti­polytheist polemic in his Idea of Idolatry and the Emergence of Islam. Hawting’s general thesis in this work is that the Qur’an is not directed towards Meccan polytheists, but rather, towards other monotheists. The direct reference to the Banat Allah (Allât, al-cUzza and Manat) obviously presents problems for this argument: if the Qur’an is aimed at monotheists, who are these deities? In the final chapter of the book,[XXXII] Hawting argues that the Banat Allah are actually angels and that the Qur’an is referring to angel-worship. Hawting argues that, like the Banat Allah, angels in Judaism are often female and associated with astral bodies. [XXXIII] However, there are a number of problems with his argumentation. Firstly, angels are rarely gendered in Judaism and even when they are given gender, they are usually conceived as being male. Secondly, the names of the Banat Allah are clearly native Arabic names, and are not in the standard form of Jewish and Christian angelic nomenclature.[XXXIV] Thirdly, Hawting does not take into account any angel-cults that existed in the Near East prior to the expansion of Islam.[XXXV] Lastly, there is archaeological evidence that these goddesses did exist in other religions in the surrounding areas.[XXXVI] Hawting forces Qur’anic angelology to fit into a larger construct, the same mistake committed by Welch and Waardenburg. These examples are important to consider (albeit very briefly), as they show the ways in which angels have been treated in Islamic Studies. Angelology in Islam is often an afterthought and has not tended to be considered on its own terms. Furthermore, angelology is frequently forced to fit within larger theses, leading scholars to come to false or contrived conclusions.

Beyond Qur’anic Studies angels are most frequently discussed in the eschatological and micraj literature in which they play a key role. As with the study of angels in the Qur’an and its exegesis the focus is not generally on the angels themselves. There is no need to outline the vast body of scholarship on Islamic eschatology,[XXXVII] but it should be noted that there are three main areas of study within the field: (i) the events of the eschaton-[XXXVIII] (ii) death and personal eschatology;[XXXIX] and (iii) the ascent literature, including Muhammad’s micrqj.[XL]

In addition to the work done on Islamic eschatology, Biblical and Jewish Studies have much to offer in regard to the theoretical approaches to angelology and and beliefs about angels more broadly. These studies could be incorporated into Islamic studies with beneficial results and the discussions in Sections 2 & 3 below make much use of this material.[XLI] A large number of works on angels are available, ranging from studies of Biblical[XLII] and sectarian angelologies,[XLIII] apocalypticism and eschatological literature.[XLIV]

To a lesser extent, angels have featured in theological and philosophical discussions in Islam. These usually focus on particular issues that were discussed in the mediaeval period, such as the status of angels in relation to humans;[XLV] or on the use of angels by philosophers and theologians in a wider cosmology.[XLVI] However, Islamic philosophy is not of great concern to the angelology of the hadïth and will not be considered as part of this thesis.

In general, the study of angels in Islam has been quite restrictive, with scholars only looking at angels as and when necessary. Angels have rarely been the primary focus of research and any discussion of them tends to be incidental to other wider issues. The study of angels has also been largely compartmentalised into specific areas: eschatology, Qur’anic studies, exegesis, the micraj literature, theology, philosophy and so on. Surprisingly, there has been virtually no study of angels in non-eschatological material. There does not appear to be any real reason for this and it simply seems to be an area that has yet to provoke much interest. One of the aims of this thesis is to open up the study of the angelic world of the hadïth beyond the eschatological material and to show the vitality of Muslim beliefs about angels in Islamic tradition.

The aim of this thesis is to present material about angels directly, rather than considering their position within a larger schematic framework. The two approaches to angels in Islamic Studies mentioned above have focused on the Qur’an or its exegesis rather than Islamic tradition in general.[XLVII] This thesis hopes to move scholarship away from Qur’anic Studies, focusing instead on the role of angels in the hadïth literature more generally, using Jalal al-Dm al-Suyütî’s Al-Haba’ik fï akhbar al-mala’ik as a basis from which to begin an exploration of Islamic beliefs about angels. Section 2 below will look at the origins and development of Islamic angelology, but without the constraints that have been placed upon it by scholars in the past.

In past scholarship the study of hadith and hadith collections by non-Muslims has tended to focus on the isnad and the authenticity of prophetic hadith,4 but more recently scholars have turned their focus to the development of the four madhahib and the role of hadith scholarship in this process.[XLVIII] [XLIX] However, the actual way in which hadith collections have been put together has not really been addressed.[L] Andrew Newman’s The Formative Period of Twelver Shfism is one of the only monographs to discuss and explore the meanings behind the structure and selection of hadith in a collection.[LI] An analysis of the way in which hadith are presented in a collection, and which sources the author has used will often reflect a compiler’s intentions for a work. This thesis will attempt to understand the underlying message behind al- Haba’ik and the ideas that al-Suyuti wished to convey when he compiled it, through an analysis of the hadith, their themes and the sources of the work.

1.2           Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti’s Al-Habâ’ik fîakhbâr al-malâ’ik

The great Egyptian polymath Abu ‘l-Fadl cAbd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr ibn Muhammad Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti al-Khudayiï (849/1445 - 911/1505)52 was one of the leading scholars of his day, famous for both his wide knowledge and his contempt for contemporary scholars. His work is important, not simply because of his historical context, writing at the end of the classical period; but because his œuvre was vast, covering many different subjects: from linguistics and philology, to history, medicine, cosmology and zoology.[LII] [LIII] Al-Suyuti was well respected in his own lifetime (although to a lesser degree in Egypt and Cairo),[LIV] with evidence of his influence stretching from East Africa to India.[LV] Al-Suyuti continues to hold an important place in both Muslim and non-Muslim studies in Islam, particularly his work on philology and exegesis.[LVI] [LVII]

Al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ikfi akhbar al-mala’ik is a collection that is devoted entirely to hadith about angels and complements other collections of his with similar themes. The compilation includes around 750 hadith and is followed by a relatively long postscript (khatima) that discusses theological issues associated with angels, particularly the status of the angels in relation to humans, a popular theme in tafsir and kalam 51 It appears to have been a relatively popular work, with twenty-one known manuscript copies still extant.[LVIII]

Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik provides one of the most comprehensive catalogues of Islamic traditions about angels in Arabic literature. Whilst there are a number of works that feature a great many angels, particularly in the micraj literature and the Qisas al-anbiya ’, none presents angelic traditions in such a logical and systematic way. For this reason, Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik provides a very useful starting point from which to look at Muslim beliefs about angels. The work is not, by any means, a corpus of hadith about angels, but it does provide a significant and fairly representative sample.

The hadith are organised into short to medium length chapters, each looking at a particular angel. The chapters begin logically, with hadith about the necessity of belief in angels, their great number and the most important angels (Gabriel, Michael, Israfil and the Angel of Death) appearing first (§1 - 171). Beyond the four archangels there is not any obvious pattern to the arrangement of the hadïth. The last three chapters (§493 - 744) are general and do not appear to be arranged with much intent.

As is al-Suyuti’s usual style, isnads do not precede each hadïth (except in a few cases), but the traditions are taken from a written source with the name of the authority given.[LIX] Al-Suyuti typically gives an author’s name, without citing the work, except in cases where he uses more than a single text of one author.[LX] This method of compilation can be seen in most of al-Suyuti’s collections, as Leon Nemoy comments, concerning al-Suyuti’s Tuhfat al-kiram fïkhabar al-ahram: ‘Like most Arabic works on matters of antiquity, the treatise is predominately composed of extracts from older writers, many of whom, in their turn, depended more or less upon still older authorities, without being too anxious to indicate the source of their information.’[LXI]

This thesis presents a translation and commentary of a selection of the hadïth included in the work, with two introductory chapters introducing the origin and development of angels in Islam, and a study of the purposes and function of al- Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik fï akhbar al-mala’ik. The whole collection has not been translated because of the word-limit restrictions of the thesis. The hadïth that have been translated are of those angels mentioned in the Qur’an, as it was felt that these would be the most relevant to translate, namely: Gabriel, Michael, Israfil, the Angel of Death, the Bearers of the Throne, the Spirit, Ridwan, Malik, the Guardians of Heaven and Hell, al-Sijill, Harut, Marut and the Sakina.[LXII] A précis of the remaining hadith has been included in the appendices. The fairly substantial khatima has also not been included for the same reasons, but the majority of the theological discussion in the postscript is largely lifted from other authors and it serves mainly as a recapitulation of beliefs about the status of the angels and their relationship to humans.

The work’s name follows the pattern of many of al-Suyuti’s works, using a rhyme, pun or metrical title.[LXIII] [LXIV] The title Al-Haba ’ikfi akhbar al-mala ’ik is difficult to translate precisely. Firstly, the most common form of the plural of malak is mala’ika and the plural mala’ik is, although acceptable in classical Arabic, relatively rare. Al- Haba’ik is also another rare word. The basic meaning of the verb habaka means ‘to plait or braid (hair)’, but it is also used in connection with the courses of the planetary bodies, so there is an obvious pun linking haba’ik to the celestial beings, rather than the celestial bodies. The word still poses a problem, especially in the context of akhbar - how can hadith have a ‘course’ or a ‘trail’? This difficulty may account for a common translation of the work as The Book of Angels, but this is not that suitable as it avoids a translation of haba 'ik''6 The best translation, although not entirely acceptable, appears to be The Arrangement of the Traditions about Angels. Just as hair is braided and arranged, and the heavenly bodies are ordered in the heavens, al-Suyütî arranges the hadïth about angels in this collection. The translation has been based on a modern edition, edited by Abu Hajir Muhammad al- SaTd ibn Basyun Zaghlul[LXV] and supported by manuscript evidence; namely, the copy held in the Warner Collection at the University of Leiden.[LXVI]

The commentary that accompanies the partial translation of Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik is divided into two parts. The following two sections look at the work as a whole, including a discussion of hadïth that have not been translated. The first looks at the origins and development of angelology in Islamic tradition, using al- SuyUtî’s collection as a basis from which to approach the subject in a general way. It looks particularly at the nomenclature of angels in Islam and the textual iconography of angels. The second section looks at the purpose and function of the work as a whole, attempting to understand what al-Suyütî attempted to convey through this collection, particularly through the angels’ interactions with humans. Much more could be written about the work, but these two areas have been highlighted as two of the most important themes.

The commentary that accompanies the translation is aimed at explaining difficult terms and vocabulary, referring readers to important concepts, making notes on the text itself and so on. The comments are often designed only to direct the reader to other literature on the subject, rather than giving detailed analyses. The principal aim of the commentary is to provide the reader with a context in which to place the hadïth. Where possible, references to other Islamic works have been given. There is also frequent reference to other Jewish and Christian texts: these are not intended to imply a source for the hadïth, but merely to reflect the commonalities between Jewish, Christian and Islamic beliefs about angels, placing Islamic traditions about angels in a wider Near Eastern milieu.

1.3          Contextualizing Al-Suyuti in the Late Mamluk Milieu

To understand al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba ’ik f akhbar al-mala’ik more fully, it is important to place al-Suyuti and his works in their wider historical and social context. The work which is the focus of this thesis emerged during the waning of the Circassian (BurjT) Mamluk sultanate,[LXVII] and only a few years after al-Suyuti’s death, the Ottomans had gained control of the majority of the Near East and North Africa, save Iran. Mamluk society, especially the relationships between the different classes and faith-communities, has received much attention in the past[LXVIII] and is important to consider, when placing al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik in its religious and social context.

Whilst the Mamluks faced increasing political, social and economic problems during the fifteenth century,[LXIX] the scholarly élite remained relatively strong and productive, with Cairo being the centre of academic achievement in the Near East.[LXX] Most importantly, academia in late Mamluk Egypt became increasingly independent and secure through the establishment of endowments (waqf pl. awqaf); as Carl Petry comments: ‘The scholarly establishment owed its relative freedom of action to the autonomy of the endowed academic position, unlike either the bureaucracy or the judiciary - both of which were tied to the state.’[LXXI] There were a great number of colleges and institutions of higher education, and Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti grew up in a highly literate and educated environment.[LXXII] As Islamic education was primarily based on the personal relationship between teacher and pupil, most scholars came from Cairene families with a long history in the scholarly world;[LXXIII] but some, like al- Suyuti’s father, were able to succeed, having come into Cairo from the provinces.[LXXIV]

Whilst scholarship was relatively fruitful in this period, academics and judges were involved in a number of important controversies that have some bearing on the cultural and religious milieu of the fifteenth century.[LXXV] The place of Christians, particularly Coptic Christians, in Mamluk society was the cause of a number of disputes, both in Cairo and Damascus,[LXXVI] often involving accusations of blasphemy against the prophet.[LXXVII] There were particular moments when the tensions between Coptic Christians and local Muslims became particularly strong, but, generally, the relationship between each of the groups was one of mutual distrust. Earlier in the Mamluk period, the secretaries of the court (who were mainly Copts) were legislated against, largely due to resentment from the Muslim majority and subsequently secretaries could only be Muslims.[LXXVIII] This prompted a large number of Copts to convert to Islam, as the court was their main employer. However, their conversions were not usually whole-hearted, with many still celebrating Christian festivals, being only Muslim in name.[LXXIX] [LXXX] These converts to Islam, especially the second and third generations, would undoubtedly have brought some Christian material with them into popular Muslim interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith.

Not only were there Christian converts to Islam, but there was frequent adoption and celebration of Coptic festivals by the Muslim population in Mamluk Egypt. The most famous of these is the Nile festival held in January (c/d al-Ghitas)8 At the same time, there was also a growth in the observance of other Muslim festivals,[LXXXI] which reformers, such as Ibn Taymiyya in the previous century had strived to ‘correct’, seeing them as innovations (bida’) that need to be purged from Islam.[LXXXII] The celebration of the Prophet’s Birthday (Mawlidal-nabï) and the practice of tomb visitation (ziyara) are the most prominent of these innovative practices and there has been much secondary literature written on both of these topics.[LXXXIII] What is most interesting is the fact that the scholarly and legal classes did not present a united front against these ‘innovative’ festivals,[LXXXIV] and some, such as al-Suyuti, actually argued that some of these practices were acceptable.[LXXXV]

Mamluk Cairo was not, then, an environment in which there was a distinct divide between ‘popular’ and ‘orthodox’ religion, but one where the divisions were much more blurred. Not all the scholars and judges believed that particular festivals were innovations (bida’), as Michael Winter has commented: ‘The dividing line between popular and normative Islam is sometimes unclear. As in every religion, there are within Islam tensions between orthodox and unorthodox, or popular religion.’[LXXXVI]

Despite this blurring between ‘popular’ and ‘orthodox’ religion, there was a strong divide between the academic élite and the masses. Many scholars went at great lengths to attack uneducated purveyors of religious teaching: especially the preachers (wa^iz, pl. waccaz) and the story-tellers (qass, pl. qussas).[LXXXVII] Al-Suyutï was one of many to write treatises attacking such people.[LXXXVIII] Éric Geoffroy comments of this period: ‘Les culama’, ajoute Suyutï, ont toujours eu la role ingrate de lutter contre l’ignorance des qussas et de leur auditoire de bas étage.’[LXXXIX] Many of these anti- qussas works highlight the fact that the utilization of hadith required training in the religious sciences, and that without it (i.e. without an appropriate ijaza), an individual was not allowed to engage in their study or propagation. There was a strong sense that the religious scholars had a monopoly on religious knowledge, which they were keen to maintain.

Scant evidence means that it is difficult to assess whether the scholarly community was simply attempting to protect its own interests, or whether it was generally concerned about the religious path along which popular preachers could lead their followers. Scholars in this period certainly include a number of more ‘popular’ materials in their works, especially their hadith collections. Is this an attempt to appeal to the masses, or is it indicative of the absorption of popular material into normative religion? Is the influence from ‘popular religion’ to ‘normative’ Islam, or are fifteenth century academics writing works for their target audience and deliberately including popular elements to appeal to them? Jacques Waardenburg has argued that popular elements of religion can become absorbed into ‘normative’ religion;[XC] but there is also likely to be a conscious effort by scholars of the day to appeal to the masses and weaken the influence of the preachers and story­tellers.

There is some evidence to suggest that scholars in Mamluk Egypt responded to the needs of the ordinary Cairene public; for example, after a series of plagues in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,[XCI] the genre of ‘books of consolation’ emerged in response to an emotional need of ordinary people.[XCII] There are also a wide number of other hadïth collections written by noted academics that would appear to have a more ‘popular’ audience. Al-Suyuti wrote many of these more popular works: encompassing short collections of hadïth, such as his compilation on the merits of cAli, Al-qawl al-jaliyy fï fada’il cAlï; [XCIII] religious rulings favouring popular expressions of religion, such as his al-Husn seen above; and works of a devotional nature, like his cAmal al-yawm wa-‘l-layla9A This suggests that Mamluk academics were engaging with the non-academic community, composing and compiling scholarly works for a wider audience.

The leading scholars of the fifteenth century, such as al-Sakhawi and al- Suyuti were all involved in the compilation of what are normally referred to as ‘encyclopaedic’ works (i.e. non-canonical hadith collections),[XCIV] [XCV] and the subject of this thesis, al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik, falls into this category. Evidence shows that the Cairene libraries were extensive,[XCVI] and these non-canonical hadith collections tend to draw on and develop a wide range of earlier works.[XCVII] Scholars, such as al-Sakhawi and al-Suyuti, were very adept at drawing hadith from a number of different texts into new compilations on new subjects. A. J. Arberry comments: ‘It must have been a very elaborate card-index of traditions and traditionists that al-Sakhawi kept, with such excellent cross-references that he was obviously able at very short notice to compile a new treatise on the subject to satisfy one or other of the eccentric demands made of him by his friends and pupils.’[XCVIII] As will be seen below, al-Suyuti also makes use of a comprehensive range of sources in his hadith collections.

These encyclopaedic works were common in this period and cover a wide range of topics. They tend to avoid technical, scholarly subjects, instead pursuing a more general approach to a subject, and they frequently serve as summaries of more complex material. The lack of more ‘scholarly’ material would seem to suggest that they are aimed at a literate, but uneducated audience, i.e. the Egyptian middle classes.[XCIX] Similarly, their themes also seem to address more popular devotional and theological ideas. It is always difficult to suggest a definitive reason behind the compilation of these works, but they do seem to be both aimed at the general public and to act as educational tools for the spiritual life of ordinary people. As it has been argued above, it is also difficult to say whether this was driven by an attempt by the culama’ to correct or reform the beliefs of the general public on pure theological grounds, or whether there was a political motivation, notably the curbing of the growing power of popular preachers and story-tellers: it is likely to be a mixture. Late mediaeval authors also seem keen to involve themselves in self-promotion: writing popular pamphlets and short encyclopaedic works would, undoubtedly, have played a key role in this.[C] Whilst the scholarly élite were a well defined and relatively insular section of Cairene society, the scholars do appear to be actively engaged with those outside its circle, particularly in the spiritual education of the middle classes.

Al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik should, therefore, be seen as emerging in this complex social and religious environment. Firstly, al-Suyuti was an important scholar in his day, producing a number of important works in the fields of Qur’anic commentary,[CI] philology,[CII] history[CIII] and philosophy.[CIV] Secondly, as part of the scholarly élite, he was concerned with protecting the scholarly monopoly on religious teaching and wrote works that explicitly argue for this, such as his, Tahdhir al-khawass min akadhib al-qussas. But, al-Suyuti was also engaged in compiling hadilh collections, with an educative motivation, encouraging the people of Cairo to return to proper ‘Islamic’ beliefs. Al-Suyuti was not, by any means, similar to figures such as Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Hazm, yet there are similarities: all of these authors (including al-Suyuti’s contemporaries, like al-Sakhawi) were attempting to promote a renewed Islam. Al-Suyuti took his ‘reformist’ credentials to their limit, portraying himself as the mujaddid of the fifteenth century.[CV]

The main difference is that the earlier reformist figures of Ibn Hazm, Ibn al- Hajj, Ibn al-Jawzi and Ibn Taymiyya were more forceful in their attacks on ‘popular’ religion and innovations (bida’),[CVI] whilst the authors in the fifteenth century are, in most cases, more muted in their objections and are seen to engage with popular religion, rather than to attack it openly and directly. Their aims may have been largely similar (i.e. the ‘reform’ of Islam), but al-Suyuti and Ibn Taymiyya went about it in very different ways. Furthermore, Ibn Taymiyya typically attacks specific non-Islamic practices, whereas al-Suyuti and his contemporaries seem more interested in encouraging the religious education of the wider public.

Why does al-Suyuti approach ‘popular’ religion in this way? Firstly, the fact that al-Suyuti was a sufl may be crucial to understanding his interaction with popular religion.[CVII] This aspect of al-Suyuti’s life is one that has received very little attention, but a number of his works, such as his exegetical Ayat al-kursl macanlha wa- fada’iluha, do have distinct sf characteristics. Secondly, al-Suyuti was a SliaffT, rather than a Hanbali, which may account for his less vitriolic attacks on popular religion. His more popular works definitely seek to encourage religious belief and ‘proper’ practice, rather than criticising specific actions. Al-Suyuti, as well as many of his contemporaries, appears to have been more willing to accept and interact with popular religion.

1.4          Jalal al-Dïn al-Suyutï: Methodology and Sources

There has been relatively little study of al-Suyuti and his approach to hadlth, despite his popularity. Furthermore, the sheer quantity of his output makes it difficult to suggest any firm conclusions about his methods of hadlth compilation. However, it is feasible to analyse al-Suyuti’s methods in al-Haba’ik fl akhbar al-mala’ik and through a heuristic approach come to some conclusions about al-Suyuti’s methodology. It is also hoped that it will be possible to come to some understanding of the intended audience of al-Suyuti’s al-Haba’ik, placing it within the more general religious and social context of Mamluk Egypt seen above.

Al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik is divided into two sections: (i) the collection of around 750 hadïth and (ii) a fairly substantial postscript (khatima) on theological issues regarding angels. The sources of these two sections need to be treated separately, as they draw on different scholarly disciplines. The relationship between the hadïth and the postscript also needs to be explored. Lastly, the actual content of hadïth and the khatima will also indicate what issues al-Suyuti was engaging with, which, in turn, will aid understanding of al-Suyuti’s target audience.

Al-Haba’ik fï akhbar al-mala’ik looks at the angelic world, but it is not the only compilation to focus on the mysteries of the supernatural. There are, for example, works on jinn, Islamic cosmology, the Mahdï and the events in the grave.[CVIII] His Al-Haba’ik fï akhbar al-mala’ik seems to complement these other works, although it is difficult, if not impossible, to know whether al-Suyuti intended these works to be read in conjunction with each other. What these works do show is that al-Suyuti was clearly interested in exploring the divine world and that he devoted a number of hadïth compilations to the topic.

With a large number of works in a similar area, it might be expected that al- Suyuti used material he had included in other works. However, there is remarkably little cross-over between some of these collections. For example, both his Al-Haba’ik and his Al-Hay’a al-saniyya fi ‘l-hay’a al-sunniyya contain hadith stating that angels accompany raindrops as they fall from heaven and record where they land and which humans benefited from them. However, there is not a single hadith that is repeated verbatim in both collections. Take, for example, the two hadith below, which are very similar, taken from the same source (Abu ‘l-Shaykh’s Kitab al-cazama), yet are quite different:

‘There is no year more abounding in rain than another year; but God directs it wherever He wishes. And with the rain He sends down such and such of the angels in order to note down where that rain falls, whom it provides with sustenance, and what results from every drop.’[CIX]

‘He sends down with the rain [such and such] from the angels, more numerous than the sons of Adam and the sons of Iblis. [The angels] record every raindrop, where it falls and who is sustained by that plant.’[CX]

Each of the hadith includes the same basic matn (’...He sends down with the rain [such and such] from the angels. [The angels] record every raindrop, where it falls and who is sustained by that plant.’), but the hadith included in each of the works is slightly different and are suited to their respective works. The hadith in al-Hay’a focuses on the physical phenomenon of rain, and the hadith in al-Haba’ik, which is in the chapter entitled ‘The Great Abundance of Angels’, emphasises the quantity of angels, using raindrops as a comparison.

Although this is just one example, it is a very revealing one. It shows that al- Suyuti employed hadïth very carefully, using the most appropriate version of a hadïth for a particular work. This would also seem to suggest that al-Suyuti was conscious of which hadïth had been included in his other collections and may indicate that these two works were compiled at the same time, or at the very least, relatively closely together. Al-Suyuti often gave different sections of larger works individual titles,[CXI] so it is possible that Al-Haba’ik may be linked to other works or be part of a larger one. Above all, it shows that there can be great subtlety in al- Suyuti’s method of hadïth compilation.

It is a great help that al-Suyuti provides details of the authors and works from which he has taken his hadïth, making it possible to gain some insight into the way in which he worked and engaged with primary sources. In al-Habâ’ik al-Suyuti draws on eighty-three different authors for his hadïth,[CXII] [CXIII] which gives an average of one author for every nine hadïth, and he mentions thirty-two theologians in the khâtima11 This shows how knowledgeable al-Suyuti was in these fields, and the wide variety of sources that he utilized.

As a writer of the ninth / fifteenth century, it might have been expected that al-Suyuti would have drawn on collections of hadïth compiled in later periods, but the table below shows that the majority of the authors that al-Suyuti cites, died in the third and fourth centuries A.H. This is important to note, as it shows that al-Suyuti turned to works written in the ‘golden’ period of Islamic literature and hadïth science, shunning later hadïth compilations. A similar use of sources can be seen in al-

Suyuti’s Al-Hay’a. Al-Suyuti’s sources are, however, quite different in the khatima. Here al-Suyuti makes much more use of later sources, predominantly from the seventh and eighth centuries A.H, with no sources at all coming from the first to third centuries. This change in the types of sources in the hadith and the khatima reflects the different genres, audiences and milieu of each of the sections.

Author Date of Death [Century (A.H.)]

Al-Haba ’ik (Hadith)

 

Al-Haba ’ik (Khatima)

 

Al-Hay’a

No.

%

No.

%

No.

%

First

1

1.2

0

0

0

0

Second

2

2.4

0

0

0

0

Third

25

30.2

0

0

18

43.9

Fourth

29

34.9

2

6.2

13

31.7

Fifth

11

13.3

7

21.9

5

12.2

Sixth

6

7.2

3

9.4

2

4.9

Seventh

3

3.6

9

28.1

0

0

Eighth

0

0

8

25.0

0

0

Ninth

2

2.4

2

6.3

0

0

Unknown

4

4.8

1

3.1

3

7.3

Fig (i) Table of al-Suyuti’s Sources in his Al-Haba ’ik and al-Hay’a

Fig. (ii) Graph of al-Suyuti’s sources in al-Haba’ik

The most important period in hadith collection was in the third to fourth centuries A.H, when the collections of authentic hadith were compiled and the hadith sciences were developed.[CXIV] The majority of hadith compilations after this period were commentaries on established works,[CXV] [CXVI] or musannaf works, which took hadith from various collections on a specific theme, as al-Suyuti does in al-Haba’ik. As a result of this intense period of studying hadith, Islamic scholarship produced a vast corpus of (authentic) hadith from which figures like al-Suyuti could draw. Al- Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik is a representation or reorganisation of hadith, from earlier, respected and reputable scholars on a ‘new’, more focused, subject area. Al-Suyuti is not including ‘new’ hadith, but arranging old hadith in a new way. In the khatima, however, al-Suyuti places his discussion of the angels in Islamic theology in the wider context of past theological debate. Theology, unlike the hadith, is not static. Al-Suyuti was not attempting to reflect the theological opinions of a specific period, but engages instead with various theological opinions about the angels. It is also a possibility that the authors cited in the khatima reflect those studied in the madrasas.

Whilst al-Suyuti cites a great many authors in al-Haba’ik,ll<6 there is a tendency to focus on a few authors in particular. For example, in the hadith section the authors Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqi are key sources, with Abu ‘l-Shaykh being

the source of 185 hadith (24.6%) and al-Bayhaqî 103 hadith (13.7%).[CXVII] A similar trend can be seen in al-Suyuti’s Itqan, although a direct comparison cannot be made, as the text integrates both hadith and usül al-din material. A comparison can, however, be made with al-Hay’a:

Name in Text

Al-Haba’ik

Al-Hay’a

No.

%

No.

%

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

185

24.6

191

73.2

Bayhaqi, al-

103

13.7

4

1.5

Tabarani, al-

87

11.6

14

5.4

Ibn Abi Hatim

72

9.6

68

26.1

Ibn Jarir [al-Tabari]

62

8.3

18

6.9

Ibn al-Mundhir

55

7.3

16

6.1

Ahmad

49

6.5

6

2.3

Ibn Abi Shayba

41

5.5

3

1.1

Ibn cAsakir

40

5.3

6

2.3

Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya

37

4.9

10

3.8

Ibn Mardawayh

30

4.0

12

4.6

Hakim, al-

29

3.9

9

2.3

Abu Nucaym

28

3.7

2

0.8

cAbd ibn Hamid

27

3.6

4

1.5

Muslim

27

3.6

1

0.4

Daylami, al-

25

3.3

1

0.4

Tirmidhi, al-

22

2.9

3

1.1

cAbd al-Razzaq

21

2.8

4

1.5

Bukhari, al-

19

2.5

8

3.1

Ibn Maj ah

17

2.3

1

0.4

Sa'T'd ibn Mansur

16

2.1

3

1.1

Abu Da’ud

14

1.9

1

0.4

Dinawari, al-

13

1.7

0

0

Nasa’i, al-

12

1.6

1

0.4

Bazzar, al-

11

1.5

3

1.1

 

Fig. (iii) Authors cited as a source in al-Haba ’ik (more than 10 times) and in
al-Hay’a

Hay'a

■ Habai'k

Fig (iv) Chart of al-Suyuti’s sources in al-Haba ’ik and al-Hay ’a

The data reveal some interesting trends. Firstly, Abu ‘l-Shaykh is the most cited author in both al-Hay’a and al-Haba ’ik, but especially so in al-Hay’a, where Abu ‘l-

Shaykh dominates the work. K. E. Nolin’s study of al-Suyuti’s sources for his Itqan shows that he adapted and enlarged al-Zarkashi’s Burhan; the data above seem to reveal a similar relationship between his al-Hay’a and Abu ‘l-Shaykh’s Kitab al- cazama. The same relationship is not so evident in al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik, although the work does also feature prominently. There are also a great number of common authors, with only four out of forty-one authors appearing in al-Hay’a that do not appear in al-Haba’ik1* Despite this, the frequency of the authors being used in each of the works shows only a weak correlation. This evidence suggests that al-Suyuti had a core set of works which he consulted for his hadïth collections, but the frequency of their use depends on the hadïth that they contain, and their usefulness to a particular work. It also suggests that al-Suyuti, as Nolin has shown, uses one or two particular works as a basis from which to compile a larger collection: in the case of al-Hay’a, it appears to be based exclusively on Abu ‘l-Shaykh, whereas al-Haba’ik focuses on the works of Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqi.[CXVIII] [CXIX]

The khatima shows a slightly different relationship between al-Suyuti and his sources, which is more difficult to analyse empirically. As it has been seen above, the khatima draws on a wide range of sources, collecting and presenting various mediaeval materials on angels in kalam. Al-Suyuti makes extensive citations throughout the khatima with little personal comment, from both brief statements of doctrine, such as al-Kalabadhi’s Kitab al-tacarruf li-madhhab ahl al-tasawwuf, in which al-Kalabadhi’s thoughts are not reproduced in full,[CXX] to the citations of entire chapters, such as the thirty-third chapter of Fakhr al-Din al-Razi’s Kitab al-arbacïn: Fï an al-mala ’ika afdal aw al-anbiya’ .[CXXI]

Such extensive quotation suggests that the khatima was written to act as a primer, presenting the views of past scholars on the issue of the precedence of angels and prophets. A number of such works were composed in this period, and it was common to include such a large amount of cited material: ‘By the later medieval period, scholars in institutions of higher learning established in several cities and towns of the Mamluk empire had generated myriad texts, treatises, commentaries, handbooks, and primers for curricular use.’[CXXII] Furthermore, the relative lack of analysis or ideas on al-Suyuti’s part would seem to suggest that it was not necessarily aimed at the scholarly community. It is true that extensive quotation is common in later theological works; yet, there is a tendency to engage with the material and challenge it significantly at some juncture in the work. Al-Suyuti does include some personal comment towards the end of the khatima, but it is much more limited than in other kalam works of the period. Despite the high consideration of his own abilities, al-Suyuti never really considered himself to be a mutakallim[CXXIII] Muhammad Jalal Abu ‘l-Futuh Sharaf provides an extremely useful portrayal of al-Suyuti’s relationship with kalam, He states:

‘There is no doubt that al-Suyuti’s position on the discipline of kalam was one of suspicion and mistrust of its influence on the doctrines of Islam and its capability to mislead and cause deviant [views]. But it will be seen that al-Suyuti distinguishes between the disciplines of kalam that are founded on pure senseless debate, which can be seen in the mutakallimun of the innovators and between kalam that is based on the Book, the Sunna and defence of Islamic doctrines and the refutation of the innovators and those that have deviated [from Islam].’[CXXIV]

For al-Suyütî kalam did have its benefits for the study of Islam, but he distanced himself from speculative theology. Kalam was acceptable, as long as it sought to support the Qur’an, the Sunna and the creeds.[CXXV] In the khatima in al-Haba’ik, al- Suyütî engages with elements of kalam that support the sunna, but not necessarily kalam as a discipline in its entirety. The khatima presents a summary of kalam arguments that support orthodox beliefs, rather than advancing new ideas into the field.

However, the khatima is not the only section that deals with philosophical and theological issues. The presence of an early chapter in al-Haba’ik with the title: ‘The Origin of the Creation of the Angels and the Proof that their Substance is in Contradiction to the Philosophers’ [CXXVI] suggests an engagement with Islamic peripatetic philosophy in the hadith section as well. Although only three hadith (0.4%) are included in this chapter, it clearly shows that it was an issue of concern. The opposition of Islam to Greek philosophy in some quarters is well known,[CXXVII] and al-Suyütî wrote a number of works against the use of Greek logic himself.[CXXVIII] The issue at stake in al-Haba’ik concerns the physical substance of angels: in Islamic philosophy some held that angels were intellects and were incorporeal.[CXXIX] The most famous philosopher to deny angels bodies was Ibn Sina, who in his al-Shifa’ explicitly refers to angels as incorporeal intellects.[CXXX] Al-Suyuti’s chapter stresses that the angels are corporeal and that they are made of fire or light, the tradition understanding of angelic substance.[CXXXI]

There is little to suggest that al-Suyuti is responding to a specific text that propounds the belief in the incorporeality of angels, and he simply appears to be reiterating the case against Islamic peripatetic philosophy. However, interest in Muctazilï theology was revived from the thirteenth century onwards,[CXXXII] Na.sïr al-Din al-Tusi (d. 672 / 1274)[CXXXIII] being a notable example. This synthesis became the basis of the Isfahan School, which came to dominate Twelver philosophy a century after al-Suyuti’s death.[CXXXIV] In the intervening period, a number of scholars advanced such theological thinking, including Jamal al-Din al-Hilli[CXXXV] (d. 726 / 1325) and Ibn Abi Jumhur al-Ahsa’i (d. 906 / 1501).[CXXXVI] [CXXXVII] Likewise, the angels were held to be incorporeal in Jewish kabbalah 11 but it would seem unlikely that al-Suyuti is engaging with medieval Jewish philosophy in al-Haba’ik specifically. There is no doubt that speculative theology was being pursued in al-Suyuti’s lifetime.

However, as al-Suyütî does not refer to any specific texts or authors, it is difficult to ascertain whether he is engaging with these mutakallimün. If al-Suyütî was not responding to any specific text, it is conceivable that he became aware of a resurgence in the belief in the incorporeality of angels in general terms and so responded to that; but this can only be conjecture. However, its presence and placement at the beginning of the collection do show that al-Suyütî believed it was an important issue to discuss.

This survey of al-Suyütî’s use of sources has shown a number of important aspects of al-Suyütî’s methodological approach, although much more work needs to be done to understand it more fully. Firstly, al-Suyütî appears to have used an Urtext for his compilations, around which he adds, removes and expands material. In some cases, this Urtext is extremely prominent, in others, such his al-Haba’ikfiakhbar al- mala’ik, it is less so. Secondly, al-Suyütî applied different types of sources in the hadith and kalam sections. The hadith are sources from an early period, the third to fourth centuries hijri, whereas the kalam material is derived principally from material from the seventh century onwards. This appears to reflect the need for the hadith to be taken from the formative period of hadith collection, and the kalam material to reflect more contemporary discussions. Lastly, the khatima makes use of extended citation, and appears to have the reproduction of key ideas and expositions of the theological problem being discussed as its main aim.

1.5          The Purpose of Al-Haba’ik and its Audience

The purpose of al-Suyuti’s hadlth compilations and their audience can, at times, be a little difficult to ascertain. The discussions above have shown that the hadlth section and the khatima utilise different types of sources and approaches, and that the historical milieu of fifteenth-century Cairo was complex and dynamic. There are many different audiences to which al-Haba’ik could be aimed: the masses, the literate public, students or academics. The juxtaposition of the hadlth and the khatima does little to help resolve the issue.

Éric Geoffroy has commented that: ‘...[al-Suyuti] prefigures the modern period by certain aspects, such as being partly an autodidact, presenting to the public, which he wanted to be widened, manuals which were centred around precise themes.’[CXXXVIII] If his works were intended for the general public, some of them certainly required a degree of learning: the khatima that follows al-Haba’ik, for instance, contains detailed theological discussions. Yet, at the same time, there is a tension in his collections between the use of this overtly scholarly material and his frequent reliance on weak and non-Prophetic hadlth,[CXXXIX] as well as elements of folklore.[CXL]

As it has been seen above, there is textual evidence that al-Suyuti was engaged in promoting scholarly hadlth studies during his lifetime and that he attacked those who used hadith without having had any proper training in the field.[CXLI] However, Marlis Saleh suggests the best explanation; she comments that: ‘Al-Suyuti came to feel that he had been born into an age of widespread ignorance and scholarly decline, and that as the most knowledgeable person of his time he had a special mission to assemble and transmit the Islamic cultural patrimony before it disappeared entirely due to the carelessness of his contemporaries.’[CXLII] It would seem that al-Suyuti was engaged in two different activities at the same time: firstly, promoting particular ideas about different subjects (in these case, angels) to the wider Muslim public; and, secondly, addressing more academic and theological issues, preserving them for future generations of scholars and students. It is, perhaps, for this reason that in al-Haba ’ik the theological arguments are kept within the confines of the khatima; those who did not understand kalam, or were not interested in it, could simply ignore it.

The hadith found in al-Suyuti’s al-Haba’ik are often part of the qisas al- anbiya’ genre. As has been seen above, al-Suyuti and his contemporaries like al- Sakhawi were involved in attempts to combat the growth of the preachers and the story-tellers. These popular preachers, in the opinion of the culama’, were using hadith inappropriately. The qussas narrated stories in the qisas al-anbiya’ tradition, which itself had a strong association with ‘popular religion’: ‘The classification of Kisai’s [Qisas al-anbiya’] as popular religious literature may be suggested by its tendency to simplify Biblical-Quranic legends for the education and enjoyment of the masses...’[CXLIII] The use of qisas material in al-Haba’ik may be an indication of its target audience: such material is being used in attempt to wean the general public of the qussas onto the works of the orthodox, acceptable and scholarly culama ’.

Naturally, much of this qisas material is also found in the tafslr works, but al- Suyuti does appear to have utilized this material much more frequently than scholars of earlier generations. This trend can been in both his general encyclopaedic hadlth collections and his more formal exegeses, such as his al-Durr al-manthur. Such a blurring between formal and popular works was common in late Mamluk literature, which ‘.transcends boundaries: the boundaries between the everyday and literary communication; between popular and high literatures; between poetry and prose; between the private and public; between theory and praxis.’[CXLIV] Whether or not such a blurring was a direct response to the growth of the wuccaz and the qussas is difficult to ascertain, but there certainly seems to be an engagement with ‘popular’ material in this period, which al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba ’ik also exhibits.

This more ‘popular’ material is juxtaposed with the khatima - a section that clearly requires a high degree of intellectual ability. Al-Suyuti refers to the khatima in his introduction to the work as the whole, and states: ‘I have ended it with a useful lesson, which will make those who see it glad.’[CXLV] Al-Suyuti clearly intended it to be read, but by whom? The material in the khatima and its recapitulation of the work of earlier mutakallimun seems to suggest that the postscript was aimed towards students, acting as a primer or summary of kalam arguments about angels. The relationship between the hadlth section and the khatima is difficult to comprehend, because, except for the presence of the angels, the two sections appear to have little in common in their approach, sources and contents. There is, however, one quite general theme that can take both the hadith and the kalam materials into account. Over the whole text there is a sense that work is attempting to outline all beliefs about angels in Islam, both those raised in the hadith and in Islamic theology, making the work almost a ‘text book’ on belief in angels.

All of this would seem to suggest that al-Haba’ik was aimed at a literate audience, but not necessarily those at the highest level of academia. It is not really an ‘academic’ work in that sense. It has already been seen that al-Suyuti wrote many works that could be considered as being fully academic, engaging in logic, law, exegesis and the usul al-din, among many other subject areas. This material is quite different in nature and form to al-Haba’ik. Furthermore, an analysis of al-Suyuti’s works shows that he also wrote much material that could be considered as being more popularist. Al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik sits somewhere in between these two audiences: neither fully academic, nor aimed entirely at the masses, but whether it was aimed at the literate general public or students specifically is difficult to ascertain. It would seem likely that both groups would have benefited from the work.

Appreciating al-Suyuti’s target audiences produces some interesting insights on al-Suyuti as an author. He appears to have been engaged with a wide range of different groups of society: academics, students and the general public. His arrogant nature may not have enamoured him to the Cairene intelligentsia, but he does appear to have achieved a degree of fame and reputation, a fact not missed by Reynold Nicholson. After discussing his various disputes with contemporary scholars, Nicholson comments: ‘Be this as it may, he saw what the public wanted. His compendious and readable handbooks were famed throughout the Moslem world...’[CXLVI] Al-Suyuti knew what sort of books and hadith collections were wanted, and he obligingly responded, writing works for a wide range of different social groups in Mamluk Cairo.

Others, such as al-Sakhawi and Ibn Hajar al-Asqalam, appear to have acted similarly;[CXLVII] this would seem to imply that scholars of the late Mamluk period were more deeply involved in the world outside academia than previous generations of scholars. This period is often accused of being a period of stagnation and intellectual malaise;[CXLVIII] but, authors such as al-Suyuti show an awareness and interaction with the whole range of audiences in Mamluk Cairo. The Mamluk era was a period of great intellectual activity, not stagnation, seen especially in the interaction of scholars with the wider community - an academic model that, perhaps, has much to resonate with the contemporary world.

The Origins of Islamic Beliefs About

Angels

66

2.    The Origins of Islamic Beliefs about Angels

Although angels appear in the Qur’an, with Gabriel and Michael explicitly named, the traditions included in Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ikfi akhbar al-mala’ik show a great increase in the number of angels. The question naturally arises about how these traditions entered Islam and from where they originated. Understanding the provenance of these hadith will provide a basis for comprehending the wider interactions between Islam and other religious traditions of the Near East, and allows a particular motif or concept to be placed in context: in what ways is an Islamic motif similar or different to its use in Judaism or Christianity?

The aim of this section is not to analyse the hadith in source-critical terms, as this would not actually achieve very reliable results for a number of reasons: firstly, the majority of Isra’iliyyat traditions passed into Islam through oral transmission,[CXLIX] often through a number of different sectarian and language groups. [CL] This makes literary comparison or any source-critical approach difficult and of questionable value. Secondly, hadith present material in a different way to Jewish and Christian texts. There is no real counterpart to the hadith collection in Jewish or Christian literature; hadith collections reproduce isolated fragments of information, usually with little in the way of contextualisation.[CLI] [CLII] At most, a hadith collection will offer a short narrative unit, such as the Death of Moses or the story of Harut and Marut151 Furthermore, even if a Judeo-Christian story or motif is found in a Muslim text, it is often adapted and changed to suit its new religious environment. In his discussion of al-Thaclabi’s version of the death of David, Kees Wagtendonk comments: ‘As is the case with Wahb b. Munabbih’s David stories, parts of these stories are derived from or influenced by Jewish or Christian sources. But this does not necessarily determine their intentions. We have to judge them by their new context.’[CLIII] When approaching the hadith in this collection in an attempt to understand the origin of Muslim beliefs about angels, a number of parallels will be made between the hadith and Jewish, Christian and other texts. However, the purpose is not to attribute sources to particular beliefs or motifs in the hadith, but to highlight commonalities and differences between Islam and other religious traditions in general terms.[CLIV] It is also important to place any commonalities in the context of their differences, so that a general and full picture about the interaction between Islam with other faiths can be seen.

At a basic level, Islamic beliefs about angels have largely been attributed to Jewish and Christian ones,[CLV] but there has not been much subsequent study of Islamic angelology as a whole. In order to understand the origins of Muslim beliefs about angels, a wide range of traditions need to be analysed so that a general picture of the situation can be taken. A study of a specific tradition may indicate an influence from one particular source or tradition, but that source may play a very minor role in the influences on Islamic angelology as whole. The study that follows looks at the hadlth presented by al-Suyuti in his Al-Haba ’ik fi akhbar al-mala ’ik in an attempt to assess the influences on Islamic angelology, through (i) the analysis of angelic nomenclature and (ii) a comparison of the depiction and iconography of the angels in al-Haba ’ik. What will be seen is that the influences on Islamic angelic traditions are more varied than may have been expected.

2.1            Angelic Nomenclature

The way in which objects and people are named often reveals much about both the object (or the person) and the one that did the naming. The modern discipline of semiotics is based on this principle and to a certain extent played a part in classical Arabic linguistic theory. Many mediaeval Arabic linguists attempted to find the etymological origins of the names of places and animals etc., so they could understand the word more clearly.[CLVI] Likewise, a study of the way that angels are named reveals two key aspects: firstly, the physical origin of the angelic name; and secondly, the way in which the angel was perceived by a particular group.

What is evident from the angels found in al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba ’ikfiakhbar al- mala’ik is that there is a relatively large quantity of angels that are singled out and ‘named’ (albeit not always with individual personal names), and that the way in which this is done varies greatly. This, in itself, suggests that angels were incorporated into Islam in different ways and that the origins and development of Islamic beliefs about angels are more complex than some scholars have believed in the past. There are four main ways in which Islamic angels are named: (i) use of the suffix ‘-il’; (ii) function names using the formula ‘the Angel of X’; (iii) function names formed without malak, which are often derivations from concepts or (physical) objects and (iv) other miscellaneous names of varied or complex origin.

The main sources for Jewish and Christian angelic names are the Talmud, Midrash and other rabbinic texts, Old and New Testament Pseudepigrapha, the Dead Sea Scrolls, as well as other magical incantation texts and later Jewish and Christian mystical treatises.[CLVII] In Judaism the most common form of an angelic name is one composed with the suffix ‘-el’, a suffix that is maintained in both Jewish and Christian angelic names in other non-Semitic languages. These types of angelic names have meanings associated with God [’el]; for example, Mika’el, means ‘one like God’ and Gabrï’ël means ‘power of God’. In the Bible named angels only appear in the post-exilic book of Daniel and were developed in the inter-testamental period, perhaps influenced by Zoroastrianism, [CLVIII] and culminated in Pseudepigraphical texts.[CLIX] In his commentary on lEnoch George Nickelsburg highlights a number of reasons why named angels became popular in the inter­Testamental period, concluding that: ‘In general, however, it has the effect of reifying the heavenly world. If it does not give personalities to these beings, it does give definition and an increasing sense of reality to these beings - whether they be good or evil - concretizing their functions on their names.. ,’[CLX]

Another important way that angelic names were given in Judaism arose out of exegeses of passages in the Hebrew Bible.[CLXI] In these instances, heavenly objects found in scripture become angelic, often forming a group of angels, rather than individuals. As a result, these groups usually take the form of the standard Hebrew plural (-m) of the hypostasised object. For example, the wheels of God’s chariot become the group of angels called the opanmm [‘the wheels’].[CLXII] These two forms of angelic nomenclature are the most common, but angelic names not taking either of these forms can be found. These angels are usually conceptual, i.e. anthropomorphic (or rather angelomorphic) representations of abstract ideas such as ‘Death’, ‘Wisdom’ and so on;[CLXIII] or are ultimately derived from other non-Semitic languages, such as Greek.

This section will look at the different types of angelic names included in al- Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ikfi akhbar al-mala’ik, attempting to locate their origin and the significance of their nomenclature.

2.1.1       Theophoric Names

A number of angelic names included in Al-Haba ’ik derive from Hebrew (or North­West Semitic equivalents), with some changes in vocalisation. Angelic names in Hebrew, Aramaic and Syriac are most often compounds formed with the termination -’ël, meaning ‘X of God’. The most common theophoric name in Islam is, of course, Gabriel / Jibril. The Qur’anic mushaf reads Jibril for the angel Gabirel, but there are a number of variations extant, including: jabra’il, jabril, jabrall, jabrm[CLXIV] These variations suggest that the name is of foreign origin and it was thought to be either Hebrew or Syriac in traditional lexicography.[CLXV]

Despite the retention of the ending -il (the Arabic equivalent of the Hebrew ’ël), the angelic name often loses its original meaning when transferred to Arabic and, even when it could be retained, the original Hebrew sense is usually ignored. For example, §89 states that: ‘Gabriel’s name [means] servant of God; Michael’s name [means] servant of God; and Israfïl’s name [means] servant of the Merciful.’[CLXVI] The hadith gives the three names meanings that are not strictly correct in the Hebrew sense; but the new names are revealing. Whereas the Hebrew names enhance the power and might of God, the Arabic names highlight the angels’ subservience to God.[CLXVII] These translations do, however, still retain the correct translation of ’ël/ ’ilas ‘God’.[CLXVIII]

The -il ending is also given an ‘incorrect’ definition in two of the hadith found in al-Haba’ik: §37 states that ‘every name has Il in it, and this means ‘the Temple of God.’[CLXIX] Again, this translation (or definition) shows some ingenuity, as ’ël is the Hebrew word for God and il is not in Arabic, it had to be translated or interpreted in a different way. To say that il means the ‘temple of God’ circumvents this problem. It also avoids the introduction of another, non-Islamic, name for God. However, in the Arabic lexicographical tradition il is usually given the simple explanation ‘a name of God, Most High.’[CLXX]

Al-Haba’ik includes eleven angelic names ending in -il: Jibril (Gabriel), Mika’il (Michael), Israfil, Ismacil, Riyafil, Ramya’il, Sharahil, Harahil, Artiya’il, cAzra’il/ cIzra’il and Rufil. The origin of the angels Jibril / Jibra’il (Hebrew: Gabri’ël) and Mika’il (Mika’ël) are both well-known and have been frequently discussed.[CLXXI] The use and adaptation of Judeo-Christian theophoric names would, at first sight, produce a strong case for a Judeo-Christian influence on this type of Islamic nomenclature. However, there are a number of idiosyncrasies in the Arabic names that make this relationship more complex.

A number of the names included in al-Haba’ik have strong etymological links with Jewish angels,[CLXXII] but other names are philologically further removed. For example, Artiya’il, an angel responsible for removing grief from humans, bears some philological similarity to the angel Uriel (Hebrew: ’uri ’êl).[CLXXIII] An etymological relationship between the two is potentially possible as the Arabic name only includes the addition of the infix ‘-ti- and some minor vowel modifications. The initial alif is left without any diacritical marks and is usually vocalised with a fatha; however, a kasra (i.e. Irtiya’il) would, perhaps, make more sense - linking it to VIII R-W-À, (to quench one’s thirst), which is what this angel does in an abstract way. However, it must be stressed that this is only conjecture, as there is no other textual evidence available to gain a fuller understanding of the name’s origin.

Another example relates to the two angels Rufil (also given as Rufa’il)[CLXXIV] and Riyafil, which both appear to derive from the Hebrew Rupa’êl (Aramaic Rapa’êl) with a fairly straightforward etymology.[CLXXV] There are, however, a few problems with the origins of the name Rufil. Firstly, did the Hebrew Rupa’êl generate two different angels, Rüfil and Riyafil? With only very limited source material available it is difficult to come to any firm conclusions; although it does seem likely, etymologically at least, that Rupa’ël is related to both Rüfil and Riyafil. Another problem arises with this angel; Raphael is a prominent angel in both Judaism and Christianity,[CLXXVI] but in Islam Rufil and Riyafil are not. Furthermore, whilst Riyafil performs a role similar to Raphael,[CLXXVII] Rufil is the Angel of the Clouds, a role not played by either the Jewish or Christian Raphael. In this case, a strong etymological link can be established between Rufil / Riyafil and Raphael, but the Jewish and Christian conceptions of the angel are not assimilated with the name.

Similar problems are encountered with the pair of angels Harahil and Sharahil (§409 - 410), the angels responsible for the sun and the moon. In Judeo-Christian tradition the Angel of the Sun is often associated with Uriel,[CLXXVIII] but in 1 Enoch 8:3[CLXXIX] there is reference to the two demons Shamshiel and Sarahiel.[CLXXX] In Enoch, however, Sarahiel is not an angel, as such, but the fallen angel or demon that taught humans the courses of the moon (i.e. astrology).[CLXXXI] The Arabic Sharahil is clearly derived from Sarahiel, with the only change being sin to shin (a common and easily acceptable alteration).[CLXXXII] Whilst this accounts for the angel of the moon, the angel of the sun (Harahil) is not included in the pairing of demons found in 1 Enoch 8:3, which uses the name Shamshiel. The reason why the Enochic Shamshiel was not appropriated into Islam along with Sarahi’ël is unclear, especially as the name means ‘Sun of God’ and could easily be converted into *shamsa’ll or *shamsil in Arabic. It is deeply unsatisfactory for a pairing of angels to be adopted incompletely, but with no other sources extant that can attest to the origins of Harahll, the reasons behind it must remain unknown.

The Angel of Death is occasionally given the theophoric name cAzra’1l or cIzra’ll (both of these vocalisations are found).[CLXXXIII] This name came to prominence after the coming of Islam in both Islamic and Jewish literature and folklore,[CLXXXIV] and from its form appears to have been assimilated into Arabic from Judaism. Attempts have been made in the past to identify the cAzra’ll / cIzra’ll with a Jewish (or Christian) angel and the most likely candidate is that it is a corruption of cAsri’el, which was suggested by the eminent Islamic scholar, A. J. Wensinck.[CLXXXV] The only change to the name is the consonant shift from samekh to zayin, one that was relatively common in the move from Biblical to Rabbinic Hebrew.[CLXXXVI] However, there are also attestations of the name cAzra’ël extant in five Aramaic incantation texts;[CLXXXVII] but, because of the nature of these incantation texts, there is no evidence to link the name to the angel’s (Islamic) function as the angel of death, as the name simply appears in lists amongst many others. Generally, these Aramaic incantation texts found in Mesopotamia and the Levant are thought to date to around the seventh century CE,188 however, there is some archaeological evidence to suggest an earlier date.[CLXXXVIII] [CLXXXIX] These incantation texts are important because they reflect an angelology that was a popular and integral part of folk-religion in the Near East on the eve of, and during, the expansion of Islam. Such a popular aspect of religious belief must have had some impact on the formation of Islamic folk-religion and early traditions about angels, and by extension the names of the angels themselves.

A survey of the theophoric names reveals some interesting perspectives on Islamic angelology. Firstly, the use of theophoric names is limited, with only a few instances in the entire collection. Some of these names are important Judeo-Christian angels, such as Gabriel and Michael; others are much more obscure, such as Sharahîl and Irtiya’il. This creates a confusing picture of the way in which angelic names were used by the Muslim community. The use of Gabriel and Michael in the Qur’an clearly point to usage in the earliest nascent community, but is this the case for other theophoric names for angels? Some names such as Israfil are very common and can be found easily in tafsirs and other hadllh collections, others are much rarer. It would seem plausible to suggest that the more popular angels and angelic names probably entered Islamic tradition early on in the development of its angelology, whilst the rarer names were adopted at a later stage. The retention of the -il ending would seem to indicate closer connections with Hebrew, Aramaic or Syriac angelic nomenclature, possibly made known through magic incantation texts, popular in mediaeval period or through other Jewish or Christian texts. The way in which the names were appropriated into Islamic tradition remains, at best, speculative; particularly in cases where no other attestations of the name exist. However, Jewish folk-religion, as reflected in magical incantation texts must present an important influence on the use of some of these theophoric names in Islam. However, it is necessary to contextualise the relatively limited use of theophoric names for angels in Islam against the large volume of names formed by the formula the Angel of X. This would seem to suggest that Islamic nomenclature favours that construction, which, in turn, makes angelic neologisms formed with -Il endings less likely.

2.1.2       Function Names

The way in which angels are named in Islam is predominately by their function: i.e. The Angel of X. This is important as it means the angel is nameless, which is in direct conflict with the main trend in Judeo-Christian angelology of giving angels an actual name.[CXC] In Jewish angelology the power and authority of God is seen in the theophoric element of the name. When the theophoric element becomes meaningless (as it does when it has been translated into Arabic), the angel achieves some degree of independence as a named being and the preference for descriptive function­formulae may reveal an attempt in Islamic thought to move the focus from the angel to God directly. In al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik there are thirty-two angels (or pairs of angels) whose names are formed in this way, reflecting a wide range of angelic functions. There are four main groups to consider: (a) angels of abstract concepts; (b) cosmological angels; (c) angels of specific things and places; (d) other angels. The idea that there are angels responsible for different things is common to both Judaism and Zoroastrianism.[CXCI]

Function is an important concept in Islamic angelology and it should be noted that in the hadïth it can be seen that no angel has multiple functions; situations in which multiple functions could occur are given two angels. For example, the Angel of Death is responsible for the taking of souls and nothing else (§107 - 171); there are two Scribes that do two different jobs (§312 - 406). In some other cases there are multiple angels performing the same roles, but in each of these cases the group of angels only performs one task. The angels’ functions are important, as Fehmi Jadaane comments: ‘La plupart du temps les Anges sont définis par leur fonction et non par leur essence; ce sont précisément des êtres fonctionnels.’[CXCII] The idea that angels can only perform one task is, generally speaking, a rule throughout the hadïth in the collection, the only exceptions being two of the four archangels (ru’üs al- mala’ika), Gabriel and Michael.[CXCIII] The belief that angels can only carry out one function is also found in Rabbinic thought.[CXCIV]

There are a number of angels of abstract concepts included in the work: the angels of death, faith, life, livelihood, weeping, righteousness and unrighteousness, health, suffering, wealth, nobility, murü ’a, loathing, ignorance, war (the Angel of the Sword) and courage. The Angel of Death is the only angel in this group that plays a prominent role in Islamic angelology and the last ten angels only appear in one hadïth (§472). The personification of abstract ideas is common to many late antique religions including Zoroastrianism,[CXCV] Christianity and Judaism,[CXCVI] and is particularly common in representations of these ideas in the art of the late-antique and early mediaeval period.[CXCVII] Angels representing abstractions also bear some similarity to some pre-Islamic pagan deities such as Manat (Fate).[CXCVIII] This group of angels is relatively straightforward to consider, although it is important to draw attention to the fact that these angels of abstraction include the specifically Arabian concept of murü’a. However, it should be noted that the rarity of this angel seems to suggest it was not commonly personified either in the Islamic period or before. At the very least, this reference to the Angel of murü’a attests to the relative ease with which abstract concepts could be turned into angels in Islamic thought.

Cosmological angels form the largest group of angels with this particular style of nomenclature. Al-Haba ’ik includes references to angels of rain, mountains, the leaves of trees, thunder, clouds, lightning, the sun, shadow, plants and the sea.[CXCIX] The angels have similar roles in Jewish tradition, particularly in Pseudepigraphical texts, such as Jubilees and Enoch.20 However, as Harold Kuhn comments: ‘These references indicate that the writers in question thought of angels as controlling intermediaries between God and the inanimate world; and further that they considered them to be rather indistinct personifications of powers, rather than as clear-cut personalities.’[CC] [CCI] These angels are not individuals, like gods or demigods, but are merely designated as the beings that control an aspect of meteorology or cosmology.[CCII] This depersonalisation is made clearer in Islam where the angels are stripped of a personal name, reversing the reification process of the Jewish theophoric names highlighted by Nickelsberg above. As a result, these meteorological angels reflect God’s influence and power over the created world, which is a particularly strong and well-known theme of the Qur’an.

Five angels in al-Haba’ik using this descriptive formula are connected with specific objects and places: the veil (§178), cemeteries (§413 - 414), the Yemeni Column (§458 - 460), the three jimar at Mina (§461) and the Prophet’s Tomb (§448 - 449). These are all sites and objects with particular religious significance in Islam and it is only natural that angels were made responsible for maintaining them and noting whomever performed the rituals associated with them. For example, the Angel responsible for the Yemeni Column says to whoever passes it: ‘Amen! Amen!’[CCIII] Likewise, the seventy thousand angels that visit the Prophet’s tomb each day demonstrate its sanctity.[CCIV] The Angel of the Veil is the angel responsible for the veil which surrounds God in the Seventh Heaven. Whilst there may be similar angels in Jewish and Christian traditions,[CCV] it is difficult to establish the extent to which these ideas influenced Islamic angelology.

There are also a number of angels that cannot be easily placed into any of the groups discussed thus far. Some of these refer to specific incidents in the history of angelic interaction with humans, such as The Angel of the Prophet of the River (§256) and The Angel of Hasan and Husayn (§478 - 484). There are also a number of angels responsible for certain ritual actions, namely: The Angel of the Qur’an (§462 - 465), which corrects in an individual’s ‘book’ any misreading of the Qur’an that he or she makes when reciting the Qur’an; the Angel of the Blessing of the Prophet, who records any occasion when someone says: ‘God have mercy upon him and grant him salvation’; the Angel who is responsible for whoever says: ‘The Most Merciful of those that are merciful’ (§466); the Angel of Private Prayer (§467 - 470); the Angel of Ritual Prayer (§474); the Angels of Funerary Rites (§475 - 477), and the Angel of the Prophet’s Prayer (§449 - 457), who tells Muhammad about who has blessed him. These angels seem to work in addition to the noble watching Scribes (al-hafizari) and they provide an extra encouragement and motivation for Muslims to perform certain ritual practices.[CCVI]

Other angels have more obscure functions. The Angels of the Womb and the Embryo (§436 - 444) are the two angels involved in instilling God’s predetermined course for the individual and in protecting the embryo throughout gestation. Another example is found in hadïth that describe the formation of the world. The world stands on a succession of different layers, at the bottom of which is a fish, which is itself supported by an angel. In other conceptions a rock is at the very bottom, but in this case the rock has an angel associated with it.[CCVII] There is another angel that ‘...creates pieces of jewellery for the people in the Garden from the Day of the Creation until the Resurrection Hour.’[CCVIII] Another hadïth also states that crying is the result of an angel rubbing an individual’s liver with its wing.[CCIX] These angels are difficult to classify: they are often very rare and the hadïth themselves tend to be very short, and accordingly hard to place in a wider context.

What these function formulae show is that Islam often associated events, physical things, meteorological phenomena, abstract ideas and ritual behaviour with angels. The construction of the name allows this to be done relatively easily and, whilst there are sometimes parallels with Jewish and Christian angelology, the link is weak and unlikely to be the result of significant influence. For example, the Jewish angel Sandalfon is said to make crowns of flowers from the prayers of the faithful,[CCX] which bears some resemblance to the Islamic angel who creates jewellery for those in paradise; but there is unlikely to be any ‘genetic’ link between the two angels and, at the very most, one can only note the similarity between the two ideas.

The use of angels, particularly in the case of these functional angels, creates a bridge between this world and God’s world, between the heavenly and the earthly. The nomenclature gives religious authority to certain ritual actions, particular places, and, in the case of the Angel of the Womb, also restates theological ideas, such as predestination. In these hadith, the angelic world penetrates almost all forms of human experience and the use of the function name formula goes further and associates individual angels with a large number of specific actions, places and phenomena.

2.1.3       Function Names without Malak

There are a few angels named in al-Haba’ikfiakhbar al-mala’ik which have names linked to their function, which are not expressed by the angelic formula. These angels include: the Bearers of the Throne, The Spirit, The Cockerel, The Sakina, The Tempters of the Grave, The Scribes, The Scroll, The Cherubim and The Guardians of the Wind. These angels are all closely associated with the Qur’anic text itself, and were developed in Islamic traditions and exegesis.[CCXI]

The Bearers of the Throne (§179 - 206) are mentioned in Q 40:7 & 69:17[CCXII] in a relatively general way, and the material presented in the exegetical literature is much more developed.[CCXIII] Q 69:17 states that there are eight bearers of the Throne, but some hadith state there are only four (e.g. §189, 190, 192, 193, 197), whilst some take a middle position, arguing that there are four bearers of the Throne, who are replaced by another four on the Day of Resurrection (§188, 191). On the whole, there is no attempt to name the Bearers of the Throne with personal names, although the angel Israfil is occasionally believed to be one of the Bearers (§ 194 & 195). This trend highlights the importance of the angels’ function, as the majority of the angels in this group remain unnamed.

The Spirit is an angel that has aroused much debate in both Qur’anic and Islamic studies,[CCXIV] as the Qur’an varies in the ways in which it both uses and conceives the Spirit. In the exegetical material the Spirit is most often associated with Gabriel, but it is also often conceived as being an angelic being in its own right.[CCXV] This confused picture can be seen in the chapter on the Spirit in Al-Suyuti’s al-Haba’ik (§210 - 228). Some of the hadith state that the Spirit is a single angelic being[CCXVI] and others that al-Ruh refers to a species of angel.[CCXVII] The interpretation of al-Ruh as a group of angels rather than a single angel appears to be a development in later exegesis[CCXVIII] and the fact that the term arwah (spirits, plural of ruh)[CCXIX] is also found in Islamic tradition makes this usage of al-Ruh quite unusual. To a certain extent it is difficult to determine the original place and role of the Spirit in the Qur’an and early tradition, so understanding its origins is problematic; but Jewish and Christian influences are plainly evident. Strong Christian, and particularly, Jewish influences can also be seen in the karrabiyun (Cherubim) and the Sakina (§295 - 297). The Sakina fulfils much the same role as the Shekina in post-Biblical Jewish thought.[CCXX]

The Cockerel (al-Dik) appears only in Islamic tradition and there are fifteen hadith in al-Haba’ik (§280 - 294) devoted to the cockerel.[CCXXI] The nomenclature in this case is simple; the dik is an enormous angel in the form of a cockerel, which gives the times of prayer to the angels and the human world (via earthly cockerels), a motif also found in 3 Baruch.[CCXXII] Likewise the angel al-Sijill (§243 - 247, ‘the scroll’), is an angel that is in the form of a scroll. The Tempters of the Grave fattan al-qabr), the Scribes (al-hafizan), and The Guardian of the Wind (khaznat al-rih) are angels that have obvious functions and their names reflect this.

Angels with names not formed by with the suffix -il, or by the angelic formula the angel of X are, on the whole, some of the more important angels in Islamic tradition. In most cases the angelic names are derived from the Qur’an itself and its exegesis. Saul M. Olyan has highlighted the important role of exegesis in the development of Jewish angelic nomenclature,[CCXXIII] and this trend is replicated in the Islamic exegetic tradition. Although some of these angels may have equivalents in the Judeo-Christian tradition (e.g. the Spirit and the Sakina), their development as angels in Islam is most likely to be entirely internal, with a less prominent influence from Judaism and Christianity.

2.1.4       Other Miscellaneous Angelic Names

The majority of the angelic names that have been encountered thus far have been named by their function, with only eleven having personal, theophoric names. There are other names that are not formed in a logical manner, which have either been borrowed from other cultures, or originate within Islam itself. The angels with no formal nomenclature include: Ridwan, Malik, Harut, Marut, Sadluqan, Dhu ‘l- Qarnayn, Dhu ‘l-Nurayn, Duma, Mîtatrüsh, Qa’id, Munkar, Nakir (with the variants Ankar and Nakur) and Ruman. Some of these are important in Islamic angelology, especially Ridwan, Malik, and the two pairs of angels Harut & Marut and Munkar & Nakir; whilst others only appear in a limited number of hadith, namely: Sadluqan (§274), Qa’id (§323), Dhu ‘l-Qarnayn as an angel (§277 & 278) and Dhu ‘l-Nurayn (§279). This section will briefly look at their etymological history and attempt to understand the way in which the names entered Islamic tradition.

The most interesting etymological history is that of the two angels Harut and Marut (§248 - 255). Harut and Marut are two angels that wished to experience human life, after complaining that humans were sinning and boasting that they did not; the two angels are then tricked by al-Zuhara (Venus) into drinking and they subsequently commit murder and fornication. The story is alluded to in the Qur’an,[CCXXIV] but the story is greatly expanded by the exegetes and in the Qisas al- anbiya’ literature.[CCXXV] The two names are quite different to other angelic names found in both the Qur’an[CCXXVI] and other traditional material and various attempts have been made to suggest an origin. A. J. Wensinck suggested a possible Syriac origin, but it is now generally thought that the names originate from the Zoroastrian Amasha Spantas Haurvatat and Amretetat, through an intermediary language, possibly Middle Persian, Sogdian or Armenian.[CCXXVII] Direct influence from the Persian tradition can be seen in two hadith (§251 & 253), in which there are direct references to Anahid, a Zoroastrian yazata that was associated with both fertility, love and the planet Venus.[CCXXVIII] Another hadith contains the following exchange: ‘[Al-Zuhara] said: “Regarding faith, it is not right for anyone to come to me, without being the same.” The two said: “What is your faith?” She said: “Zoroastrianism (majusiyya)”’[CCXXIX] All of this suggests a strong Zoroastrian influence on the names of the two angels; however the actual story of Harut and Marut has other characteristics in common with Jewish and Christian stories about the fall of the angels, particularly the two angels Shamhazai and Azael.[CCXXX]

The fattan al-qabr (Tempters of the Grave) play an important part in Islamic beliefs about life after death. Most commonly, there are two tempters of the grave, traditionally given the names Munkar and Nakir. There are two variants included in al-Haba’ik, Ankar (§309) and Nakur (§309, 310); although these variants appear to be very rare. A third angel, Ruman, is occasionally associated with the two angels (§309 & 310) and one hadith states that Nakir and Nakur are two different angels (§310). The names do not appear until relatively late in Islamic tradition, and in the early creeds, there are no angels associated with the punishment in the grave, as Wensinck argues: ‘... there seem to be four stages in the traditions regarding the subject: the first without any angel being mentioned, the second mentioning “the angel”, the third two angels, the fourth being acquainted with the names Munkar and Nakir.’[CCXXXI] The origin of the names is not at all clear, although some have suggested that both the names are related to the base root NKR, but Wensinck felt this was unlikely.[CCXXXII] [CCXXXIII] Two other angels, Ridwan and Malik, the guardians of Heaven and Hell (§229 - 247), have similar etymological histories and roles in Islamic angelology. The name Ridwan may simply be a personified abstraction of ridwan23 and Malik, a reference to his dominion over Hell.

The remaining five angels included in Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik are only referred to once and have a wide range of influences. Dhu ‘l-Qarnayn is generally associated with Alexander the Great and much has been written about this tradition.[CCXXXIV] However, there is very little evidence in Islamic tradition to suggest the belief that Dhu ‘l-Qarnayn was an angel (as given in §277)[CCXXXV] was in any way a mainstream belief, as Minoo Southgate concludes: ‘In spite of his higher roles as a sage, a protector of mankind, a fighter for religion, and a prophet, the Alexander of Persian romances remains essentially human.’[CCXXXVI]

Dhu ‘l-Nurayn is normally used in reference to the caliph cUthman, who had two beautiful wives who were the Prophet’s daughters,[CCXXXVII] but the reference in §279 to Dhu ‘l-Nurayn being an angel is clearly not a reference to cUthman. Al-Nurayn is sometimes used, particularly by Shicïs, to refer to Muhammad and cAli,[CCXXXVIII] but, again, this does not appear to be intended, particularly in the phrase Dhu ‘l-Nurayn. Dhu ‘l- Nurayn is sometimes used in relation to the nur cala nur of the Light Verse (Q. 24:35), although there is almost nothing to suggest that Dhu ‘l-Nurayn was commonly believed to be the name of an angel.[CCXXXIX] [CCXL]

Duma is the ‘Angel who is responsible for souls of the unbelievers.. ,’240 The same angel appears in the Babylonian Talmud with the same function,[CCXLI] confirming the authority of the hadith being ‘a Man of the Book.’ The Angel of the Veil is also given the name Mltatrush, which is a close transliteration of the Hebrew Mltatron (Metatron).[CCXLII]

240

241

§301

cf. ‘But these and those [the wicked and the intermediate] are delivered to Dumah.’ Shab. 152b,

p.

A Jewish origin seems possible for another angel, Sadluqan (§274), although the etymology is rather more complex. Making the analysis more complicated is the fact that the hadith about the angel Sadluqan is relatively short: ‘God has an angel and it is said that He has Sadluqan; the seas of the world are one ninth the size ofhis big toe.’ This angel appears to be very rare in Arabic tradition and the fact that the Leiden MS (fol. 203r, ll. 4 - 5) vocalises the name would seem to imply that Muslim readers were unfamiliar with the name. The name could be derived from the Jewish angel Sandalpon,[CCXLIII]'13 the ‘partner’ of the important Jewish angel Mitatron. Both Sandalpon and Sadluqan are said to be gigantic and Sandalpon is said to have his feet on the earth and his head under the Throne of God.[CCXLIV] Sandalpon is also associated more directly with feet, which is appropriate within the context of this hadith: ‘Sandalfon was also thought of as the “shoe” of the Shekhina, that is to say the angel on which the feet of the Shekinah rested.’[CCXLV] However, the etymological history of the name is not clear, and there are no other attestations of the name in any other Semitic language through which its development can be traced. The loss of the nun can be explained by the assimilation of the nun to the following dal; probably through another Northern Semitic language, possibly Syriac as both Aramaic and South Semitic favour nasalization.[CCXLVI] The change from to qaf is less clear. Some similar Aramaic words show a change from to kaf: e.g. sandalponin (gems) has the variant form sandalkônim[CCXLVII]'7 but such a form is unattested for sandalpon, and a number of factors still remain unexplained. Islamic exegetes did also associate the mala’ika muqarrabun with the karrubiyyun (i.e. q-r-b and k-r-b), but this appears to be an isolated example.[CCXLVIII] However, whether or not Sadluqan is actually Sandalpon is not that important. The fact that Sandalpon, an important angel in later Judaism, was not appropriated into Islam (save this one, rare example), shows that the influence of Jewish angelology on Muslim beliefs about angels was limited.

The survey of angelic names provides an interesting background to Islamic beliefs about angels. The picture is more complicated than may, at first sight, be expected. When angels are given personal names, there is a strong Judeo-Christian influence present. However, Jewish, Christian and, in the case of Harut and Marut, Zoroastrian influences are relatively limited. In Islam there is a strong preference to use the formula ‘Angel of X, which is a uniquely Islamic form of nomenclature. In the past there has been a tendency for scholars to stress the Judeo-Christian influences on Islamic angelology, presumably because of the importance of angels such as Gabriel and Michael. Whilst these angels are important, and are clearly taken from Judaism and/or Christianity, it is important to contextualise these influences with the relatively limited amount of named angels in Islamic tradition. Furthermore, the influence of the Judeo-Christian tradition is often restricted to the etymology of the name and frequently the conception of the angels and their roles are markedly different after their assimilation into (popular) Islamic belief.

2.2    The Iconography of the Angels in Al-Habâ’ik fïakhbâr al-malâ’ik

Just as the way in which angelic nomenclature can reveal something about how angels are conceived in Islam, iconography too can act as a similar tool for looking at the development of, and influences on Islamic angelology. Angels are very rarely the focus of a particular work and this is where the originality and usefulness of al- Suyütî’s Al-Haba ’ik fi akhbar al-mala ’ik lies, as it provides a relatively large number of descriptions of different angels in one place.

A number of studies in Jewish and Biblical studies have attempted to understand the meaning of angelic elements in different texts through the use of particular motifs that indicate (or, at the very least, could indicate) angelic status.[CCXLIX] Sometimes it is only through specific descriptions and allusions that a particular character in a narrative can be understood to be angelic, [CCL] or to have angelic qualities.[CCLI] As such, a vocabulary or iconography of angels evolved in which certain features are designated as being related to angels. It is these features and their use in Islamic angelology that will be discussed in this section.

Angels are normally included in texts for specific purposes. For example, in apocalyptic texts angels are used most often to confirm the veracity of a prophetic vision.[CCLII] The visions of the throne (merkebah visions) in the Bible (viz. Isaiah 6; Ezekiel 1 and 10; Daniel 7) typify this use of angels: the angels are present, but there is a clear focus on God. The angels are there to express divine power and authority, as well as the need for God to be worshipped. As George Nickelsburg comments, ‘[The transcendence of God] is understood in the descriptions of the heavenly throne room, in the accounts of Enoch’s call and ascent, and in the references to the eschatological theophany.’[CCLIII] Angels become very useful signifiers of the fact that the seer is witnessing a vision of the divine world. Although both angelologies and iconographies can differ from one text to another,[CCLIV] a number of supernatural, non­human characteristics were used in Jewish and Christian texts to distinguish angels from humans. It is this angelic iconography, developed further in the inter­testamental period, which alerts both the visionary and the reader that they are encountering the divine.[CCLV] Angels are not simply used to confirm the reality of a vision, but they are also used to confirm the righteousness of the visionary. For example, in the Testament of Levi, the visionary is robed in priestly garments by angels, which ‘...is meant to reinforce the divine favour of the priesthood for his descendents, to legitimate Levi in his priestly duties.’[CCLVI] [CCLVII] Angels are not important in and of themselves, but they are used in Biblical and Pseudepigraphical texts to convey certain ideas or beliefs.

Islamic texts behave in similar ways. The micraj literature draws on similar imagery and the Prophet’s tours of heaven have their origin in Pseudepigraphical texts, such as the Apocalypse of Peter and the Apocalypse of Paul21 Angels are used in these tours of Heaven and Hell (Jewish, Christian and Muslim) to portray the power and might of God and the consequences of human action, in the hope that the reader would return to righteousness or even convert, as Vuckovic argues: ‘Through these descriptive tales, the scholars establish narratives that reiterate the moral code of the Quran and convey a careful set of expectations, warnings, and exhortations for the members of Muhammad’s community.’[CCLVIII]

It should be noted, however, that symbols and emblems typically used to describe angels in Islamic literary works are not necessarily found in other forms of religious expression, such as art. For example, both Byzantine and Islamic art have specific motifs to describe angels that are not found in their respective textual traditions. For this reason, the symbols that make up the ‘angelic language’ are not necessarily universal throughout different media. In Islamic art angels are often seen to wear crowns or coronets,[CCLIX] an image that is not found in any of the hadith in al- Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik.[CCLX] When Islamic Art developed in the East, much of the imagery and iconography of angels was influenced by East-Asian symbolism.[CCLXI] This is important to acknowledge, because it stresses the flexibility of the depiction of angels. Although set motifs did emerge, the supernatural origin of the angels allows for freedom to refer to different (symbolic) attributes.[CCLXII] Whilst these differences are observed most profoundly across the different media of one particular religion, the same can also be seen within a textual tradition; even in Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al­mala ’ik there are a number of examples where different hadith provide contradictory information about a particular angel. To give a basic example, Munkar and Nakir are

said to be blue in §302, but black in §3 05.[CCLXIII] The colour motifs are used to convey the terrifying form that the two angels take, the actual colour (be it blue or black) is not important.

In Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik, there are actually very few hadith in the collection that give full descriptions of what angels look like, with most of the information only given in passing. This creates a slight methodological problem in that different hadith may have different conceptions of a particular angel (or even angels in general), so care must be taken when attempting to reconstruct the image and form of particular angels. However, this section attempts to focus on some general trends in the depiction of angels, ignoring the fact that other individual hadith could be cited to the contrary.

2.2.1    The Physical Form of Angels

In Islam, as in Judaism and Christianity, angels are often represented in anthropomorphic forms. In the Old Testament, God’s angels are usually seen in the role of a messenger and there is actually no philological or textual distinction between divine and human messengers.[CCLXIV] It is only in the prophetic literature that angels begin to adopt more supernatural features: wings, animal characteristics etc., culminating in the literature of the inter-testamental period and beyond, in which angels began to be described in both human and heavenly forms.[CCLXV] The following extract from the early Pseudepigraphical text Joseph and Aseneth combines anthropomorphic and supernatural elements:

‘And Aseneth raised her head and saw, and behold, (there was) a man in every respect similar to Joseph, by the robe and the crown and the royal staff, except that this face was like lightning, and his eyes like sunshine, and the hairs of his head like a flame of burning torch, and hands and feet like iron shining forth from a fire, and sparks shot from his hands and feet.’[CCLXVI]

In this example, the angel is described with divine imagery, such as having a face ‘like lightning’ and ‘eyes like sunshine’, alongside the comment that the angel was a ‘man in every respect similar to Joseph’. The anthropomorphic form of the angel is the most common form in both Jewish and Christian religious writings,[CCLXVII] and it is an obvious form for the angel to take, as for both Christians and Jews, God created humans in his own image.[CCLXVIII] In early Jewish and Christian art angels were depicted without wings until the fifth century, as Glenn Peers comments: ‘In Early Christian art, angels were most often depicted in this earthly guise, as a man either bearded or unbearded, and, in this way, artists described one comprehensible aspect out of the many that scripture ascribes to angels’.[CCLXIX] Even in the later development of Jewish angelology, the angels continued to retain two different forms: human and supernatural.[CCLXX]

Angels in Islam are no different and in the Qur’an angels are described in both explicitly human and supernatural forms.[CCLXXI] Throughout al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala ’ik there are numerous references to angels being in human form, or, at the very least, having a number of human characteristics. These anthropomorphic images are balanced with images rooted in the supernatural and the heavenly: wings, zoomorphic forms, wearing or bearing heavenly articles, being of a great size, and so on. These make the anthropomorphisms less human; the angel still remains ‘like a human’, but the imagery plants the angel firmly in the divine world.

In the collection there are a number of general references to angels being in human form.[CCLXXII] [CCLXXIII] The anthropomorphic form is normally associated with great beauty (cf. Q 12:31) and this is echoed in al-Haba"ilc~' with one hadïth even likening the angel Gabriel to Dihya al-Kalbi.[CCLXXIV] The angels are given a number of different body parts, particularly important ones, such as the head, feet, legs, hands, and face.[CCLXXV] There are a number of references to facial features, including the mouth, nose, forehead, teeth, hair, ears and eyes.[CCLXXVI] Added to this are some references, but more limited, to other areas of the body; including: the neck, shoulders, collarbone and heart.[CCLXXVII] There are 129 hadïth with direct references to angels being in human form or having human body parts, which is roughly 17% of the collection. This is a relatively high percentage, and it shows the important place that anthropomorphic imagery had in Islamic traditions. It contrasts strongly with the relatively few references to angels having wings, with only 30 hadïth (around 4%) explicitly referring to them.[CCLXXVIII] [CCLXXIX]

The notion that angels have wings is a common one, but there are few references to angels having wings in either the Qur’an or the hadïth1'19 In this collection, some of the hadïth do not give much more information other than the fact that the angels have wings,[CCLXXX] with one simply stating that the angel’s wings are feathered.[CCLXXXI] Other references to the angels’ wings are used by the hadïth to express the great size of the angels by stating they stretch from the East to the West, for example: ‘.[Israfil] has four wings, [and] from them are two wings, one of which is in the East, and the other of which is in the West.. ,’[CCLXXXII] As will be seen below, the wings are given further detailing, including: being strung with precious stones (§45 & 49), being green (§54), being like peacock’s feathers (§49), and two references to a wing serving to cover the angel’s modesty (§93 & 744). However, with only six hadîth mentioning such specific details, this finer detailing is relatively rare. There are a number of hadîth that refer to the number of wings that each angel has, but the numbers vary, including: two (§50, 54 & 743), three (§94 & 743), four (§93, 189 & 743), six (§744), twelve (§53), and seventy thousand (§511). Although the Qur’an gives the number of angels’ wings as ‘two, three and four’ (mathna, wa-thulath, wa- rubâf), [CCLXXXIII] in Islamic tradition many more wings were added.[CCLXXXIV] These hadîth highlight an important aspect: the actual physical details about the wings are not necessarily generally agreed. This is because such detailing is there to express a theological idea, rather than giving a concrete description of what angels look like; for example, take the following hadîth:

[54] ‘... [Gabriel’s] two wings are green and his feet are immersed in green, and the form which he takes fills the horizon. [The Prophet] (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: “I wanted to see you in your true form, Spirit of God.” Then he transformed himself and filled the horizon.’

In this hadîth, the finer detailing is not aimed at giving the reader a full description of what an angel looks like, but the references to green feet highlight the divine origin of the angel and the size of the angel focuses the reader on the marvels of God’s creation.[CCLXXXV]

Beyond the angelomorphic imagery and the basic idea that angels have wings, there are a few references to angels having the forms of animals. One of the most interesting examples is that of the Bearers of the Throne (hamlat al-carsh), who are associated with two forms; the first is that of the four-faced angel, which is derived from the Jewish hayyot (‘living creatures’) that bear the Throne or Chariot of God; the second is that the four Bearers of the Throne are in the form of a mountain goat (wrfil). In Judaism, the hayyot take the forms of a bull, a lion, a human, and an eagle.[CCLXXXVI] The use of animal-angels in the imagery of God’s Throne may have its antecedents in pagan deities,[CCLXXXVII] but, in Judaism and Christianity, the four hayyot came to represent the whole of creation, as Richard Bauckham comments: ‘Their representative function is to worship on behalf of all creatures, and therefore it is fulfilled when the circle of worship expands to include not only humans, but “every creature in heaven and on earth and under earth and in the sea” (5:13).’[CCLXXXVIII] There are six hadith in Al-Haba ’ik that describe the Bearers of the Throne in these zoological forms,[CCLXXXIX] although, amongst these there is no consensus, as four state that each angel has four faces and the other two that there are four different angels with one single form.[CCXC] One of the hadith alludes to the idea that the four angelic forms refer to creation as a whole:

‘...An angel from amongst them has the likeness of a human, which intercedes for the children of Adam in their need, and an angel has the likeness of an eagle, which intercedes for birds in their need, and an

103 angel has the likeness of a bull, which intercedes for livestock in their need, and an angel has the likeness of a lion, which intercedes for predatory animals in their need.. ,’[CCXCI]

As noted above, six of the hadith in the collection refer to the Bearers of the Throne having horns like mountain goats or looking like mountain goats.[CCXCII] David Halperin suggests that similar hadith may be referring to a passage in the Babylonian Talmud (Hag 13a), which refers to the horns of the hayyot, but can draw no further conclusions. [CCXCIII] This imagery remains unclear, but horns did have religious significance in Semitic religion, particularly as representations of divinity,[CCXCIV] and such iconography is also found in a Greek temple to Apollo on the island of Delos.[CCXCV] In relation to the divine throne, there are some images of Semitic gods seated on zoomorphic thrones and some evidence of thrones being supported by horns, [CCXCVI] but it is difficult to ascertain whether the Islamic image of the Bearers of the Throne like goats is related to these wider Semitic and pagan ideas.

292

293

294

Beyond these cases of zoomorphic images of angels in al-Haba’ik, there are also two other hadith that include a reference to IsrafTl making himself smaller

‘.until he has become like a small sparrow (wasc),..’[CCXCVII] [CCXCVIII] and the Angel of the Thunder having a tail (§267). These are only minor references and it is difficult to draw further conclusions from them. There is also the angelic cockerel (al-dïk);29S however, this angel should be treated differently, as the imagery is purely of a cockerel, rather than that of an angel with certain features of a cockerel.

On the whole, the angels in al-Haba’ik have human, rather than animal, characteristics. The hadïth frequently draw on Judeo-Christian imagery and the Bearers of the Throne are a prominent example of such an influence. The trend, however, is quite a general one. Images do not appear to be derived from Jewish or Christian images, rather general ideas about angelic iconography are adapted by Islam from Judaism and Christianity. This is seen most clearly in the use of the anthropomorphic angel: the image is clearly indebted to a Judeo-Christian iconography, but is adapted, used and developed in Islamic traditions independently.

2.2.2    Angels of Great Size

297

298

299

small sparrow), see §53.

Whilst many Jewish, Christian and Islamic texts that feature angels usually include very little in the way of descriptions, one of the most common motifs is that the angels are of great size and very rarely are they said to be small. This general scheme is found in al-Suyqtl’s Al-Haba’ik, with only one hadïth (§5) stating that a ‘single angel is smaller than a fly.’[CCXCIX]

There are a number of ways in which their vast size is described, with four of the most common being: (i) describing measurements in terms of travelling long distances; (ii) stating that the angel has a wing in the East and a wing in the West; (iii) descriptions of the angel filling the horizon; and (iv) describing the angel stretching from the earth to the heavens. There are a number of Jewish and Christian texts that portray angels in similarly large scale terms, which becomes an important theme in the fifth / sixth century Hebrew Apocalypse of Enoch (3 Enoch): ‘The vast size of angels is a theme of 3En...In the Hekhalot texts size conveys the idea of majesty and sublimity. It is found not only in the motif of the measurements of the angels, but in Sicur Qomah, the measurements of the body of God, and in the motif of the dimensions of the heavens.’[CCC] The following extract from 3 Enoch is a typical example, the prophet Enoch says: ‘I was enlarged and increased in size till I matched the world in length and breadth. He made me to grow on me 72 wings, 36 on one side and 36 on the other, and each single wing covered the entire world.’[CCCI]

A common method that the hadith use to describe the angels’ huge size is to give the length between two points in terms of the distance equivalent to many years’ travel. This often takes the form: ‘the distance from Xto Y is a journey of N hundred years.’ This phrasing appears some twenty times through the compilation.[CCCII] Both the two points of reference for the distance and the distance itself vary from hadith to hadith, as can be seen in the table below.

 

§

Angel

From

To

Distance

(in years)

20

Bearers of the Throne

Head

Throne

100

51

Gabriel

Shoulder

Shoulder

700

180

Bearers of the Throne

Balls of Feet

Ankles

500

180

Bearers of the Throne

Tip of Nose

Collarbone

500

180

Bearers of the Throne

Tip of Nose

Earlobe

500

180

Bearers of the Throne

Earlobe

Shoulder

700

183

Bearers of the Throne

Inner part of eye

Outer part of eye

500

197

Bearers of the Throne

Horns

Head

500

202

Bearers of the Throne

Ankles

Bottom of the foot

500

209

Bearers of the Throne

Bottom of Horn

Top of Horn

500

231

Keepers of the Fire

Shoulder

Shoulder

100

231

Keepers of the Fire

Shoulder

Shoulder

500

485

Bearers of the Throne

Ankles

Shoulder

500

490

Cherubim

Earlobe

Collarbone

500

494

Unnamed Angel

Shoulder

Head

100

499

Bearers of the Throne

Horn

Horn

500

500

Unnamed Angel

Wing

Wing

300

500

Unnamed Angel

Earlobe

Shoulder

400

545

Unnamed Angel

Earlobe

Collarbone

7000

Fig(i): Distances between body parts in Al-Haba ’ik ft akhbar al-mala ’ik

The table shows that a distance of five hundred years is the most common and that there is no general trend in the body parts used for the measurements. Generally, the measurements given are usually short distances making the angels appear even larger. Some of the hadïth also use further phrases to clarify the distance, such as §71, in which it is said that the distance is ‘ajourney of seven hundred years for a bird.’[CCCIII] The phrase is used most often in connection with the Bearers of the Throne and, by extension, of God’s Throne and, ultimately, God. Such imagery is typified in the Jewish Shicür Qomah texts, which give similar measurements, not of an angel, but of God,[CCCIV] although there is some debate about what the exact intention is of the text giving these measurements.[CCCV] Just as in the hadith in al-Haba’ik, a wide number of different measurements are made; for example one of the Shfûr Qomah texts, Siddur Rabbah,[CCCVI] includes the following measurements:

l.

P.

From

To

Distance (in parasangs)

4

38

Right eye

Left Eye

33,000

5

38

Let Arm

Right Arm

770,000

57

44

Souls of Feet

N/A

30,000

58

44

Foot

Ankle

120,000,000

58

44

Ankle

Knee

450,000,000

63

44

Knees

Thigh

600,002,000

65

45

Thigh

Shoulder

600,000,080

67

45

Shoulder

Neck

190,000,000

67

45

Neck

N/A

180,000,000

68

45

Head (circumference)

N/A

500,000,333

75

46

Forehead

N/A

180,000,000

76

46

Pupil

N/A

11,200

78

46

White of the eye

N/A

22,000

90

48

Lips

N/A

21,000

92

48

Left Shoulder

Right Shoulder

120,000,000

93

48

Right Arm

N/A

150,000,000

96

48

Hand

N/A

70,000,000

97

48

Right Arm

Left Arm

770,000,000

98

49

Fingers

N/A

300,000,000

103

49

Right Foot

N/A

10,000,000

Fig.(ii): Table of Distances between Body Parts in Siddur Rabbah

A basic comparison between the hadith in Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik and Siddur Rabbah shows the practice of giving measurements between specific body parts of cosmic proportions is common to both texts; but there is a notable difference in that Siddur Rabbah, as well as the Shicur Qomah in general, do not tend to give the measurements in years, but by physical units of distance (usually parasangs).[CCCVII] The usage of measuring the distance between two specific body parts is less common in other Jewish and Christian texts[CCCVIII] and in these cases the distances are given in actual physical measurements, rather than ‘years’. [CCCIX] However, anthropomorphic representation of the divine on a cosmic scale is a belief generally held in the Ancient world.[CCCX]

Another way that the hadlth describe the great size of the angels is by stating that the angels (or the angels’ wings) stretch from the East to the West, which is fairly common throughout the work, appearing explicitly fifteen times. [CCCXI] This

description is only applied to named angels and is only used in reference to Gabriel, Israfil, the Spirit, the Angel of Death and the Cockerel. The phrase normally comes in the form: the angel has a wing in the East and a wing in the West. This phrase occurs eleven out of the fifteen times, but is only used of the Cockerel and the angel Israfil.[CCCXII] Gabriel is said to have ‘filled the space between East and West’ (§42); the Angel of Death is said to have a spear that reaches from the East to the West (§158 & 159) and the stride of the Angel of Death is said to stretch from the East to the West (§202). Although this phrase is only used of Gabriel twice (§42 & 53), another related description, stating that Gabriel filled the horizon, is used more frequently (§43, 46, 47 & 54).

So far the gigantic size of the angels has been described by measurement and breadth (i.e. East to West), but height is also used relatively frequently.[CCCXIII] Some of the hadith refer to great height in a general way; for example, Gabriel is said to fill ‘the space between Heaven and Earth’ in §41.[CCCXIV] However, the most common way to express height is to say that the angel’s feet are on the (Seventh) Earth and its head in the (Seventh) Heaven.[CCCXV] The concept of the angels’ heads reaching heaven is found in the Acts of John where it is said of an angel that: . .his feet [.] were whiter than snow, so that the ground was lit up by his feet, and his head stretched up to the heaven.’316

312

313

314

315

316 ActsJ 90; NTA, vol. 2, p. 180 - 181.

The concept of angels as being of a great size is common in Judeo-Christian angelology. Numerous texts, particularly Pseudepigrapha, often describe angels in this way.[CCCXVI] There are a number of texts that refer to angels being of a great size in general terms, such as the Gospel of Philip, in which it is said that: ‘...when [Jesus] appeared to the disciples in glory on the mountain, he was not small - he became great - but he made the disciples great, that they might see him in his greatness.’[CCCXVII] Although only a general comment, this passage from the Gospel of Philip reveals, quite clearly, the meaning of the angel of great size: the size is a sign of the truth of the vision.

It is unlikely that direct sources could be traced for the hadlth found in al- Haba’ik, but the description of these massive angels clearly owes a large debt to the vocabulary and imagery of Judeo-Christian angelology. This is important as it shows that Islam did not only ‘borrow’ angelic imagery from Jewish and Christian traditions, but Islam developed and utilised this angelic imagery, with the angels Israfil and al-Dik the most notable examples.

.

2.2.3    Finer Detailing: Clothing, Jewellery & Colours

The majority of the descriptions about angels in Al-Haba’ik are fairly general, usually emphasising the size of the angel. However,just as the size of the angel attests to the reality of the vision, certain iconographical details are used to highlight and refine the image of the angel. An angel is often only distinguishable from another angel by certain props or other characteristics. It is in the use of these different props that an iconographie vocabulary emerges.[CCCXVIII] The use of iconographie details is more important in visual media, as a picture, mosaic, or carving tend not to make use of written names; for example, in Byzantine art angels are often pictured holding a sceptre and robed in priestly garments.[CCCXIX] Clothing is an important iconographical detail, as the way in which someone is clothed often reveals much about their status,[CCCXX] as well as distinguishing individuals from others, since clothing ‘...serves to preserve the boundaries among persons of different statuses.’[CCCXXI] Likewise, vestments play an important part in the iconography of angels in Islamic art, although this is usually expressed in different ways to the literary tradition.[CCCXXII] In al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik there is some evidence that Islamic tradition developed its own iconographic vocabulary, with a number of angels being associated with particular accessories, colours and clothes.

The most prominent item of clothing is a robe, with which angels are particularly associated in Jewish and Christian scriptures, as well as visual media.[CCCXXIII] In Jewish tradition, the robe is normally believed to be white, developing out of exegeses of Ezekiel 1 and Daniel 7:9.[CCCXXIV] [CCCXXV] The imagery of a white robe is transferred into the Old and New Testamental Pseudepigraphical literature, such as the book of Jannes and Jambres36 Similar imagery can by found in al-Haba’ik, e.g. ‘Gabriel came to me just as a man comes to his friend in a white gown.. ,’[CCCXXVI] The white of the angels’ gowns normally reflect two main ideas: the purity of the angels’ faith and their dazzling brightness.[CCCXXVII] In Islam, white also carries connotations of purity, as Khalil cAthamina comments: ‘.white garments symbolize the modesty incumbent upon all Muslims in their attitude toward the Creator, especially during prayer. It is for this reason Muslims of all social strata and walks of life have followed the practice of praying in white as a sign of their modesty and piety.’[CCCXXVIII] Colour is used to convey certain characteristics of the angel as colours had important meanings in Islamic culture.

White is not the only colour used of angels in al-Haba’ik and there are some references to green (akhdar).[CCCXXIX] Gabriel, for example, is associated with the colour

with one hadîth stating that the ‘soles of his feet are green’[CCCXXX] and another that Gabriel wore a green headband.[CCCXXXI] The use of green, the Prophet’s colour, gives these angelic traditions a more Islamic symbolism, distancing the imagery from Judaism and Christianity. Green is also an important colour because of its associations with paradise, as David Alexander comments: ‘In the Qur’an green is associated with life itself and as one of the signs of God. Green evoked the idea of tranquillity and refuge.’[CCCXXXII] Although green is used to designate paradise in other religions of the Near East (particularly Zoroastrianism),[CCCXXXIII] the association of green with paradise in an arid environment is quite obvious.[CCCXXXIV] The symbolism of the colour does not appear to have played such an important part in Jewish and Christian angelic imagery. More generally, the colour green simply carries notions of creation and the physical order of the universe in Judaism and, by extension, the divine - in the sense that the world is God’s creation.[CCCXXXV] [CCCXXXVI] However, green can have negative connotations, for example, in 3 Enoch the souls of the ‘intermediates’ in Hell are „ 337 green.

331

332

333

334

‘El Viaje Espiritual al «Espacia Verde»: el «Jardin de la Vision» en el Sufismo’ Convivium 20 (2007)

Jewels also play an important part in the Islamic iconography of angels. In al- Haba’ik, Gabriel’s clothing is often described as being encrusted with jewels (normally rubies, pearls or chrysolite), which is a sign of his status in the angelic world. The Cockerel, although not wearing a robe or gown, is also described as having body parts made out of precious metals and jewels.[CCCXXXVII] Precious stones play an important part in Jewish and Christian iconography and they are usually associated with God or those that have dealings with the divine, such as priests. [CCCXXXVIII] For example, in the Letter of Aristeas, an account of the dedication of the Jewish Temple, the High Priest was said to be robed in ‘...all the glorious vestments, including the wearing of the “garment” with precious stones upon it in which he is vested..,’[CCCXXXIX] and that the ‘.. .house faces east, and the rear of it faces west. The whole foundation was decked with (precious) stones.’[CCCXL] The Letter of Aristeas describes the earthly temple, but the heavenly temple and those making the journey to heaven are also described in similar terms in other Pseudepigraphical works.[CCCXLI] The importance of precious stones is their association with wealth, power and majesty. Certain angels, particularly Gabriel in Islamic tradition, are given status through the use of jewels and precious stones. Such imagery is natural and widespread in religious iconography of the divine in general.

There are two further motifs in al-Haba’ik that are slightly unusual. The first is that some angels wear turbans and a second which describes one of the angels’ clothing like a pair of sarawïl (trousers'). The turbaned angels are the angels that helped the Muslim community at Badr.[CCCXLII] This imagery is not found in the Judeo- Christian tradition to any great extent, so the use of turbans marks a distinctly Islamic image and it reflects the association of angels with contemporaneous dress.[CCCXLIII] The image of the angel being covered with a wing has obvious resonances with the seraphim in Isaiah 6:3; [CCCXLIV] but the motif appears to be very uncommon (only appearing three times) and is only used in reference to Gabriel and Israfil.[CCCXLV]

The last form of finer detailing that will be discussed here is the use of props and accessories, some of which have already been mentioned. Props and accessories are normally used to symbolise a specific angel or a particular function of an angel, a trend that is seen most clearly in the visual arts. Israfil is the most notable example of this trend; Israfil is associated with the Trumpet that announces the Last Day, and so he is often described as holding it.[CCCXLVI] Other angels, such as the Angel of Death, the Guardian of the Fire and the Angel of the Thunder, are also associated with objects relating to their cosmic function. The Angel of Death is said to hold a spear, with which ‘he cuts the vein of life.’ The Guardians of Hell and the angel Malik are believed to have spears or rods with which to persecute those in Hell.[CCCXLVII] Lastly, the Angel of the Thunder (who is, also, responsible for the clouds) is said to have a whip made of iron (or light) and a rope, with which he moves the clouds through the sky.[CCCXLVIII]

Occasionally the relationship between the object and the angel is different, with the object not reflecting the function of the angel, but the status of the angel. Gabriel is said to have a belt strung with pearls (§50 & 54) and Israfll is associated with the Preserved Tablet (al-lawh al-mahfuz), the Qur’an and the Throne of God.[CCCXLIX] The closeness of Israfll to God explains both his prestige and his function as it is Israfll who delivers the messages of God to His angels.

The use of finer detailing allows the hadiïh to highlight certain aspects of an angel. Clothing, jewellery and props allow the reader to understand both the angel’s function and status. Such detailing is common to Islam, Judaism, and Christianity in almost all media. In visual media, finer details are often used to distinguish one angel from another. [CCCL] This resulted in the development of a specific iconographic language, in which different angels are represented by different objects. In textual material, however, the ability to name angels verbally makes the use of specific iconographies less important; but a set language did appear to develop, in which objects came to signify certain characteristics, especially references to colour, costume and precious stones.

The basic and most common iconographical form of an angel in Islam is the same as that found in Judaism and Christian, that of an anthropomorphized angel. However, the way in which the angel is anthropomorphised is different in Islamic tradition. In Judaism and Christianity, there are fewer references to specific body parts in the description of angels and their anthropomorphic form is achieved by stating the angels are ‘like a man’. References to body parts are not unknown in Judaism and Christianity but they are much rarer, so their use distinguishes Islamic iconographic vocabulary from the other Abrahamic faiths. This is seen further in particular angelic motifs, such as the great size of the angels. These general motifs can be found elsewhere, but the way in which this motif is expressed in Islam is unique. The use of divine measurements can be found in Jewish works (e.g. the Book of Elchasai, the Shicur Qomah traditions), but they are not frequently used when referring to or describing angels.

The influence of Jewish and Christian beliefs about angels should not, however, be underestimated. In a number of specific examples, the Islamic traditions draw on Jewish (and Christian) motifs directly. The Bearers of the Throne, for example, appear to have been assimilated directly from Jewish and Christian apocalyptic literature. Angels robed in white, the trumpet that heralds the Last Day, the use of precious stones and so on, all relate to Judeo-Christian angelic imagery as well. This should not be surprising, because the use of props, accessories, clothing, and actions are part of a wider symbolic framework. Particular objects are used metonymically to tell the reader what the function of a particular angel is and other finer details are used to confirm the status and divine origin of an angel. When Islamic traditions about angels began to develop, it was only natural that they developed within the same symbolic framework; Islamic traditions grew in a similar milieu and so similar symbolism is often encountered.

2.3    Conclusions: The Origins of Islamic Beliefs about Angels

The two discussions above about angelic nomenclature and iconography suggest Islamic traditions about angels are both similar to and yet distinct from Jewish and Christian beliefs about angels. Why? And how can these be explained?

It would seem sensible to suggest a certain number of traditions drew on a common, natural vocabulary that is more universal in nature, rather than specific to the Judeo-Christian tradition. Precious stones, for example, will be associated naturally with wealth and power; things of a great size with the supernatural and the realm of the divine, and so on. These types of iconographic details can be seen throughout Semitic religion in general, as well as beyond.[CCCLI] They are commonsense and basic images of power and, by extension, the power of the divine. Other images, such as the anthropomorphic form of the angel, would appear to be more closely aligned with Jewish and Christian thought.

These basic symbols of the divine and the Judeo-Christian emphasis on anthropomorphic angels form the foundation from which the Islamic iconography of angels developed. However, Islamic beliefs about angels also developed independently, which can be seen particularly clearly in the way in which some angels are named. The theophoric name is clearly indebted to Judaism, but whilst an Arabic theophoric name may resemble a Jewish angelic name, its function and status often do not. The angel Raphael, for example, plays an important role in Jewish angelology, but is essentially absent in Islamic angelology; even the angels Rufl and Riyâfil, which could be etymologically associated with Raphael, have markedly different roles to their Jewish counterpart. The opposite occurs with Israfil; whilst the Islamic angel may be etymologically related to an angel such as Seraphiel, the Islamic Israfil is much more developed in Islamic tradition, so much so that Israfil bears little resemblance to any angel in Jewish or Christian literature.

Not all of Islam’s angels have their origins in Judaism or Christianity, especially angels such as Harut and Marut, the angel Israfil and the Cockerel (D/7<). However, the influences of other religions traditions, such as Zoroastrianism, are markedly weaker and appear to affect only a few, specific examples.[CCCLII]

Islamic angelic nomenclature does present a unique approach to angelology: whilst both Islamic and Jewish traditions believe that there is an angel responsible for a whole range of natural phenomena, ranging from lightning to the sea, Judaism has a tendency to give these angels a personal name, usually, but not exclusively, a theophoric one. Islam, on the other hand, prefers to use the generic, non-theophoric formula: ‘the Angel of X’. This, again, reveals the tension between the influence and independence of Islamic beliefs about angels. Islam often has the same angels as Judaism (and, to a lesser extent, Christianity), but names them in a completely different way.

The reason behind this tension could be rooted in the history of Islam itself. The references to angels in the Qur’an clearly indicate some knowledge of Jewish and Christian beliefs about angels, especially the direct references to Gabriel and Michael. From the foundation of the Qur’an, the Islamic exegetical tradition proceeded to generate a number of distinct beliefs about angels. This is reflected by the fact that there are sixty-four hadlth in the work (c. 9%) that include direct Qur’anic quotations in their mitan,[CCCLIII] with many more than these more loosely based in the Qur’anic exegetical tradition; eighty-eight hadlth (c. 11%) are attributed to one of the principal sources of Islamic exegesis, Ibn cAbbas and so on. All this indicates that exegesis was, as in Judaism, an important springboard from which Islamic beliefs about angels developed. There is, however, a slight difference in the ways in which Jewish and Islamic exegesis developed their angelologies. Jewish angelology is typified by a tendency to turn objects, such as the wheels of God’s chariot, into angels. This is not found in Islam; the qalam always remains as a ‘pen’ (albeit a divine pen), and al-lawh al-mahfüz, always remains a tablet - there is no attempt to turn these into angels, the only example of this in al-Haba ’ik is al-Sijill.

The similarity between Jewish and Islamic angelology is seen more strongly in the traditional material rather than exegesis, particularly the Pseudepigrapha, the Talmud and the Midrashim. In these types of texts, the angels become responsible for various objects in the human world, maintaining them and protecting them, on behalf of God. This is also found in Islamic angelology and much of the traditional material that developed out of the exegetical movement turn to this sort of interpretation. Traditional material, both the various collections of hadlth in Islam and the Jewish midrashim, often reflect a popular expression of beliefs about angels, which is corroborated by similar beliefs found in magic incantation texts and studies of Jewish and Muslim folklore. The nature of these types of texts does, however, make it extremely difficult to assess how Islamic, Jewish, and Christian beliefs about angels in the later mediaeval period interacted; but at a basic level, it must be assumed there was a fairly high level of cultural exchange in this area.

As a result of the nature of hadïth, it is hard (if not impossible) to gain a detailed understanding of how particular beliefs developed; however, beliefs about angels appear to have been influenced by a number of different factors and at different stages. The first stage is the pre-Qur’anic and Qur’anic periods in which Judaism and Christianity played an important part in shaping the celestial world of seventh century Arabia. This stage seems to have been followed by a period of largely internal exegesis of the Qur’an, during which beliefs about angels were developed with a limited amount of influence from Judaism and Christianity. This is seen particularly clearly in the development of a distinctively Islamic system of angelic nomenclature, traditions about angels that are peculiar to Islam, angels derived from the Qur’an, and so on. However, this does not mean to say that Jewish and Christian beliefs had no influence on Islamic angelology during this period; Isra’iliyyat traditions often reflect Jewish and Christian angelology and popular beliefs must also not be underestimated. The third stage shows the return of stronger Jewish and Christian influences. It is difficult to tell whether this was a result of a greater understanding of Judaism and Christianity by the educated classes; a wish by Muslim scholars to find Jewish and Christian attitudes to certain angels or phenomena; a generally higher degree of interaction between the faiths; or, the percolation of popular folkloric beliefs into formal works. In this later period, it becomes increasingly more difficult to know which faith influenced the other; the Near East became a place where ideas, especially ones about subjects that interested both those in the academic and popular strata of society, were freely and commonly exchanged.

The interaction between Islamic beliefs about angels and their Jewish and Christian counterparts is complex. Many commentators have simply argued that Islamic angelology has its origins in Judaism and Christianity. When looking at the Qur’an, the influence of Judaism and Christianity is certainly unmistakable, but surely this is not surprising. However, the influence of Judaism and Christianity appears to diminish during the formative period of Islamic theology and Qur’anic exegesis. Above all, Islamic angelology always remains distinctly Islamic and this distinctiveness cannot be attributed to Jewish and Christian influences. The two other Abrahamic faiths may have provided some basic core beliefs, imagery and conceptualisations, but the Muslim community developed them in their own unique way.

The Angelic World of Al-Haba ’ik fl
akhbar al-mala ’ik

124

3.    The Angelic World of al-Habâ’ik fîakhbâr al-malâ’ik[CCCLIV] [CCCLV]

Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba ’ikfiakhbar al-mala ’ik is unusual when compared to other mediaeval hadith collections concerned with visions of the heavenly world, such as al-Ghazali’s (alleged) work, Al-Durra al-fakhira35<6 cAbd al-Rahim al-Qadi’s, Daqa ’iq al-akhbar fi dhikr al-janna wa-‘l-nar,[CCCLVI] other apocalyptic or eschatological works,[CCCLVII] and the accounts of Muhammad’s ascension (micraj) collected by scholars such as Ibn Ishaq in his Sirat Rasul Allah[CCCLVIII] These eschatological and micraj works usually act as a warning against certain modes of behaviour by describing the future rewards of heaven and the punishments of hell, as Vuckovic comments: ‘Through these descriptive tales, the scholars establish narratives that reiterate the moral code of the Qur’an and convey a careful set of expectations, warnings, and exhortations for the members of Muhammad’s community.’ [CCCLIX] Al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik uses similar supra-mundane material, but approaches it from a different angle.[CCCLX] The purpose of Al-Haba’ik is to describe the function of the angels in the universe and their intermediation between God and humans. The aim is to present an angelic world, not of the potential future (as in the eschatological and micraj works), but of the contemporary world, to the extent that narratives about both past and future events are used to illustrate what the angels are doing in the present. For example, Israfil, the angel responsible for blowing the trumpet on the Last Day, is not described as actually blowing the trumpet, but is portrayed as kneeling, waiting for the command from God to do it.[CCCLXI] This angelic present is used to explain how God interacts with the human world, how humans are judged, how they die, how revelation is given and how ritual actions should be performed. This is a very different way of presenting the heavenly world and its inhabitants.

This section will comprise two main sections: the first will look at the angels’ roles in the life-cycle of a human, from birth to death and beyond; and the second will look at the angels’ roles in ritual law. The principal aim of this section is to present the material contained in Jalal al-Dm al-Suyuti’s collection and to highlight its main trends.

3.1            The Angels’ Roles in Human Life

In Al-Haba’ik f akhbar al-mala’ik angels play a role in a human’s life from conception in the womb until death. There are four main groups of angels that need to be considered: (i) the angels of the womb; (ii) the scribes (al-hafizan al-katiban); (iii) the Angel of Death and (iv) various post-mortem angels. These four groups of angels amount to 207 hadith (c. 28%). This is a significant portion, especially when a large number of the remaining hadith play similar roles.[CCCLXII]

3.1.1       The Angels of the Womb

The interaction between angels and humans begins before birth and al-Suyuti includes nine hadith (§436 - 444) about one particular ante-natal event. Soon after conception, God sends an angel to the mother’s womb, which then forms the foetus and records what God has ordained for that child. The hadith do not provide a strict consensus about when this happens precisely, but it is said to happen at some stage between forty and seventy-two days.[CCCLXIII] The majority of the hadith say that only one angel is sent to the womb,[CCCLXIV] but one hadith (§436) states that: ‘God, Most High, has made an angel responsible for the womb; [he said] that is, one responsible for the sperm, one responsible for the clot and one responsible for the embryo.’ The hadith discuss two important ideas: the first provides an account of traditional embryology and the second concerns the issue of predestination.

Five of the nine hadith included describe the early stages in the growth of the embryo in basic terms.[CCCLXV] These hadith are similar to the Qur’anic accounts, especially Q 23:12 - 14[CCCLXVI] and reflect a ‘...further development of the thought found already in some Koranic passages dealing with the stage of the development of the embryo.’[CCCLXVII] Here is a representative example from the hadith: ‘...When forty-two nights have passed by the semen, God sends an angel to it, and it shapes it, and creates its ears, its eyes, its skin, its fat and its bones.’[CCCLXVIII] The development of the embryo and the stages outlined in this example played an important part in the classical Islamic law of torts, especially in attempting to rule when compensation is

liable in cases of injury that subsequently induce a miscarriage.[CCCLXIX] However, whilst the scientific understanding behind these texts is interesting in and of itself, there are greater theological points being made; birth and ante-natal development are all driven by God. The creation of human life, as well as creation more generally, only occur as a result of God’s will, as Dirk Bakker comments: ‘Allah’s power manifested in the creation of man is not restricted to divine initiative, but is active in each stage of development. There is no phase in the process of man’s origin in which Allah is not concerned creatively.’[CCCLXX]

God’s will is equally important in the concept of predestination alluded to in these few hadith[CCCLXXI] The most important aspect of the Angel of the Womb is that in the womb, God preordains certain aspects of the foetus’ life; take the two following hadith:

‘...The [the angel] says: ‘Lord, it is male or female?’ And your Lord decrees what He wills, and the angel writes. Then he says: ‘Lord, what will his sustenance be?’ Your Lord decrees what He wills, and the angel writes. Then the angel leaves the page on his hand, and never ceases from the command nor shakes it off.’[CCCLXXII]

‘And [the angel] says: ‘Lord, is it male or female? Lord will it be wretched or happy?’ And God decrees what He wills. Then the one responsible says: ‘What is its time?’ And God decrees what He wills. Then he closes the book and it is not opened until the Day of Resurrection.’374

These two hadith show that some aspects of a human’s life are preordained: gender, sustenance (rizq), happiness or wretchedness,[CCCLXXIII] and life-span (ajal). Montgomery

Watt calls this type of predestination ‘modified fatalism’, because the elements that are predestined for the individual are limited in scope: ‘Here not everything a man does is predetermined, but only the date of his death and the outcome or general effect of his activity.’[CCCLXXIV] Some of these preordained elements of life, such as the ajal can be found in pre-Islamic religion (cf. dahr),[CCCLXXV] but as Smith and Haddad note, ‘.. .the emphasis is not on an impersonal determinism but on divine prerogative; God ascertains the life-spans of persons and of communities, and in His hands lies the fate of all that He has brought into being.’[CCCLXXVI] There is a strong focus on God and the juxtaposition of the statements about embryogenesis and this modified determinism seek to place God at the centre of human existence. Although Montgomery Watt

374

375

§440.

The meaning intended here is not necessarily referring to the individual’s final destiny (i.e. Heaven

209 - 238.

378 Smith and Haddad, Death and Resurrection, p. 5.

doubts that the types of hadith seen above were originally intended to be interpreted so forcefully,[CCCLXXVII] predestinationist hadith such as these became important in the subsequent theological disputes over the issue,[CCCLXXVIII] with whole chapters on qadar appearing in the canonical hadith collections[CCCLXXIX] and whole works devoted to the subject.[CCCLXXX] Above all, the modified determinism of these hadith highlight God’s control of and power over creation, as well as the role of the angels in the process. The angels act as God’s emissaries and act on his behalf, revealing the close relationship between God, man and angels, even from the very beginnings of life.

3.1.2       The Scribes

Having been born, every human is accompanied by (two) angels (al-hafizan), usually called the ‘Watchers’ or the ‘Scribes’ in English. The function of these angels is given simply in §313: ‘...They record against you your livelihood (rizq), your deeds (camal) and your time (a/al).’[CCCLXXXI] The Scribes are associated with four verses of the Qur’an in particular: 6:61; 13:11; 50:17 - 18 and 82:10 - 12. The majority of the information about the Scribes in the mediaeval Islamic exegeses is found in the entry for Q 13:11,[CCCLXXXII] although more detail can be found on specific issues in the tafsirs of

the other three passages. The hadlth included in al-Suyuti’s collection (§312 - 406)385 and the tafslrs agree that the hafizan are angels and are responsible for writing down the actions that humans take. The Scribes are the angels most closely associated with humans and the hadlth show that angels are integrated into everyday life. Despite the fact that the deeds recorded by these Scribes will affect the human’s eschatological future, al-Suyuti presents the hafizan as being very much part of the present throughout his collection.

The hadlth (in both the exegeses and al-Haba’ik) differ from the Qur’anic presentation of the material in the descriptions of the technical and practical ways in which the Scribes behave. For example, a number of hadlth state there are two sets of angels, two for the day and two for the night.386 The development of such technicalities can be seen particularly clearly in the exegeses of Q 50:17 - 18. The Qur’anic verse states there are two angels ‘sitting one on the right and one on the left.’387 The hadlth in al-Haba’ik and the exegeses388 add that: ‘The one on his right writes down the good deeds and the one on his left writes down the sins.. ,’389 This moral distinction between left and right is not explicit in the original Qur’anic verse; but the notion that the left is bad (and so the angel that writes down bad deeds is on the left) is a very traditional and ancient distinction that is mentioned frequently in the Qur’an.390

Al-Qurtubi, Abi cAbd Allah Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Ansari, Al-Jamic li-ahkam al-Qur’an (Cairo: Matbacat Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya, 1357-1369/1938-1950) vol. 7, p. 6; vol. 9, pp. 291 - 295; vol. 17,

pp. 8 - 13 and vol. 19, pp. 245 - 246.

385

386

387

388

389

This is the longest chapter on a named angel in al-Haba ’ik.

E.g. §314, 315, 318, 319, 331.

Arberry, Koran, p. 540.

e.g. al-Qurtubi, al-Jamic, vol. 17, p. 9.

See §319.

390 yamin appears 16 times in the Qur’an - see cAbd al-Baqi, Muhammad Fucad, Al-Mucjam al-

mufahras li-alfaz al-Qur’an al-karim (Cairo: Dar al-Hadith, 1417/1996) p. 862. The opening of Sura 56 is a good example of the discourse of left and right; see Arberry, Koran, pp. 560 - 561. For more

545.

§335.

§336.

Some exegetes include a hadïth that combines these two positions; e.g. al-Qurtubï, al-Jamic, vol.

The actions of the angelic scribes are further expanded by the hadlth to show God’s mercy to his creations. In §335 the Scribes are said not to record any transgressions for six hours after a sin has been committed and ‘If [the person] repents and seeks forgiveness from God, Most High, then He casts [the sin] away from him...’[CCCLXXXIII] [CCCLXXXIV] This hadlth attests to God’s mercy and also encourages repentance. This same emphasis on God’s mercy is repeated in §336 with a slight difference in that: ‘If a servant does a good act, he writes it down ten times.’[CCCLXXXV] Here good actions are given extra weight, thereby making entrance into Paradise, technically at least, a little easier. Despite the fact that these two hadlth are different in some specific details, the general theme of the hadlth - that God is merciful and allows time for repentance - is common to a great many included in al-Haba’ik. To a certain extent these hadlth could be described as being contradictory,[CCCLXXXVI] but the differences in detail are not problematic; rather, the underlying aim of these hadlth is to encourage repentance after the committing of a sin, as well as encouragement to act righteously in the first place. The focus on the ethical value of righteous and unrighteous actions can be seen particularly clearly in another hadlth that states: ‘.When a servant tells a lie, the angel [of good deeds] is separated from him by a mile from the stench which comes from him.’[CCCLXXXVII] Here, an unrighteous action is manifested by a (physical) smell.[CCCLXXXVIII] In this way, the hafizan are no longer simply angelic ‘by-standers’ or ‘witnesses’ dispassionately recording a human’s deeds; the Scribes are being used to condition human behaviour, urging both the pursuit of righteous deeds in the first instance and repentance for those who commit unrighteous actions in the second. [CCCLXXXIX]

The hadïth in both al-Suyuti’s collection and the exegetical literature seen above have expanded the Qur’anic concept of the angelic Scribes in minor and logical ways. However, some hadïth seem to move away from the Qur’anic descriptions of the Scribes a great deal; for example, §345 says that ‘When God puts a servant to the test during an illness; he says to the companion on the left: ‘Go away!’ And He says to the companion on the right: ‘Write down for my servant the good deeds that he does.’ Not only is this further evidence of divine mercy, but it can also be viewed in terms of a legal response to a question of ethical and jurisprudential concern: is one culpable of acts committed whilst ill, including any resultant sins of omission? Are the actions of the insane counted against them? In Islamic criminal law for an individual to be culpable of a crime, the person must ‘have had the power to commit or not to commit the act (qudra); he must have known (Ulm) that the act was an offence; and he must have acted with intent (qasd).’[CCCXC] The same applies to ritual law and to the judgement that God gives on the Last Day, with the result that during illness (and logically by extension, madness) unrighteous ritual (and criminal) actions, as well as sins of omission are not counted against an individual.

The hadith also include information which at first sight does not appear to be the primary intention of the Qur’an. For example, §371 says: ‘whoever uncovers his genitals, the angel [of good deeds] has turned away from him.’[CCCXCI] This is not implied by any of the descriptions of the Scribes in the Qur’an discussed above, to the extent that Q 13:11 says: ‘he has attendant angels, before him and behind him, watching over him by God’s command...’[CCCXCII] and Q 50:18 says of a human ‘...not a word he utters but by him is an observer ready.’[CCCXCIII] According to these verses of the Qur’an, the Scribes are ever-present with a human, but this particular hadith states that they are absent when a human is naked: is this contradictory? Not necessarily so; the Qur’an does also say: ‘Successful indeed are the believers.. who guard their private parts.’[CCCXCIV] Q 23:5 clearly prohibits exposing the genitals and this hadith uses the concept of the Scribes to emphasize this position: i.e. if one exposes oneself, any good actions performed cannot be recorded; and so, it is clearly in the interest of an individual not to let his or her genitals be revealed. Although the Scribes are not referred to in the various tafsirs on Q 23:5,[CCCXCV] al-Qurtubi does include a brief discussion about angels and nakedness, including a hadith stating that: ‘If a servant enters a bath without an izar, then his angel will curse him.’[CCCXCVI] In these hadith about nudity there is a slight difference in the way that the Scribes are employed: rather than the hadith being used to expand and explain the roles of the Scribes, the Scribes are used to enforce and interpret a specific legal injunction against nudity. Again, the exposure of the genitals could be projected into an eschatological punishment in the future, but these hadith are firmly rooted in the present and the habitual actions of the Scribes.

The hadith included in al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik regarding the Scribes are used in different ways to describe similar concepts. The main ideas contained in the hadith are (i) the specific details regarding their location and their functions; (ii) God’s mercy towards the repentant; (iii) answers to specific questions of theological and legal concern; and (iv) the use of angels in matters of (ritual) law. The hadith show that the Scribes were not simply recorders of human deeds, but are used to encourage certain modes of righteous behaviour. The stress on the intimacy of the angels with individuals is great, as is their place in the human world. The final result of these angels’ work will send the individual to Paradise or the Fire, but al-Suyuti’s Al- Haba’ik focuses on the present and what these angels are doing in this world, at this very moment.

3.1.3       The Angel of Death

The portrayal of ‘Death’ in anthropomorphic or angelomorphic terms is common to a number of belief systems and Islam is no exception.[CCCXCVII] Despite the fact the death is an important theme of the Qur’an,[CCCXCVIII] there is only one reference to the Angel of Death. [CCCXCIX] In Islamic tradition, however, the Angel of Death became very important and was recognized as one of the four Islamic archangels (ru ’üs al-mala ’ika). [CD] This is reflected in al-Suyuti’s al-Haba’ik, with the chapter on the Angel of Death being one of the longest, containing sixty-five hadlth (c. 9%).[CDI] The hadlth included give a wide range of information about the angel, which can be divided into three different categories: (i) physical descriptions of the Angel of Death; (ii) the function and processes of the Angel of Death and (iii) narratives about the Angel of Death meeting various prophets. Running throughout these hadlth is the sense that death is imminent and that death is part of human existence, with eight explicitly stating that ‘...the Angel of Death studies every person, without exception, twice a day.’[CDII] Death is an inescapable, inevitable and ever-present part of this world.

There are relatively few physical descriptions of the Angel of Death in al- Haba ’ik. The angel is said to have been visible in the times before the Prophet Moses, until, for various reasons, the angel became invisible and disease was ‘invented’ (§146 - 148); other hadlth describe the angel in human terms (e.g. §150, 168); one describes the angel as having ‘two eyes in his face and two eyes on the back of his head’;[CDIII] the angel is also said to hold a spear (§158, 159); and some describe the angel as being huge.[CDIV] Three related hadlth (§120 - 122) also describe the angel as

having two forms (one for believers and one for non-believers) and one of these three (§122) gives more detail. For believers, the Angel of Death is described as looking like ‘.a young man, the most beautiful of face, the most fragrant and [wearing] a white gown;’ and for non-believers: ‘.[he was] a black man, his head reaching the sky, and flames of fire were coming out of his mouth...’[CDV] These descriptions of the Angel of Death lack much detail, which is quite surprising as graphic descriptions of the angel can be found in other works with similar themes. [CDVI] The absence of extended descriptions of the Angel of Death reflects the collection’s focus on the angel’s junction, rather than the form of the angel.

413

414

415

Occasionally the Angel of Death is caricatured, for example in §118 the Angel of Death states that: ‘.if the servant, to whom he has been sent, laughs, then he says: ‘Wonderful! I have been sent to take his soul while he is laughing!’[CDVII] Above all, this stresses the inescapable nature of death; even when someone is laughing, if the appointed time (ajal) comes, the person will die. In §112 the Angel of Death appears almost arrogant, saying to a grieving family: ‘There is no sin for me [in doing this] against you! I am one with orders. By God! I have not eaten your food (rizq), I have not reduced your age, and I have not shortened your appointed time (ajal). I am going to return to you, and I will return to you again and again until there is none of you left!’”[CDVIII] These hadith emphasise the nature of the angel’s work and the lack of compassion reflects the impersonality of ‘Death’ and its inevitability. Above all, the Angel of Death is not a judge, only a functionary of God and cannot act independently.

Many of the hadlth ask the practical question: just how does the Angel of Death collect everybody’s souls? What, asks one hadlth, does the Angel of Death do ‘...when there is a war in the East and a famine in the West?’[CDIX] The hadlth have three answers. The first is that the Angel of Death is huge, and that ‘.[The earth] was made like a bowl, and he takes out of it when he wants.’[CDX] The second answer is that God created helpers for the Angel of Death, who collect people’s souls and then hand them over to the Angel of Death (§127). The third answer is that the Angel of Death ‘calls it and the soul comes to him.’[CDXI] Although each hadlth tends to suggest one way or another, these answers are sometimes combined (e.g. §125). On the actual process of death, the only descriptions in the Qur’an are in Q 56:82, in which the soul is described as moving to the throat of the deceased and Q 6:93, which talks of the ‘ghamarat al-mawt.’ which Arberry translates as ‘the agonies of death’.[CDXII] [CDXIII] However, the actual process of death is not described in great detail by the hadlth included in this particular collection and often the Angel of Death simply ‘takes the soul’ (qabada al-rüh)A4'! As noted above, there are also two hadlth that say that the angel has a spear and that ‘he cuts the vein of life with it.’[CDXIV] Again, this lack of information is quite unexpected as many texts go into great detail about the actual physical process of death.[CDXV]

416

417

418

419

420

421

422

(Cairo: Matbacat Tsa al-Babï al-Halabï, 1348/1929-30) vol.4, pp. 421 - 426; Winter, T. J. (tr.), The

There are a number of hadlth that describe the way in which the Angel of Death is informed who is to be killed and when. There are two main theories: firstly, that God instructs the Angel of Death who is to be killed at the moment before death;[CDXVI] or, the Angel of Death is informed about the deaths that are to occur during the whole year during the month of Shacban.[CDXVII] Despite these two positions, both stress the idea that it is God, and God only, who decides when an individual’s life is to come to an end, as Smith and Haddad write: ‘It is clear in these eschatological materials that the angel of death himself, as God’s instrument, has no responsibility for determining the moment of the individual’s death.’[CDXVIII] This emphasises that the Angel of Death is not acting independently, which also means that the Qur’anic statement in Q39:42 that ‘Allah takes the souls at the time of their death’[CDXIX] remains valid. Obedience to God is a key characteristic of all angels, in all monotheist religions and disobedience is often perceived as the origin of evil.[CDXX] As Awn comments: ‘[The angels] act only in accordance with God’s will, and function as His instruments. For them to rebel is unimaginable, and in fact, impossible...’[CDXXI] This idea that the Angel of Death does not act independently is also found in Judaism, in which ‘...God is regarded as ultimately responsible for the individual’s death, since Hebrew monotheism could not allow for the existence of an evil principle or a death­god that operated among men, contrary to the will of God.’[CDXXII]

The hadïth are, however, more explicit when it comes to a description of the differences between the Angel of Death’s treatment of believers and non-believers;

take this hadith: ‘When the Angel of Death comes to take the soul of a believer, he says: “Your Lord says to you: Peace!”[CDXXIII] This seems to be a reference to Q 16:32 in which God says to the winners on the Day of Judgement: ‘Peace be on you! Enter Paradise for that you were doing.’[CDXXIV] A similar statement can be found in §134:

‘...angels from amongst the angels of mercy and angels from amongst the angels of suffering are with him; when he receives a good soul, he gives it to the angels of mercy, and when he receives a wicked soul, he gives it to the angels of suffering.’[CDXXV]

These hadith suggest some form of pre-figured punishment or reward for the individual, exacted before the formal judgement of the Last Day. Souls of the believers are also said to be subsequently handed over to an angel called Ramya’il and the souls of the unbelievers to an angel called Duma.[CDXXVI]

§165.

Arberry, Koran, p. 261.

§134; the Angel of Death is also seen to act compassionately to believers, and in one hadith the

Sixteen of the hadith about the Angel of Death included in al-Suyuti’s Al- Haba ’ik are part of the Qisas al-anbiya ’ tradition. These hadith are all comparatively long and form two narrative groups: (i) the Angel of Death and its role in the creation of humans and (ii) the Angel of Death’s interaction with various prophets.[CDXXVII] These mythic tales are important for two reasons: firstly, they show Islamic interaction with the wider Judeo-Christian mythic tradition; [CDXXVIII] and secondly, they reveal some important information about the role and function of the Angel of Death.

The first two hadith in the section on the Angel of Death do not, as one may expect, give descriptions of how the Angel of Death takes the souls of humans or how the angel looks, but begin with a story about the creation of Adam. In this story, God commands various angels to collect some mud from the Earth, out of which Adam is created. Various angels fail in their mission and only the Angel of Death succeeds.[CDXXIX] This story is important because it establishes a link between the birth and death of human life. The Angel of Death was involved in the creation of Adam and is likewise responsible for the ‘termination’ of Adam and his children; or as Haim Schwarzbaum notes ‘...at the very moment of his birth man already carries within himself the germs of death.’[CDXXX] This narrative was very popular in both Jewish and Muslim tradition and testifies to the high degree of interaction between Judaism and Islam in this particular mythic narrative.[CDXXXI]

In Judaism and Christianity, the characterization of ‘death’ or the ‘Angel of Death’ in works such as the Testament of Abraham marks a further development in the personification of Death, in which prophets interact directly with an anthropomorphic or angelomorphic version of Death and attempt to challenge it.[CDXXXII]

This challenge ultimately fails and the prophet succumbs to the authority of God and dies. This narrative theme is also prominent in Islamic tradition.

Hadi th §120 - 122 describe the Angel of Death appearing to Abraham in two different forms:440 the first, for the believers in which the Angel of Death ‘...[was] made of light and radiance, of a kind that only God, Most High knows.’441 The second form for the unbelievers was, as has been seen above, terrifying; even ‘Abraham was so afraid that he trembled and his stomach clung to the Earth, and his soul was about to leave.’442 Here, the narrative of Abraham’s meeting with Death (or rather the Angel of Death) is used to describe a wider ethical dimension: ease in the death for the faithful and pain in death for the unfaithful - a common idea in earlier Judaism.443

One common theme in these stories is the attempt by various prophets and people to escape death: Enoch, Moses, Abraham and a friend of Solomon all attempt to evade the Angel of Death and prolong their appointed time (ajal). Enoch and Abraham both seek confirmation from God that they are supposed to die; Moses challenges the angel directly by slapping him and gouging out his eye and Solomon’s friend asks Solomon to transport him to India, so that the Angel of Death does not know where he is.444 All these attempts are futile, as all are taken by the Angel of Death at their appointed time (ajal). This is part of a wider theological position in which the moment of death and the length of a human’s appointed time are conceived as being immoveable and unchangeable. Montgomery Watt comments: ‘Both [ajal and rizq] are thought as determined by God, but, once they have been determined, they seem to have a certain fixity and there is no question of God’s altering them.’445

editions of the text in its various extant languages (Greek, Coptic, Arabic, Ethiopic, Slavic and Romanian).

440 These two images are also found in the Testament of Abraham 17:12 - 13: ‘Then Death put off all

his beauty and loveliness and all his glory and his sun-like form that he had worn. And he put on a

robe of tyranny, and he made his face gloomy, more fierce that all wild beasts and more unclean than

all uncleanness.’ Allison, Testament, p. 334; see also Ludlow, Jared W., Abraham Meets Death:

Humor in the Testament of Abraham (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002) pp. 95 - 118.

441

442

443

444

§121.

§121.

Cf. Ket. 104a, pp. 664 - 665; Cf. §134 - 135 & 163 - 166.

Enoch: §149; Abraham: §150; Moses §146; Solomon’s friend: §167 - 168.

If the hadïth on wine-drinking is disregarded,446 the last two hadïth of the section on the Angel of Death describe the events surrounding the death of Muhammad. Some elements of these two hadïth can be found in the other prophets’ meetings with the Angel of Death. When the Angel of Death takes Abraham’s soul, the angel says: ‘Your Lord has ordered me to take your soul in the most peaceful way that I have taken the soul of a believer.’ 447 Likewise, in the story of Muhammad’s death, the Angel of Death seeks permission to enter the Prophet’s house, and the hadïth concludes: ‘It reached me that the Angel of Death did not greet anyone before him, and will not greet anyone after it.’448 Although different in detail, the two hadïth use similar expressions to describe the honour in which the prophets are held. This honour is made even more explicit in §167 in which the Angel of Death is made an actual servant of Solomon.449 However, the main difference between the encounters of Muhammad and the other prophets with the Angel of Death is that the death of Muhammad is treated with a great deal more emotion, where the pain and suffering of the Prophet are stressed.[CDXXXIII] Muhammad, when asked by Gabriel how he feels, replies: ‘Gabriel, I find myself distressed, and I find myself scared.’[CDXXXIV] Muhammad is also one of the only prophets (save David)[CDXXXV] not to challenge the Angel of Death in an attempt to live a longer life. In §170, the Angel of Death says to Muhammad:

Watt, W. Montgomery, ‘Suffering in Sunnite Islam’ SI 50 (1979) pp. 5 - 19, p. 15.

The section on the Angel of Death ends with a hadïth (§171) already included in the section on Michael (§84), which simply contains the matn: ‘The one addicted to wine is an idolater.’ The hadïth

is included in the section on the Angel of Death, because the Angel of Death features in the isnad; see

§84 & 171.

447

448

§150.

§168; cf. the death of Moses in Pseudo-Philo, in which the angels do not sing their heavenly hymn

after his death: ‘...nor was there such a day from the one on which the LORD made man upon the earth, nor shall there be such forever, that the hymn of the angels should stop on account of men; because he loved him very much. And he buried him with his own hands on a high place and in the light of all the world.’ Ps.-Philo 19:16, OTP vol. 2, p. 323 449 §167; cf. Ket. 77b, pp. 488 - 489.

‘God has sent me to you, and has commanded me to obey you; if you command me to take your soul, then I will take it; but if you do not want [me to], then I will leave it.’ [Muhammad] said: ‘Do [it], Angel of Death.’ He said: ‘Yes, as you command.’

In the hadïth there is juxtaposition between the honouring of Muhammad as a prophet and his depiction as an ordinary human being, fearing death. In this way, Muhammad becomes an example of human behaviour: accepting of God’s will, yet simultaneously fearful of it. Even the Prophet, the exemplar of human submission to God, experiences pain and fear of death itself; as al-Ghazali writes:

‘Did you think that the office of Prophethood would ward off from him that which was destined? Did the Angel respect his family and relations for his sake? ...Absurd! Rather he followed that which he found inscribed upon the Tablet.’[CDXXXVI]

The importance of these narratives of the prophets is particularly evident in the fact that a quarter of the hadïth about the Angel of Death are in this form. What is most interesting about the use of these mythic narratives is that many of them are not simply graphic descriptions of death and its processes. The hadïth make important statements about the subject within a rich narrative framework, allowing important concepts about death to be made more subtly.

As a whole, the section on the Angel of Death in al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik focuses on four main areas: (i) the imminence of death; (ii) the fixed nature of the ajal; (iii) the treatment of humans by the Angel of Death based on belief; and (iv) the practical question of how the Angel of Death can take everyone’s souls. This section is one of the longest sections in al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik and it contains much information in a variety of different formats: exegeses of the Qur’an, simple statements, longer narratives, etc. However, much information has not been included. The hadïth do not give much detail about the physical appearance of the Angel of Death or about the physical process of death and the time spent in the grave.

3.1.4       The Post-Mortem Angels

After burial, there are a number of angels that interact with an individual after death and in the afterlife; namely, the fattan al-qabr (Tempters of the Grave, §302 - 311) and the guardians of Heaven and Hell, Ridwan and Malik (§229 - 242), along with their subordinates.

Soon after someone has been buried, they are visited by angels and their faith is tested; if they have been believers, they are rewarded and if they are not, they are punished.[CDXXXVII] Although it should be noted, as F. E. Peters comments, that ‘...the events following an individual Muslim’s death unfold in a somewhat confused fashion in the literature on the subject.’[CDXXXVIII] In Islamic tradition the two angels that come to the deceased are normally named as Munkar and Nakir. However, some other names are given in al-Haba’ik: Ankar, Nakur, Ruman[CDXXXIX] and they are also referred to more generally in §308 as ‘.two angels from the Angels of Mercy, and one angel from the Angels of Torment.’ These angels do not appear in the Qur’an, but became an important part of traditional Islamic beliefs about the afterlife.[CDXL] The angels are described as having a terrifying form, having blue or black skin (§302 & 305) and that:

‘Their voices are like roaring thunder, and their glance is like a flash of lightning; they walk on their hair, and they dig with their fangs; the two of them have a rod of iron; if the people of Mina were to gather together, they would not be able to lift it up.’[CDXLI]

This terrifying image has something in common with both the form that the Angel of Death takes for unbelievers (see above) and the forms of the anti-Christ, al-Dajjal49 Despite their form, Munkar and Nakir are not ‘evil’ angels, nor are they devils. Their function is to test the soul of the deceased by asking simple, basic questions of the individual’s beliefs, e.g. §303: ‘The two will sit with him and ask him what he used to worship, and who his prophet was.’ These are fundamental questions, relating directly to the beliefs of the shahada, rather than a judgement based on an individual’s actions. The responses to the questions asked by the two angels receive either a punishment or reward; in §302 the reward and punishment is related directly to Heaven and Hell: ‘.. .the door to the Garden is opened for him, and it is roomy for him in his grave’ and ‘.the door to the Fire is opened for him.’

The implication is that the period of questioning in the grave acts as a preliminary stage of judgement during which those who can never enter heaven are separated from those that can. Those that pass the test will subsequently be judged on the Day of Resurrection according to their actions, as collected by the Scribes. This would seem to highlight the primacy of belief and the punishment of disbelief; i.e. kufr automatically results in punishment in Hell. However, this is not at all clear and statements such as ‘.his torment does not end until God calls him from that bed of his...’ in §302, suggest that the individual is not immediately consigned to Hell during this period, but it would seem extremely unlikely that he or she could gain admittance to Heaven.

The guardians of Heaven and Hell are also named in Islamic tradition as Malik and Ridwan, and, although their names are derived from the Qur’an, they are [CDXLII] not fully developed until the hadith literature.[CDXLIII] They also both figure fairly prominently in the micraj literature.[CDXLIV] Of the few hadith in al-Haba’ik about post­mortem events, only §237 and §242 are explicitly about Ridwan, and only §241 about the guardians of Heaven. The majority are descriptions of the individuals responsible for Hell: (i) Malik, the angel in charge of Hell; (ii) the guardians who punish hell’s inhabitants; and (iii) the zabaniyya, another group of angels who are also responsible for punishments. Like the Angel of Death and Munkar and Nakir, they are described as having a terrifying form:

[229] God, may he be praised and glorified, created Malik, and he created as many fingers as the numbers of people in the Fire for him, no­one in the Fire is tortured without Malik torturing him with his fingers;

and by God! if Malik were to place one of his fingers in heaven, then it would melt it.

[234] There are nineteen angels, and in the hand of every one of them is an iron rod, with two prongs, and he beats [people] vigorously with it, with it coming down on seventy thousand [people].

These descriptions are designed to make individuals aware of the consequences of their actions in this world. Such descriptions are common in both Jewish and Christian apocalyptic and eschatological texts.[CDXLV]

The hadith included in Jalal al-Dm al-Suyuti’s collection concerning the post­mortem angels are actually very few, only amounting to twenty-four hadith (3%).

This is quite surprising as both the angels Malik and the two tempters of the grave were extremely popular in Islamic tradition.[CDXLVI] Being angels, al-Suyqtl could not exclude them from this collection, but their actions in the post-mortem world, that of the eschatological future, appear to jar with the immediacy and everyday focus of the rest of the hadith in the collection.

The role of the angels in the everyday lives of humans is an important theme in Islamic tradition and many of the hadith in al-Haba ’ik fl akhbar al-mala ’ik deal with this issue. The hadith show that angels are continually in contact with humans from the very beginnings of life. One hadith shows this with particular clarity:

[304] ‘...when God, may He be praised and glorified, wanted to create him, He said to an angel: ‘Write down his blessings (rizq)! Write down his report (athar)! Write down his allotted time (ajal)! Write him down as damned or blessed!’ Then that angel ascends and God sends an angel, and it sustains him until he reaches puberty, then that angel ascends.

Then God assigns two angels to him, who write down his good deeds and his misdeeds. When he is in the presence of death, those two angels ascend, and the Angel of Death comes to him to take his soul. When he enters his grave, the spirit returns to his body, and the two Angels of the Grave come to him and test him. Then the two ascend. When the Hour comes, the Angel of Good Deeds and the Angel of Misdeeds come down to him and they untie the bound books on his neck. Then the two are with him and one drives him and the other bears witness.’

There has been a tendency in Islamic (as well as Biblical and Jewish) Studies to focus on the angels’ roles in eschatology. Christopher Rowland has argued that Jewish and Christian apocalyptic literature is not simply about the future, but is also concerned with the present: ‘Such elements point to apocalyptic being not merely a movement which was concerned primarily with the future of the world but with the world above, its secrets and its glory.’[CDXLVII] But it is not simply apocalyptic texts that are interested in angels and the divine world, Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik f akhbar al-mala’ik is a case in point. The compilation is clearly not apocalyptic, far from it in fact; yet it is deeply interested in the angelic world. Al-Haba’ik is not simply concerned with, as Rowland puts it, the secrets and glory of heaven, but with the interaction of the divine with the human; the relationship between the angels and people, at all times. This relationship is reciprocal: whilst the angels constantly supervise and note down human actions, a close link is also established between the human and the divine worlds and along with it a sense of protection. Whilst it is angels that are the celestial beings that interact with God, there is a constant stress in the hadlth that they are mere functionaries. All of the angels’ actions originate from God.

3.2            Angels and Ritual

So far, angels have been seen to watch over human activity on behalf of God, recording human actions in readiness for the Day of Judgment. The angels do, however, also relate to the contemporary world (that is, the world of the now) in a different way. Rather than perceiving angels as coming down to the earthly realm, humans can also look up to the angels in heaven to seek guidance in the ways and forms of ritual.

The idea that the earth is a replica of the divine is an important and common concept in the ancient world and the temple in Near Eastern religion marked a place of direct connection between the human and divine realms.[CDXLVIII] As Nicholas Wyatt comments: ‘The point of the junction is communication between the two, allowing the benefits of cult to reach the god (they were seen as being fed by their servants, like great lords), and for their power to be transmitted downwards as a blessing... ’[CDXLIX] Associated with the precise locus of this divine place on earth (the holy of holies in the Jewish Temple) and its environs were a number of rites and rituals concerning how it should be engaged with by humans. Jewish ritual law (as well as much criminal and civil law) is associated with these regulations and came to have a profound effect on the daily lives of both the priestly and non-priestly classes. After the destruction of the two Jewish temples, but particularly after that of the Second Temple, the locus of this divine-human interaction was lost, but the ritual laws and the means of approach to God remained.[CDL]

In the literature of the inter-testamental and post-biblical periods the concept of heaven as the template for human action on earth became important in the description and performance of certain rituals. Texts such as the Testament of Levi portray earthly ritual actions being performed in heaven by angels.[CDLI] The role of the angels in these texts is to act as an exemplar for human behaviour; the way in which the angels worship God, should be how humans worship God. In these works the visionary ascends to heaven and brings down revelation to the rest of humanity concerning God and the rituals associated with His worship. There is also, however (as seen above with the Scribes), a movement in the opposite direction: angels are also used to deliver prayers of the faithful to God and to keep information about the ritual actions of individual humans. This movement is seen particularly clearly in the mediaeval Exodus Rabbah: ‘When they have all finished [praying], the angel appointed over prayers collects all the prayers that have been offered in all the Synagogues, weaves them into garlands and places them upon the head of God.. ,’[CDLII]

Ritual also forms the basis of Islamic spiritual life, and there has been much literature written about the history and development of Islamic ritual.[CDLIII] However, the role of angels in ritual law and belief has yet to be tackled, which is somewhat surprising as the use of angels to encourage and discourage certain actions is neither obscure, nor solely the domain of popular, folkloric material. For example, Malik ibn Anas includes a number of hadith that use angels for these purposes in his Muwatta ’.[CDLIV]

There are 224 hadith (around 30%) included in Al-Haba’ik, which relate to ritual issues. This is a significant proportion and therefore the subject needs to be addressed comprehensively. This section will look at the roles that angels play in ritual behaviour, looking at the topic from two directions: (i) humans looking up towards heaven for templates of ritual action,[CDLV] and (ii) heavenly beings coming down to earth, covering both the effects of certain human actions on angels[CDLVI] and the angelic encouragement of correct behaviour.[CDLVII]

3.2.1       Heaven as a Template for the Performance of Ritual

One of the most important roles for angels is to show believers how they should behave, both in general terms and in specific ritual contexts. The importance of angels outside Islam is best seen in the Qumran community and their liturgical work, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice.[CDLVIII] At Qumran human worship replicates the angelic community and both humans and angels pray and worship simultaneously. Martha Himmelfarb comments that: ‘The recitation of the Sabbath Songs with their description of the liturgy in the heavenly temple was intended to create a feeling of participation in the service on high.’[CDLIX] As will be seen, this is also a key part in the understanding of the role of angels in Islamic ritual.[CDLX]

Before looking at the role of angels in specific ritual actions, it is important to highlight the way in which angels are held to be exemplars of faith. In Al-Haba’ik the angels are said to be continually praising and worshipping God. There are a number of hadith that state: ‘There is no place in heaven without an angel, be it bowed down in worship or standing upright until the Hour comes.’[CDLXI] Here Heaven is described as a world crammed full of angels, constantly praising God.[CDLXII] This is seen further in another hadith:

[22] ‘God, Most High, divided the angels into ten parts, nine parts are the Cherubim, and they are the angels who bear the Throne, and they are also those who worship God night and day, without rest. He said: The remaining angels are for God’s orders and messages.’

Of all the angels that are in existence the great majority praise and worship God, with a mere ten percent given specific tasks - the roles normally associated with angels.[CDLXIII] In one of the hadith it says explicitly that the main purpose of the angels is to worship:

[549] ‘I said to Kacb: ‘What is your opinion about the Word of God: ‘glorifying Him by night and in the daytime and never failing’[CDLXIV] - particularly regarding those that are occupied with [delivering] messages and those that are occupied with [seeing to people’s] needs?’ He said: God gave them worship, just as [he gave] you souls. Have you not eaten and drunk, and stood up and sat down, and come and gone, and talked while you breathed? In that way, He created worship for them.’

The worship and praise of God is a natural function of the angel. The actual words of the angels are also important and often reflect invocations used commonly in Muslim ritual, again something seen in Jewish and Christian contexts.[CDLXV] [CDLXVI] The most important of these is the saying of the tasbïh43 which is an integral part of Muslim devotional practices: ‘Muslim prayer-manuals show that for the Muslim worshipper too, his act of praise is a sharing in the worship of “angels and men in a wonderful order”.’[CDLXVII] This perpetual worship and glorification of God are personified particularly strongly in the angel al-Ruh:

‘The Spirit is an angel. It has seventy thousand faces, and every face has seventy thousand tongues, and every tongue has seventy thousand languages, which praise God in all of those languages; God creates an angel from every praise, which flies with the angels until the Day of Resurrection.’[CDLXVIII]

The image here shows the multitude of praises from one being towards one object and it is no surprise that such an image should be included by Ibn Tufayl in his Hayy ibn Yaqzan as the ultimate goal for all those who wish to worship God.[CDLXIX] At a basic level, the angels are beings created to worship God and do so naturally. Indeed, many theologians saw obedience and worship of God as such an innate part of the angels’ being that Iblis’ refusal to prostrate to Adam had to be reinterpreted.[CDLXX] As worship of God, as well as obedience and submission to God, are part of the angelic nature, the angels then become the epitome of the way in which Muslims should worship.

Thus far, the hadïth have just outlined two basic principles: firstly, that praise and worship of God should be constant and, secondly, that certain expressions and devotions are used by the angels. However, the angels also play important roles in more technical aspects of the worship of God, especially the ritual prayers and the rites of the hajj.

One of the most important themes in Islamic tradition is the idea that there is a heavenly counterpart to the Kacba, often called the bayt al-macmur (the ‘inhabited house’). W. McKane comments that in Islamic visions of heaven, ‘There is a doctrine of heavenly prototypes and earthly copies; thus a heavenly Ka'aba, a heavenly mu'addin and an angel in the form of a cock who regulates the crowing and silence of all earthly cocks.’[CDLXXI] This heavenly prototype is believed to be directly above the earthly Kacba, or as one hadïth puts it: ‘.if it were to come down, then it would come down on top of it.’[CDLXXII] The Temple was the primary focus of the cult in ancient religion, generally, and particularly in Judaism because of the direct link between the one temple and God.[CDLXXIII] Likewise, in al-Haba’ik the earthly Kacba is a representation of a heavenly version.[CDLXXIV] The traditions often use the bayt al-ma milr to describe the great number of angels that worship in it, for example:

‘...It is called The Inhabited House because seventy thousand angels pray in it every day; then they come down, when they have spent the night [there], they circumambulate the Kacba, then they bless the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation), then they leave and they do not have another turn until the coming of the Hour.’[CDLXXV]

This does not, at first, appear to establish a model of any particular rite of the hajj; the hajj is not performed every day. However, this hadïth and others like it place the bayt al-macmur, and by extension the earthly Kacba, at the heart of angelic worship. The angels are not instituting any particular rite, but are stressing the holiness and sanctity of the location.[CDLXXVI] Of course, in Islam the locus of the ‘temple’ as the house of God is a key component of the worship of God as the qibla is directed to the Kacba: ‘The central gesture of this body language is the facing of the direction of prayer, in Arabic, tawliyat al-wujh, the turning of one’s face (to the house of God).’[CDLXXVII] As the angels focus their activities of worship on the bayt al-macmûr, the Muslim community looks in the same direction.[CDLXXVIII]

The Inhabited House is also used explicitly as the template for the earthly Kacba in §519 and §687:

[519]‘...The Angel took me up into the Seventh Heaven, until we reached a building. I said to the angel: ‘What is that?’ And he said: ‘This building is His building. God has angels, seventy thousand, who enter it every day. They glorify God and praise Him, and they do not come back to it.’

[687] ‘When God sent Adam down from the Garden, he said: “Adam, I
have built a house for me, opposite my house which is in heaven. You
can worship me in it, and your children, just as my angels worship
around my Throne.” So the angels came down to him, and he dug until
he reached the Seventh Earth, and the angels threw the rock down until it
towered over the face of the earth.’ [CDLXXIX]

These two hadïth both establish a direct link between the earthly and heavenly Kacbas, but they are quite different in approach. The first (§519) is part of the micraj genre; during Muhammad’s ascension he sees God’s ‘house’. It is not described, but Muhammad’s failure to understand the building that he is shown is quite unusual. Had the building been a direct replica of the earthly Kacba one would expect him to know, or at least recognise, what he has seen. Nonetheless, the building is clearly the inhabited house. Why does Muhammad not recognise it? The answer probably lies in the fact that it is part of the micraj genre, in which the unknown is made known. The importance is not the fact that it is in the form of the earthly Kacba, but that the building is revealed to be God’s building. The focus is on the association of the locus with the divine, not on the physical form of the building. Likewise the location of the building is important in §687, in which the Kacba is associated with Adam. In his recent monograph, Brandon Wheeler comments that: ‘Adam’s role in instituting the rituals of the pilgrimage, and in particular the boundaries of the sanctuary, establishes a link between Mecca and the lineage of the prophets. The observance of the pilgrimage rites and prohibitions of the sanctuary by the prophets reiterates the association of Mecca and Eden.’[CDLXXX] Whilst the association with Eden (and ‘heaven’

more generally) is important, it is the building’s specific relationship with God and the fact that the Kacba/bayt al-macmur is God’s dwelling that is more important: the focus is on God, rather than Heaven. The Kacba is not ‘heaven on earth’ but ‘God’s dwelling on earth’.

The hadith do not only describe the bayt al-macmur in general terms, but they also show the angels performing or supporting specific rituals associated with the Kacba. The angels are said to have been the first to perform a circumambulation (tawwaf) of the Kacba:

‘Adam (peace be upon him) circumambulated the Holy House, and the angels said: ‘Your piety obeys [God], Adam, we have circumambulated this House before you, for two thousand years.’[CDLXXXI]

Adam, as the first man and the first to come into contact with the Kacba, is associated with its rituals. However, there is also a deeper sense that the Kacba is a form of recompense for Adam’s expulsion from paradise, as Adam is not left abandoned by God. Another hadith (§624) establishes a link between the practice of, tawwaf in heaven and on earth:

‘And [Adam] walked around it, just as he had walked around the Throne, and he performed the prayers by it, just as he had performed them by the Throne.’[CDLXXXII]

The angels are also said to wear the izar (§625), to protect the jimar (§461) and to circumambulate in the air above the earthly Kacba during Ramadan (§736), bless those who say a prayer as they pass the Yemeni column of the Kacba (§458 - 460) and surround the tomb of the prophet (§488). These hadïth validate the use of these specific ritual and devotional acts by the Muslim community.

Given the infrequency with which most Muslims have the opportunity to perform the hajj, the role of the angels in the performance of the ritual prayers is, perhaps, more important. One of the overarching themes in the hadïth is that the angels are present whenever a Muslim prays and that they support the community. The idea of God sending angels to help and support the Muslim community is an early one, found both in the Qur’an and in hadïth[CDLXXXIII] For example, during the Battle of Badr God sent a contingent of angels to help the outnumbered Muslims:

‘...and God most surely helped you at Badr....“Is it not enough for you that your Lord should reinforce you with three thousand angels sent down upon you? Yea if you are patient and godfearing, and the foe come against you instantly, your Lord will reinforce you with five thousand swooping angels.”’[CDLXXXIV]

The idea that angels support a community both in military,[CDLXXXV] but especially ritual and liturgical affairs, is not new and is an extremely important concept in the Dead Sea Scrolls.[CDLXXXVI] In both the Judaism of the Qumran community and in Islam the angels’ participation and support of the community are crucial to understanding the relationship between God and his creations.

In al-Haba ’ik there are a number of hadith that reflect these themes. Some hadith state the ritual prayers are performed in heaven, e.g.: ‘When Israfil glorifies God, he cuts off the ritual prayers and the hearing of all the angels in heaven.’[CDLXXXVII] There are also more specific hadith that give the role of angelic imam and angelic mu’adhdhin to specific angels: §39 states that Gabirel is imam, whereas in §83 Michael is imam and Gabriel is the mu’adhdhin and in §102 Israfil is the mu’adhdhin. These contradictions are not important, rather the fact that there is an imam and a mu’adhdhin in heaven shows that the earthly practices of the Muslims are a copy of those performed in heaven. [CDLXXXVIII] The idea that earthly practice is a mirror of the heavenly, is seen most clearly in §83:

[83] ‘The mu’adhdhin of the heavenly host is Gabriel, and Michael is
their Imam, who leads them in the prayers in the inhabited house, and the
angels of the heavens congregate and circumambulate the Inhabited

164 House, and they perform the prayers and pray for forgiveness. God gives their reward, their forgiveness and their praise of God to the community of Muhammad (God bless him and grant him salvation).’

Here a whole number of Muslim ritual practices can be seen: the salat, the direction of the qibla and the circumambulation of the house. Furthermore, the Muslim community actually benefits from these angelic actions. The hadith associated with the celestial cockerel (al-Dik; §280 - 294) also locate the origin of the earthly adhan in heaven:

[§282] ‘God has a cockerel; its feet are on the Seventh Earth and its head passes through the Seven Heavens, and it praises God at the times of prayer; there is no cockerel on Earth that does not reply to it.’

The words of the angels are also important, as they often form the template of Islamic prayers and devotions. This is seen clearly in §275:

‘Dhu ‘l-Qarnayn (peace be upon him) had a friend from amongst the angels, and it is said he was Riyafil. He used to come to him, and visit him, and he said to him: ‘Tell me, how do you serve [God] in heaven?’ He said: ‘In heaven angels stand upright, and they never sit down; and among them [are those that are] prostrating, and they never raise their heads, and there [are those that are] kneeling down, and they never stand upright. However, there is one who raises his face, but he never looks astray. He says: ‘Praise be [to God], the King, the All-Holy,[CDLXXXIX] the Lord

165 of the Angels and the Spirit, Lord, we have not worshiped you, as worship of you demands. ’

In the hadïth concerned with ritual the angels are used to legitimise set forms of worship. The earthly and divine rituals are identical and performed simultaneously. This creates a sense of harmony and a deep relationship between heaven and earth in the performance of ritual. Esther Chazon has highlighted three different ways in which the angels and the community of Qumran interact: (i) humans invite angels to praise God, because of their inability to praise God as well as the angels; (ii) humans pray like angels, using their words and (iii) humans join the angels, and they become one choir praising God.[CDXC] All three of these positions can be seen in the hadïth: (i) prayer and worship are innate characteristics of angels, but not of humans; (ii) specific rites and invocations of the Muslim community were established by the angels; (iii) the heavenly and earthly communities praise God simultaneously. This testifies to the different types of relationship that exist between humans and angels in the sphere of ritual. Much of this is concerned with the ‘correctness’ of ritual: the correct forms of worship are those performed in heaven.

3.2.2       Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong?

Muslims’ lives are constantly regulated by the principle of sharfa, the divine law, which thefuqaha’ strive to interpret and understand. Sharïa does not simply govern criminal, civil and ritual law, but it also addresses ethical and moral concerns more

generally.[CDXCI] In Al-Haba’ik there are a number of hadïth that attempt to discourage certain types of behaviour in a whole range of different situations and circumstances, ranging from people’s bad habits during the ritual prayer to questions of purity. In this collection angels are used to warn believers of the consequences of certain practices in a number of ways: (i) stating that it offends the angel that writes down good deeds (with the implication that this may affect the individual’s own record of good deeds); (ii) by stating that angels do not come into the presence of certain things; and (iii) stating that the angels curse individuals for certain actions.

Ritual purity is an important part of both Jewish and Islamic religious life. In Judaism the ritual purity laws of Leviticus (especially Lev. 11 - 16) were primarily directed at the priestly class, because the priests were required to be ritually clean before coming into contact with the divine in the Holy of Holies.[CDXCII] However, as Judaism developed, there was an increasing trend for the laity to adopt the same, or, at the very least, similar purity regulations; as Eyal Regev has concluded: ‘Purity is necessary in order to achieve holiness. Thus, we conclude that those who voluntarily observed purity in order to eat, pray and read Scripture were seeking holiness in their everyday life, outside the realm of the Temple and the priestly system.’[CDXCIII] Impurity, or uncleanness, is derived from a whole range of different things, but the principal sources of impurity are corpses and bodily discharges (including urine, faeces and menstrual blood).[CDXCIV] After coming into contact with these polluting substances ritual cleansing (in Islam wudu’, ghusl or tayammum) is required before performing ritual actions.[CDXCV] Islamic notions of ritual impurity are believed to be related to either Rabbinic or Zoroastrian ideas;[CDXCVI] however, what is important to note is that Islamic purity regulations are usually deemed to be less rigorous than those of Judaism and Zoroastrianism. For example, ritual impurity can be derived from both physical substances and through contact with an unclean person or place; but in Islam, impurity is derived solely from substances.[CDXCVII] In Judaism and Zoroastrianism, ritual impurity is of major spiritual importance and the notions of purity and holiness became sacralised; but the concept of purity in Islam is much more basic, as Janina Safran suggests: ‘The Islamic system of purity is focused on ritual worship and treats the defilement of the body, often by bodily acts and substances, as a regular circumstance of the human condition.’[CDXCVIII] It should also be stressed that the concept of purity in Islamic law is ritual and not hygienic[CDXCIX]

What, then, do the hadlth in al-Haba’ik add to the subject of ritual purity? The hadlth in the collection are mostly concerned with individuals in a state of ritual impurity and the effects of that pollution on human interaction with angels. Take the following hadlth: ‘...Angels do not stay in the presence of someone in a state of ritual impurity (junub'), nor [are they in the presence of someone who has been] anointed with khalûq until both [types] have been washed.’[D] At first, this hadlth may not appear to be of great concern; however, the absence of angels does have profound effects on the person concerned. If angels are driven away from an individual, any righteous acts that the Scribe of good deeds would normally record cannot be included in the person’s ‘book’. This hadlth essentially denies those in a state of junub the ability to perform credited righteous actions. It is also made clear in other hadlth (e.g. §365) that this applies to only ‘one of your angels which is with you’[DI] (i.e. the angel of good deeds); consequently, bad actions are still recorded during this state of impurity.

In Al-Haba ’ik the absence of angels is attributed to a whole range of different things, including:

i.                            urine / bowls of stagnant urine (§588 & 589)

ii.                          excrement (§368 & 567)

iii.                        nakedness (§364 - 366; 371, 372 & 388)

iv.                        those who are junub (§368, 592 & 595)

v.                          those who have had sexual intercourse (§367 & 368)

vi.                        houses with dogs (§584, 586 & 595)

vii.                       houses with idols (§582 - 585 & 595)

viii.                     houses with tambourines (§590 & 591)

ix.                         men anointed with khaluq (§592)

x.                           the funerals of unbelievers (§593)

xi.                         the funerals of individuals remaining junub (§593)

xii.                       the funerals of those who have been anointed with saffron (§593)

xiii.                     animals with bells (§512, 585 - 587, 596 & 597)

xiv.                     those people who have severed ties from the community (§594).

There are a number of important points raised by these hadith. Firstly, in his article on touching the penis in Islamic law, Brandon Wheeler emphasises the point that to many of the jurists simply touching the penis did not necessitate wudü’, nor was wudu’ necessary, except before ritual actions.[DII] The idea behind this is that ritual purity is only obligatory before ritual actions, such as the salat, are actually performed. Reinhart has also shown that, tahara (ritual purity) is a negative concept; someone who is in a state of, tahara is someone that does not have to perform an ablution. In theory, ablutions are not necessary to perform the salat if the individual is already in , tahara.[DIII]

The hadith cast Islamic notions of ritual impurity in a different light, for not only is someone made impure by coming into contact with a polluting substance, but the substance can also affect the ritual purity of an entire dwelling.[DIV] This is at odds with the standard understanding of ritual impurity, as discussed by scholars such as Katz and Reinhart. For example, the consequences of pollution by urine would not be met until a ritual action was performed; these hadïth say otherwise, since the individual (as well as any guests and family members) are gravely affected prior to the performance of any ritual action. Being in a state of junub, for example, does not only mean that failure to perform the ghusl before a ritual makes that action invalid, it also prevents the individual from obtaining merit for any righteous deeds performed from the moment of pollution.

Whilst the absence of angels is usually associated with impure bodily substances, such as urine, semen, menstrual blood etc., animals and other objects (e.g. idols and tambourines) and certain actions (such as being naked) are quasi-polluting, as they have consequences for the individuals concerned equal to the angels’ reactions to ritual impurity. Although in these cases, the removal of the offending item or the cessation of the action will allow the angels to return without the performance of any ritual cleansing; i.e. if an individual is naked, he is not ritually impure, but needs to be covered before the angels will return; but if an individual has had sexual intercourse, then ritual purification is required.

Some of these ‘prohibitions’ are quite easily understood: for example, the ritual impurity of dogs in Islam has often been seen to be a shibboleth to their favour in Zoroastrian culture;[DV] the ownership of idols is clearly prohibited as shirk, and so on.[DVI] The ban against playing tambourines is more obscure, but the prohibition of dancing and tambourines was debated in Islamicjurisprudence.[DVII] Whilst saffron plays an important role in Islamic society and is not normally considered to be ‘impure’, Jamsheed Choksy notes that: ‘.[the use of saffron-dyed shrouds] was intended to prevent a Muslim’s corpse from being confused with that of a non­Muslim (Zoroastrians, Christians and Jews in particular were required by Islamic governments to wear a yellow coloured cloth during medieval and premodern times to distinguish them from the Muslim socio-political majority)...’[DVIII] The statement that angels do not accompany people travelling with animals with bells attached to them seems a little strange, especially as none of the hadith provide much context. Take §512 as an example: ‘God has angels, which descend every night to experience the weariness of a cavalry horse, except a riding animal which has a bell around its neck.’ The ‘prohibition’, however, has quite a simple origin that had practical implications for the nascent Muslim community. Edward Lane includes a translation of §585 in his lexicon, with the comment: ‘...the reason is said to be, because it guides others to them; for Mohammad liked not to let the enemy know of his approach until he came upon them suddenly.’[DIX]

Thus far, angels have been seen to react negatively to certain circumstances and objects, and will remain absent until the offending item has been removed. At first sight, this may appear to be simply a device to correct and regulate human behaviour; however, there is an important ethical aspect that needs to be considered. Brandon Wheeler discusses aspects of purity in Eden, concluding that: ‘Urination, defecation, bleeding, and other natural bodily functions require wudü’ because Adam’s and Eve’s bodies did not produce impure substances in the Garden of Eden.’[DX] It was only after their expulsion from the Garden that impurity became a concern. By extension, the divine world, of which the Garden was a part, does not come into contact with impurities. This explains the behaviour of the angels in the human world, if angels are unable to come into contact with pollutants. Similar ideas can be found in Jewish texts, such as Jubilees, in which Adam and Eve are created outside of paradise; Martha Himmelfarb comments that: ‘One reason that Jubilees delays Adam and Eve’s entrance into the Garden is its discomfort with the idea of sexual relations in the Garden, which.. .it understands as a holy place, equivalent to the sanctuary.’[DXI] The behaviour of the angels in al-Haba’ik can be understood in this sense: angels cannot morally and physically come into the presence of certain actions and substances because of their innate nature.

The angels are not, however, just used to discourage certain behaviour by their absence, the angels are also said to be affected by individuals’ actions in other ways. There are some hadith that describe actions as hurting or embarrassing angels. The majority of these hadlth in al-Haba’ik are concerned with ritual prayer. Fiddling with stones, placing sandals on the ground, spitting and resting on the qibla are all addressed.[DXII] There is no consensus on how these misdemeanours affect the angels; for example, regarding fiddling with stones during the ritual prayer, §359 states that: ‘Fiddling with stones in the mosque [causes] pain to an angel.’ And §361: ‘Do not fiddle with stones during the ritual prayers, for that [habit] is from the devil.’ These two hadlth clearly indicate that those praying should concentrate on their actions, albeit expressed in different ways.

The hadlth discussed so far have looked at events and substances that cause a reaction from the angels. However, generally, the discouragement of certain actions is usually done in less explicit ways. The story of Harut and Marut is a good example of a narrative that is used to warn of the consequences of certain behaviour, particularly drinking alcohol. It is only after the angels have become drunk that they worship Zuhara’s idols, fornicate with her and commit murder. Whilst the Qur’an focuses on the two angels and their introduction of magic,[DXIII] the stories of Harut and Marut are more concerned with human propensity to sin and the dangers of alcohol. Their story is used as an example of how not to behave, as Annemarie Schimmel writes: ‘The traditional Sufi leaders recognised seven gates to hell: pride, cupidity, lust, anger, envy, avarice, and hatred, and the story of the two fallen angels, Harut and Marut, as told in the Koran (Sura 2:96f.), could well illustrate the danger of followings one’s own sexual desires.’[DXIV] The two angels are not inherently ‘evil’ (as Jacques Waardenburg seems to suggest),[DXV] they simply fall foul to the problems and difficulties of human life.

The consequences of ritual impurity have often been viewed as less important in Islam than in other religions (especially Zoroastrianism and Judaism). This notion is based primarily on the fact that impurities, or more correctly, substances that cause pollution, do not cause a person to be immediately impure. The Islamic jurists also stress the fact that impurity is confined to the impure individual and that the pollution is not transferable. These hadïth, however, paint a rather different picture. Although impurity is still not transferred by contact with the polluted, anyone who comes into contact with the polluted individual does still suffer, albeit technically remaining clean.[DXVI] Pollution and polluting substances such as urine and excrement, therefore, do have a significant effect on others. The effect is manifested in the alienation of the angel that records the good actions of an individual: essentially, when an individual comes into contact with polluting substances or individuals, any good action that is performed cannot be recorded. The deepest effect, however, is on the polluted individual. Anyone who does not cover himself or herself, leaves urine to stagnate, or does not perform the ghusl after intercourse cannot perform any good actions. Whilst the individual is not legally impure until he or she performs a ritual action that requires ablutions (such as the salat), the individual remains eschatologically disadvantaged, as the state of pollution has clear consequences in the life to come.

There is also a clear purpose to these hadïth; they attempt to dissuade individuals from remaining in a state of ritual purity, as it not only affects their own judgement, but the judgement of those that come into contact with them. The notion of forbidding the wrong is well known in Islam, but in these circumstances there is not necessarily any direct wrong. It is not illegal to be ritually unclean until the performance of the salat or other rites, but these hadlth imply that ritual impurity is morally or ethically wrong, or, at the very least, has negative consequences, encouraging the individual to avoid them.

If the angels are used to discourage certain types of negative behaviour, they are also used to encourage positive actions performed by a human. For example, the angel of good deeds writes down righteous deeds more often and the angel of misdeeds allows time for repentance.[DXVII] There are a number of other specific actions that generate a positive response from the angels, either the individual’s scribes or other angels. The angels bless: pious young men (§604); those who wear turbans on Friday (§621 & 628); those that seek knowledge (§622 - 623) ; those who say ‘the Lord of the Two Worlds’ after someone sneezes (§634 & 635); those who perform the fast in Ramadan (§665 & 718); those who remember God (§666); those who put on a sword for the jihad (§672); those who make their way to Mecca for the hajj on foot (§676); those who pray for the deceased (§712); those who attend the Friday prayers and hear the sermon (§719 - 722 & 728); and those who circumambulate the Kacba (§671). The role of the angels is also to encourage certain positive actions through praise, support or blessing.

On more specific issues there are a number of hadlth that encourage Muslims to recite the Qur’an in its entirety or on set occasions.[DXVIII] The recitation of the Qur’an was an important part of the ritual of the early Muslim community and there are numerous hadlth describing the merits of the Qur’an fada’il al-Qur ’an).[DXIX] The reading and recitation of the Qur’an is important as it is the word of God, and as Frederick Denny comments: ‘Reciting the Qur’an is akin to a sacramental act in that divine power and presence are brought near.’ [DXX] This divine presence is made particularly manifest in al-Haba’ik with the presence of the angels, who are seen to aid the believers in their recitation or memorisation of the Qur’an, e.g. §708: ‘The house in which the Qur’an is recited comes into the view of the people of heaven, just as the stars come into the view of the people of earth.’[DXXI] This hadlth and others like it attempt to show a reward for reciting the Qur’an, but whilst this just refers to the recitation of the Qur’an in the home, §713 states that: ‘If the servant finishes the Qur’an, sixty thousand angels pray for him...’ If there is intention to memorise the Qur’an and an individual dies before being able to do so, §696 says that: ‘...an angel comes to him, and teaches it to him in his grave, and so he meets God, Most High, and he knows it by heart.’ An angel is also responsible for ‘correcting’ any misreading that a Qur’anic reciter may make (§462 - 495), showing that the intention of reciting the Qur’an is more important than necessarily achieving a perfect vocalisation of the text. There are also a number of hadïth that refer to specific verses and suras of the Qur’an being particularly associated with angels, e.g. §699: ‘The [Sura of the] Cow is the hump of the Qur’an, and its climax. He sent down eighty angels with every verse.’[DXXII] All these hadïth help to encourage Muslims to read and recite the Qur’an, by highlighting the benefits of doing so and the angels act as the mediators of these blessings.

Just as Qur’anic recitation and knowledge of the Qur’an are an important part of Islamic spirituality, the performance of the ritual prayers plays a central role. The prayers act as a ‘.. .bridge between the human being and God. In their essential form, the canonical prayers in Islam are an affirmation, as indeed all faith is, of God’s mercy and majesty.’ [DXXIII] It has already been seen that the angels are used in Al- Haba ’ik fï akhbar al-mala ’ik as a template for the pattern and form of earthly ritual and that individuals need to be ritually clean before performing the prayers. The angels are also seen in this collection to bless and support Muslims in the salat. In Al-Haba’ik, the majority of the hadith on this subject are positive, showing angelic support or praise for reciting the Qur’an,[DXXIV] although §695 does say that: ‘.if he does not finish [the ritual prayers], the two [scribes] hit him on his face.’ The main manifestation of this support is the presence of angels with Muslims as they pray:

‘When a man stands up to perform the prayers in the desert of the Earth, he performs the prayers with two angels behind him. If he is called to

prayer, and stands up to perform the prayers, angels like the mountains are behind him.’[DXXV]

The angels are also said to continue praying for an individual who has performed the ritual prayers,[DXXVI] and to say ‘Amen’.[DXXVII] One hadith also states that the angels say ‘O God forgive him! O God, have mercy upon him’ for ‘as long as [he] is in his place of prayer;[DXXVIII] encouraging Muslims to spend more time at prayer. The hadith also praise other supererogatory acts of devotion and piety, including: blessing the Prophet;[DXXIX] [DXXX] saying a prayer whilst passing the Yemeni corner of the Kacba (§458 - 460); saying ‘The Most Merciful of those that are Merciful’ (§466); and praying for the dead (§467 - 470). The idea behind all of these hadith is not simply to encourage adherence to the prescribed regulations of ritual law (i.e. the performance of the ritual prayers), but to add to the religious and spiritual development of the individual. Above all, these actions play a key role in the daily remembrance of God (dhikr): ‘As long as man is occupied with the remembrance (dhikr) of God, he is free from worldly concerns, and thus there is little chance for Satanic insinuation and temptation (waswas).''r

544

545

546

Angels, therefore, play an important role in the encouragement and support of the community to perform both obligatory and supererogatory prayers and worship. The angels pray and worship with humans on earth, which creates harmony between divine and human devotions. Angels encourage certain types of behaviour by stating that if humans behave in a certain way, the angels will pray for them. Other hadith state that good actions are given more weight in the individual’s book. All these indicate that certain actions give individuals a sense of baraka.

The notion of commanding right and forbidding wrong is an important and well- known concept in Islam, and the hadith included in al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ikfi akhbar al-mala ’ik go to some lengths to describe what behaviour should be encouraged and discouraged. The performance of ritual and the role of angels as the template or archetype for human ritual is an obvious example of commanding right. The visions of the heavenly world seek to authenticate the proper modes of ritual worship. The hadith establish the sanctity of the Kacba as God’s house, the necessity to constantly worship God and specific rituals associated with the pilgrimage.

If the Kacba is the House of God, then Muslims need to understand how they should approach it. When approaching God, it is necessary that the individual is in a state of, tahara and a number of different ‘events’ require an individual to cleanse himself or herself in preparation for encountering the divine. The rules that govern this approach to God are also applicable to the angels; the angels cannot come into contact with certain substances and states. The concept of, tahara has traditionally been seen as only important for the performance of the ritual prayers, but the hadith in al-Habaik clearly show that individuals are affected negatively before this. Whether or not being in a state of ritual impurity is ‘wrong’ (technically it is not until tahara is obligatory), the hadith clearly imply that it could be equated with a ‘wrong’. The hadith do not ‘forbid’ these actions or states, but they do firmly discourage them.

Just as angels are used to discourage particular actions, they are also used to encourage others. All of the actions that the angels encourage are those that focus the individual on God: recitation of the Qur’an, the performance of the salat, listening to the Friday sermon, saying particular invocations etc. The performance of these actions generates blessings and prayers from the angels, which have clear benefits for the individual in his or her individual eschatological future.

3.3            The Purpose and Function of Al-Habâ’ik fîahkbâr al-mala’ik

The main focus of this chapter is the concept of time (or more specifically the notion of temporality) in the collection, in an attempt to understand the function of the work. Jalal al-Dm al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik f akhbar al-mala’ik is quite different to other eschatological works of mediaeval Islam and the reason why needs to be addressed.

The first section of this chapter has looked at the roles of the angels in the lives of every human and the second at their roles in Islamic ritual. The underlying theme is that the collection is concerned with everyday life. The work could be called eschatological in the sense that it is concerned with the final judgement, but it is not eschatological in the normal understanding. In Biblical Studies, Christopher Rowland has argued that eschatology is not simply concerned with the future, but can reflect contemporary events.[DXXXI] However, even in Rowland’s understanding of eschatology, the eschatology of the present still remains eschatological. Willem Bijlefeld, who applies the notion of eschatology in Biblical Studies to an Islamic context, comments that: ‘Most scholars in this field reject this narrow interpretation of the term and see it as applicable to statements regarding the world to come and the last day(s) as well as to pronouncements regarding decisive turning points at a future date with the ongoing history of this world.’[DXXXII] Even with a modified understanding of eschatology, Al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik still remains quite distinct and cannot really be considered to be eschatological, despite being concerned with the divine world.

What is important to consider is the fact that simply describing the divine world or divine creatures does not necessarily mean that a text is eschatological or apocalyptic.

This compilation is primarily focused on what angels are doing now, looking at what could be called the angelic present. This shifts the temporality of the compilation from an eschatological future to a contemporary reality. The work is not interested in the angelic future; there are no descriptions of the eschaton or the Final Day and even the post-mortem world of Munkar and Nakir, heaven and hell etc. are limited to only a few hadlth. Similarly, the work is not concerned with the angelic past, and any references to the past, such as the creation of Adam, are cited because of their relevance to what angels do now.

What does this mean for the function of the work? Al-Suyuti seems to be aware of the importance of angels in human action and the work attempts to understand the angelic world and its relation to the human realm. The interaction between humans and angels occurs in a number of different ways, but is seen most clearly in the use of angels in ritual. The angels are both physically and contemporaneously present with the Muslim community as they perform ritual actions; the angels pray at the same time, the angels worship with individuals and so on. The collection also discusses how humans should behave given this continual contact with the angelic world. The angels react to certain types of human behaviour, both positively and negatively, and humans need to know about these, as they have important ramifications for an individual’s future judgement.

It is misleading to suggest that Al-Haba’ik fl akhbar al-mala’ik is not at all concerned with the eschatological future, as much of the information provided in the hadïth is related to an individual’s eschatological future. [DXXXIII] However, the compilation continually contextualises this eschatological future in terms of the interaction of humans and angels at this very moment in time. The tours of hell genre (including the mfraj literature) tend to use Heaven and Hell generally - warning Muslims of the consequences of right and wrong actions, and exhorting them to follow the true path. Vuckovic comments: ‘These stories of reward and punishment play an integral role in the micraj narratives and in the ongoing dialogue regarding appropriate morality, behaviour and even political allegiance.’[DXXXIV] Al-Haba’ik and the micraj literature are both didactic, in that they attempt to teach and inform their readership, but they differ in their approaches. The micraj literature tends to be parabolic; the descriptions of heaven and hell, although a future reality, are used to describe a potential future to which the reader must respond in order to avoid the punishments described. Al-Haba’ik is not parabolic; rather it is descriptive of the current realities of this world, with the belief that certain actions will affect the individual’s personal eschatology. Essentially, al-Haba ’ik informs its readers that the angels are ever present with humans in this life, at this very instant, and that human actions affect their relationship with the angels.

This chapter has focused on the interaction between humans and angels, but much of the information provided by the hadïth is encyclopaedic, explaining who the angels are, what they do, what they are called, what they look like and so on. This helps individuals to understand the angels and to identify with them, which is not the aim of the micraj and eschatological works.

Jalal al-Dîn al-Suyütï’s Al-Haba’ik f akhbar al-mala’ik draws together hadïth from a number of different areas of Islamic thought and practice (e.g. purity, folklore, science, law and visions of heaven and hell), seeking to understand the celestial world and the functions that the various angels perform. Beyond the specific details of the interactions between humans and angels, the hadïth make clear that the angels are intermediaries and that all of their actions are performed on behalf of God and not independently. This is essential, as the creation of individual, free angels would threaten Islamic monotheism. This focus on the angelic present is the main purpose and function of the work, distinguishing it from other hadïth collections about the divine world and attesting to the originality of al-Suyütï’s approach to hadïth and their compilation.

Translation and Commentary

186

Al-Suyuti, Al-Haba ’ik fiakhbar al-mala ’ik; Leiden University, Or. 474 (28) fol. 187v.

188

4.1    A Note on the Supporting Manuscript

University of Leiden, Or. 474(28) fol 187v - 245r (Legatum Warnerarium)555,

The manuscript is a collection of forty-one texts, of which forty are attributed to Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti and they are all dated to 987 AH / 1579 - 1580 CE. The manuscript has had a relatively stable history, being collected by Levinus Warner (1619 - 1665), an ambassador of the Dutch Republic at the Ottoman court and held by the University of Leiden since 1669.[DXXXV] [DXXXVI] This makes this manuscript of Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik a suitable basis for an Urtext.[DXXXVII] The Leiden MS and the modern edition edited by Abu Hajir Muhammad al-SaTd ibn Basyuril Zaghlul are largely similar, with occasional exclusions, additions and use of synonyms.[DXXXVIII]

The text is written in a clear nakhsh with a text box containing thirty-one lines per folio. The text is written in black ink, with titles and the opening of each hadith (i.e. akhraja) usually written in coloured ink. Throughout the text hamza is never written over a kursi but is simply marked by the long vowel, or, very occasionally, not at all. Alif maqsura is also usually written as a final-ya’. Most of the lines are justified, but occasionally the titles of some sections (but not all) are centrally justified with indentations. There are also occasionally added notes referring to the chapter headings in the margins, although these are fairly rare and were added later. There are no miniatures or ornamentations, apart from the occasional addition of text-stops.

Please also note the following:

(Arabic text) Arabic terms are occasionally added to clarify the translation.

[          ]N         Textual variants are shown in square brackets, with a footnote.

[          ]           Square brackets (without a footnote) indicate phrases that have been

added to clarify the translation.

           (?)       A dotted line with a question mark is used to mark places where the text appears to be corrupt.

[Nb] The numbering system of the DKI Edition has been followed. Any hadith inserted by the Leiden MS have been marked with a ‘b’; i.e. §2b is inserted by the MS after hadith §2 in the DKI Edition.

Jalal al-Din cAbd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr
al-Suyuti al-Shafici

Al-Habâ’ik fi akhbâr al-mala’ik
(The Arrangement of the Traditions

About Angels)

192

4.2.1       Preface

In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.[DXXXIX]

‘Praise belongs to God, who appointed the Angels to be messengers, having wings, two, three and four...’[DXL] Blessings and peace upon our lord Muhammad, and upon the House, the Companions and the Successors. I have put together this small compilation of traditions about the righteous angels. I have included in it those traditions and narrations which mention them, and I have ended it with a useful lesson, which will make those who see it glad. I have called it: The Arrangement of the Traditions About Angels[DXLI] By God, the Helper![DXLII] Trust is in him!

4.2.2       The Necessity of Belief in Angels[DXLIII]

God, Most High, says: ‘The Messenger believes in what was sent down to him from his Lord, and the believers; each one believes in God and His angels’[DXLIV] Al- Bayhaqî[DXLV] [DXLVI] says in Shucab al-iman'56 Belief in angels incorporates [the following] ideas: firstly, faith in their existence; secondly, [that] their being sent down [by God] is their status [in the universe] and a proof that they are servants of God. He created them like humans and jinn, ordered and entrusted [with a task]. They have no authority, save that over which God gives them authority and it is right that they should die;[DXLVII] but God, Most High, has given them an end in distant time; indeed, he will not receive them until they reach it.[DXLVIII] They are not described by anything that would, through describing them by it, lead to them being associated with God, Most High; and so they are not called gods, as the ancients called them.[DXLIX]

Thirdly: recognition that from amongst [them are messengers, which he sends to whichever human he wishes, and it is also allowed that he sends some of them to some;][DL] from recognition of that, it follows that among them are the Bearers of the Throne, the Rangers, the Guardians of Paradise, the Guardians of Hell, the Recorders of Deeds, and the Cloud Drivers; indeed the Qur’an shows all of it or most of it.

[1]    We related[DLI] from Ibn cUmar [from cUmar][DLII] from the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation), when he was asked about faith; he said: Believe in God, His angels, His Book and His messengers.[DLIII]

4.2.3       The Origin of the Creation of the Angels and the Proof that their

Substance is in Contradiction to the Philosophers[DLIV]

[2]     [Muslim][DLV] from cAisha; she said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The angels were created out of light, the Father of the Jinn[DLVI] was created out of a mixture of fire and Adam was created out of what characterizes you.

[2b][DLVII] Abu ‘l-Shaykh in his Kitab al-cazama[DLVIII] from ibn cAmr; he said: God created the angels out of light.

[3]     Abu ‘l-Shaykh in Kitab al-cazama from cIkrima; he said: The angels were created from the light of the Glorious One.

[4]     Abu ‘l-Shaykh[DLIX] from Zayd ibn Ruman; that he heard that the angels were created from the spirit of God.

4.2.4       The Great Abundance of the Angels

[God] Most High said: ‘And none knows the hosts of the Lord but He.’[DLX]

[5]     al-Bazzar, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and Ibn Mandah in Kitab al-radd cala al-jahamiyyah from Ibn cAmr; he said: God created the angels out of light and He brought them to life out of it. Then He said: ‘Let there be a thousand thousands of you.’ A single angel is smaller than a fly[DLXI] [DLXII] and there is nothing more numerous than the angels.

[6]     al-Bayhaqi in Al-Shucab from Ibn Mascud; he said: There is no place in the heavens without a face of an angel or its two feet; then he recited: ‘we are the rangers (safuna).'’519

[7]      Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Sacid ibn Jubayr; he said: There is no place in heaven without an angel, be it bowed down in worship or standing upright[DLXIII] until the Hour comes.

[8]      Ahmad, al-Tirmidhi, Ibn Majah, and al-Hakim from Abu Dharr; he said: The Messenger of God[DLXIV] (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Heaven groaned - and it could do nothing but groan![DLXV] There is no place in [heaven] to set four fingers except upon the place of an angel’s forehead.[DLXVI]

[9]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from cAisha; she said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: There is nowhere to place a foot in heaven, except upon an angel prostrating or standing upright - and so the Word [of the Most High]:[DLXVII] ‘None of us is there, but has a known station; we are the rangers’.[DLXVIII]

[10]    Ibn Abi Halim, al-Tabarani, al-Diya’ in al-Mukhtara, and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Hakim ibn Hizam; he said: While the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) was with his friends, he said to them: ‘Did you hear what I heard?’ They said: ‘We have not heard anything.’ He said: ‘Indeed, I heard the creaking of the heavens, and it is not to blame for its creaking; there is no place in it [for a foot],[DLXIX] except upon an angel bowed down in worship or standing.’

[11]      al-Tabarani from Jabir ibn cAbd Allah; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: There is no place for a foot in the Seven Heavens,[DLXX] nor a hand outstretched, nor a palm of the hand, without an angel standing or an angel prostrating in [that place]; when it is the Day of Resurrection, they will say [together]:[DLXXI] ‘We worship you! We have only worshipped You in a manner worthy of You. We have not associated anything with You.’[DLXXII]

[12]    al-Dïnawârï in al-Mujalasa from cAbd al-Rahman ibn Zayd ibn Aslam; he said: There is nothing more numerous in God’s creation than the angels: [for] none of the sons of Adam are without two angels,[DLXXIII] the driver who drives him, and the watcher, who watches him;[DLXXIV] therefore, there are twice the number of the sons of Adam; then in addition to that, the heavens [and the earth][DLXXV] are crammed full, and beyond the heavens are yet still [more]: those around the Throne[DLXXVI] are more numerous than those which are in the heavens.

[13]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Abu SacTd from the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation), he said: In the Garden [there is] a river[DLXXVII] and Gabriel does not enter it, get out and shake himself, without God creating an angel from every drop that falls from him.[DLXXVIII]

[14]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Wahb ibn Munnabih; he said: God has a river in the air, covering the earths, all of them. Seven times [a day] God sends into that river an angel from heaven, and it gets into it, immersing the whole of its body, then it washes in it; when it gets out, rain [falls] from it; rain is from light, and from every raindrop emanates[DLXXIX] an angel, which praises God; all of creation praises God.[DLXXX]

[15]     Abu ‘l-Shaykh from ai-A\vz<TT; he said: Moses (peace be upon him) said: ‘Lord, who is with you in heaven?’ He said: ‘My angels.’ He said: ‘How many are there, Lord?’ He said: ‘Twelve tribes.’ He said: ‘How many does each tribe add up to?’ He said: ‘The sum of the dust [of the earth].’

[16]     Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Kacb; he said: Nothing trickles from an angel’s eye unless there is an angel flying from the fear of God.[DLXXXI]

[17]     Abu ‘l-Shaykh from al-cAla’ ibn Harun; he said: Every day, Gabriel is immersed in the al-Kawthar,[DLXXXII] and then he shakes himself; and so every raindrop is created from an angel.

[18]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh through the intermediary of Mujahid from Ibn cAbbas from the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: There is no creation of God more numerous than the angels; there is nothing that grows without an angel being responsible for it.

[19]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from al-Hakam; he said: I heard that He sends down with the rain [such and such] [DLXXXIII] from the angels, more numerous than the sons of Adam and the sons of Iblis. [The angels] record every raindrop, where it falls and who is sustained by that plant.

[20]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Wahb; he said: The Seven Heavens are filled with angels; if you measured a hair,[DLXXXIV] you would not be able to compare it with something you had already measured;[DLXXXV] amongst them one is standing still, one prostrated and one worshipping, terrified and shaking their wings in fear[DLXXXVI] of God. Not even the blink of an eye disobeys him. The distance between the back and the head of one of the Bearers of the Throne is a journey of a hundred years.

[20b][DLXXXVII] Ibn Abi Hatim from Kacb; he said: There is no place [the size] of the eye of a needle[DLXXXVIII] without an angel being responsible for it, raising knowledge about it up to God and the angels of heaven; [the angels] are more numerous than the number of specks of dust and as small.

[21]    Ibn al-Mundhir in his Tafsir from cAbd Allah ibn cAmr; it was attributed to [Muhammad]; he said: The angels are in ten parts: nine parts are Cherubim, who glorify God night and day, without rest; and one part is responsible for everything that is hidden. There is no place in the heavens without a worshipper or an angel bowing; and the sacred place is around the Throne, and the Inhabited House[DLXXXIX] is around the Kacba; if it were to come down, then it would come down on top of it. Every day seventy thousand angels pray in it;[DXC] then they do not come back to it.

[22]    Ibn al-Mundhir from cAmr al-Bakali; he said: God, [Most High],[DXCI] divided the angels into ten parts, nine parts are the Cherubim, and they are the angels who bear the Throne, and they are also those who worship God night and day, without rest. He said: The remaining angels are for God’s orders and messages.[DXCII]

[23]    Ibn Abi Hatim through the intermediary of Khabib[DXCIII] ibn cAbd al-Rahman ibn Salman Abu ‘l-A°Ts from his father; he said: Humans and jinn are in ten parts, humans form one part and jinn nine parts; the jinn and the angels are in ten parts, the jinn are one part, the angels nine; the angels and the Spirit are ten parts, the angels are one part, the Spirit nine; the Spirit and the Cherubim are ten parts, the Spirit forms one part of it, the Cherubim are nine parts.[DXCIV]

[24]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh, al-Bayhaqi in Shucab al-iman, al-Khatib and Ibn cAsakir thorough the intermediary of cUbbad ibn Mansur from cAdi ibn Arta from one of his worthy friends - cUbbad said: I have forgotten his name - from the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: God has angels which tremble [in fear of Him].[DXCV] There is no angel from amongst them that does not shed a tear from its eyes, except an angel found standing, praising God. Angels were prostrating when God created the heavens and the earth and they did not raise their heads,[DXCVI] and they will not raise them until the Day of Resurrection; angels were bowing, and they did not raise their heads, and they will not raise them until the Day of Resurrection; and those that were posted, they have not left their posts, and they will not leave them until the Day of Resurrection. Thus, when it is the Day of Resurrection, it will be made manifest to them by their Lord (may He be praised and glorified) and they will look at Him, and they will say, ‘Praise be to You, we have served You just as we should.’

[25]     Ibn Mandah in al-Macrifa and Ibn cAsakir from cAbd al-Rahman ibn al-cÀlafrom Banu Sacada from his father al-cÀlaibn Sacd, from someone who submitted on the Day of Victory[DXCVII] that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said one day at a social gathering, ‘Did you hear what I heard?’ They said: ‘What have you heard, Messenger of God?’ He said, ‘I heard the sky groan, and it could do nothing but groan! There is no place for a foot in it without an angel standing or bowing down or prostrating in [that place]; then he recited: ‘We are the rangers,[DXCVIII] We are they that give glory.’[DXCIX]

[26]     Ibn Jarir from al-Rabic ibn Anas concerning His Word: ‘And he taught Adam the names, all of them’[DC] he said: The names of the angels.

4.2.5       The Four Archangels[DCI] who are in charge of the command of the World

[27]     [Ibn Abi Shayba],[DCII] Ibn Abi Hatim, Abu ‘l-Shaykh in al-cAzama, al-Bayhaqi in al-Shucab from Ibn Sabit; he said: Four are in charge of the command of this world: Gabriel, Michael, the Angel of Death and Isrâfïl.[DCIII] As for Gabriel, he is responsible for the winds and the army;[DCIV] Michael[DCV] is responsible for the rain and the plants;[DCVI] the Angel of Death is responsible for the taking of the souls; and Isrâfïl, he is sent down to them with the command [of God].

[28]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Ibn Sabit; he said: ‘In the Umm al-Kitab, everything will be in existence until the Day of Resurrection, and three of the angels are responsible for preserving [existence]: Gabriel is responsible for the Book, which he brings down to the Messengers, and Gabriel is also responsible for the acts of destruction when God has willed [Gabriel] to annihilate peoples; and he is responsible for victory in battle.[DCVII] Michael is responsible for preservation [of life], rain and the plants of the earth. The Angel of Death is responsible for the taking of the souls. When this world comes [to an end], they,[will,.cp.mp.ar.el.what. they. .have, pr.e.s.e.rve.d.. to .the.Umm.al- Kitab.. C?),[DCVIII] and they will find it to be the same. Ibn Abi Shayba narrated it.[DCIX]

[29]   Al-Bayhaqi, al-Tabarani and Abu ’l-Shaykh from Ibn cAbbas; he said: While the

Messenger of God CGod bless him and grant him salvation) was with Gabriel, who was confiding in him; [DCX] suddenly, the highest heaven was split open and Gabriel began to become smaller and [an angel][DCXI] drew close and came nearer to the earth, and there was an angel standing directly in front of the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation), he said: ‘Muhammad, your Lord greets you; and He gives you the choice between becoming an angelic prophet or a human prophet.’[DCXII] The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Then Gabriel beckoned to me with his hand that I should be humble,[DCXIII] and I knew that he was my guide, so I said: ‘A human prophet.’

Then that angel ascended into heaven, and I said: ‘Gabriel, I have wanted to ask you about this, but seeing your form[DCXIV] distracted me from my asking the question. Who is this, Gabriel?’ He said: ‘This is Israfil. On the day of his creation, God created him with his feet lined up directly in front of him; he does not look up; between him and the Lord are Seventy Lights; and from these there is no light close to Him, save it being consumed by fire; between his hands is the Preserved Tablet;[DCXV] when God allows anything in heaven or in earth, that tablet ascends, [descends][DCXVI] and it hits [Israfil] on the forehead. Then [Israfil] sees and if there is anything for me to do, he orders me to do it; and if there is anything for Michael to do, he orders him to do it; and if there is anything for the Angel of Death to do, he orders him to do it.’

I said: ‘Gabriel, What are you responsible for?’ He said: ‘For the winds and the army.’ I said: ‘What is Michael responsible for?’ He said: ‘For the plants and the rain.’ I said: ‘What is the Angel of Death responsible for?’ He said: ‘For the taking of the souls.’ [Muhammad said]: ‘And I do not think that [Isrâfïl] will descend [to earth] until the coming of the Hour. What you have seen [in the way of my behaviour] is nothing but fear of the coming of the Hour.’

[30]      Abu ‘l-Shaykh in al-Azama from Jabir ibn cAbd Allah; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The creations closest to God are Gabriel, Michael and Israfïl; the distance between them and God is a journey of fifty thousand years:[DCXVII] Gabriel is on his right and Michael on the other, with Israfïl between them.

[31]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Wahb; he said: These four are angels:[DCXVIII] Gabriel, Michael, Israfil and the Angel of Death; [they were] the first of the creations of God, [and they will be] the last whom God will cause to die; [and] the first of those whom God will bring to life; they are the ones who organize a command,[DCXIX] and they are the ones who carry out an order.[DCXX]

[32]    [DCXXI] Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Khalid ibn Abi cImran; he said: Gabriel is the agent of God to His messengers, and Michael receives the Book which is sent up concerning the deeds of the people; and Israfil is in the role of the gatekeeper.

[33]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from cIkrima ibn Khalid that a man said: ‘Messenger of God, which angel is the dearest to God?’ He said: ‘I do not know.’ Gabriel came to him, so he said: ‘Gabriel, which of the creations is dearest to God?’ He said: ‘I do not know.’ So Gabriel ascended, then descended and said: ‘Gabriel, Michael, Israfil and the Angel of Death. As for Gabriel, he is responsible for war and the messengers; as for Michael, he is responsible every raindrop that falls, every leaf that grows and every leaf that falls; as for the Angel of Death, he is responsible for the taking of the soul of every servant on land and sea; and as for Israfil, he is the intermediary of God between Him and between them.’

[34]    al-Tabarani and al-Hakim from Abu ‘l-Malih from his father, that he was performing the two ritual prostrations of the morning prayers with the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation), and he was praying near him; and the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) performed two lively prostrations, and I heard him say three times: ‘O God, the Lord of Gabriel, Michael, Israfil and Muhammad, I take refuge in you from the Fire.’[DCXXII]

[35]     Ahmad in al-Zuhd from cAisha that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) fainted while his head was in her lap,[DCXXIII] and she began to stroke his face and pray for him to be cured. When he came to, he said: ‘No! Do not ask God! The highest companion is with Gabriel, Michael, Israfil - peace be upon them.’

4.2.6       Gabriel (peace be upon him)[DCXXIV]

[36]     Ibn Jaiïr and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from cAli ibn Husayn; he said: Gabriel’s name [means] ‘Servant (abd) of God’, Michael’s name [means] ‘Servant (iibayd)'[DCXXV] of God’, and Israfil [means] ‘Servant (abd) of the Merciful’; Everything derives from Il, that is the temple of God[DCXXVI] - may He be praised and glorified.

[37]     Ibn Jarir from Ibn cAbbas; he said: Gabriel [means] ‘the Servant of God’; Michael [means] ‘the Servant of God’; every name has Il in it, and this means ‘the Temple of God.’

[38]     Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from cAbd al-Aziz ibn cUmayr; he said; Gabriel’s name amongst the angels is ‘Servant of His Lord’ - may He be praised and glorified.

[39]     Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Musa ibn Abi cA’isha; he said; I heard that Gabriel is the Imam of the people of Heaven.

[40]     Al-Tabarani from Ibn cAbbas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Indeed, I tell you that the best of the angels is Gabriel.

[41]      Muslim from Ibn Mascud; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) saw Gabriel, in a green[DCXXVII] robe; he filled the space between Heaven and Earth.

[42]      Abu ‘l-Shaykh from cA’isha that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: I saw Gabriel descending and he filled the space between East and West, wearing a silk gown[DCXXVIII] encrusted with pearls and rubies.[DCXXIX]

[43]     Abu ‘l-Shaykh from cA’isha (God be pleased with her); [DCXXX] she said: the

Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to Gabriel: ‘I would like to see you in your image.’ He said: ‘You would like that?!’ He said: ‘Yes.’ He said: ‘Your appointed time is on such and such a night at Baqic al-Gharqad.’[DCXXXI] So he met him at the appointed time, and he spread out one of his wings,[DCXXXII] and it blotted out the horizon until he could not see anything in the sky.

[44]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Ibn Mascud concerning His Word: ‘Indeed he saw him another time.’[DCXXXIII] He said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) saw Gabriel hanging in the air, on his feet were pearls, like raindrops on the grass.

[44b][DCXXXIV] Al-Tabararil from Ibn cAbbas from Waraqa al-Ansan; he said: I said: ‘Muhammad, how does the creature, [which comes to you],[DCXXXV] come to you?’ - meaning Gabriel; He said: ‘He comes to me from the sky, his two wings are pearls and the soles of his feet are green.

[45]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh and Ibn Mardawayh from Anas; he said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to Gabriel: ‘Do you see your Lord?’ He said: ‘Between me and Him there are seventy veils[DCXXXVI] of fire and light, if I were to see the lowest of them, I would be consumed by fire.’

[46]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Shurayh ibn cAbd Allah that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) when he ascended into Heaven, saw Gabriel in [his] true form,[DCXXXVII] his wings strung with chrysolites, pearls and rubies; he said: ‘It seemed to me that the space between his eyes filled the horizon, but I used to see him before that in a different form and more often I used to see him in the form of Dihya al- Kalbi,[DCXXXVIII] and sometimes I used to see him just as a man sees his friend through the bottom of a sieve.[DCXXXIX]

[47]    Ahmad, Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Ibn Mascud that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) only saw Gabriel in his true form twice; as for the first time, he asked to see his soul, and he saw his soul, and it filled the horizon; as for the other, it was on the Night Journey ‘by the Lote-Tree.’[DCXL]

[48]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh the intermediary of[DCXLI] cAta’ from Ibn cAbbas from the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The space between Gabriel’s shoulders is a [journey of ][DCXLII] five hundred years for a quick-flying bird.

[49]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh through the intermediary of Ishaq al-Hashimi[DCXLIII] from Ibn cAbbas from the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: Gabriel has six hundred wings [adorned] with pearls and he spread them out like peacocks’ feathers.660 [DCXLIV]

[50]    Ibn Jaiïr from Hudhayfa, Ibn Jurayj[DCXLV] and Qatada - the Tradition came from amongst them: Gabriel has two wings, and he has a belt strung with pearls;[DCXLVI] his front teeth shine like a bald forehead; his head is platted tightly like small pearls, and the pearls are like snow; his feet are greenish.

[51]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Wahb ibn Munnabih that he was asked about the creation of Gabriel; he reported that the space between his shoulders, from this one to that one, is [a journey][DCXLVII] of seven hundred years for a bird.

[52]    Ibn Sacd and al-Bayhaqi in al-Dala’il from cAmmar ibn Abi cAmmar that Hamza ibn cAbd al-Muttalib said: ‘Messenger of God, show me Gabriel in his true form.’ He said: ‘You are not able to see him.’ He said: ‘Yes, but show him to me.’ He said: ‘Sit down!’ So he sat down; [then] Gabriel [came down and][DCXLVIII] was on a piece of wood in the Kacba. The Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘Raise your eyes and look!’ So he raised his eyes and looked and he saw his feet, like green chrysolite; and he fell down unconscious.

[53]    Ibn al-Mubarak in al-Zuhd from Ibn Shihab that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) asked Gabriel to show himself to him in his true form. Gabriel said, ‘You will never be able to bear it.’ He said, ‘I would like you to do it.’ So the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) went to pray on a moonlit night and Gabriel came to him in his true form. And the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) fainted as soon as he saw him, then he came round while Gabriel supported him, placing one of his hands upon his chest and the other between his shoulder blades, and the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘I did not think that there could be a creation like that!’ Gabriel said: ‘Just imagine what it would have been like if you had seen Israfil! He has twelve wings, of which one is in the East and one is the West; the Throne is on the nape of his neck, and sometimes, for the glory of God, he makes himself smaller until he has become like a small sparrow[DCXLIX] so that only [God’s] glory can carry His Throne.[DCL]

[54]      Ibn Mardawayh from Ibn cAbbas that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Gabriel came to me just as a man comes to his friend in a white gown,[DCLI] hemmed with pearls and precious stones, his head is like a mountain[DCLII] and his hair like small pearls, and he is the colour of snow,669 [DCLIII] [he has a] bald forehead [which] is [like] the glistening of the front teeth, and he [wears] two belts made of strung pearls, and his two wings are green and his feet are immersed in green, and the form which he takes fills the horizon. [The Prophet] (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘I wanted to see you in your true form, Spirit of God.[DCLIV]’ Then he transformed himself and filled the horizon.

[55]    Ibn cAsakir in a weak chain of authority [DCLV] from cÀ’isha; she said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: God created Gabriel’s skull as large as the oasis of al-Ghuta.[DCLVI]

[56]    al-Tabararil from Ibn cAbbas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) visited a man from among the Ansar; when he came near to his home, he heard him talking in the doorway. After he had sought permission [to enter], he entered, but he did not see anyone. The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to him: ‘I heard someone other than you talking.’ He said: ‘Messenger of God, [I entered, worried by [the sound] of someone talking, which I sought sanctuary from][DCLVII] and he came to me. I have never seen a more noble man after you sitting there and there is no better narrator than him.’ He said: ‘That is

Gabriel. From amongst you there is a man; if one of them swears an oath by God, then [Gabriel] will fulfil it.’[DCLVIII]

[57]    Abu Nucaym in al-Hilya from cIkrima; he said: Gabriel (peace be upon him) said: ‘If my Lord sends me to do something, and I then go to it; I find the being, but He has arrived there before me.’

[58]    Al-Tabarani from Maymuna bint Sacd; she said: I said: ‘Messenger of God, can someone in a state of ritual impurity[DCLIX] go to sleep?’ He said: I do not like him to go to sleep until he has performed the ritual ablutions, for I fear that if he dies, then Gabriel will not be with him.

[59]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Wahb; he said: The angel closest to God is Gabriel, then Michael. If God singled out a servant for a very good action that he did; He says so- and-so has done such-and-such a pious act, My blessings are upon him; then Michael asks Gabriel: ‘What did our Lord say?’ And he says: ‘So-and-so was singled out for a very good action that he did, and the blessings of God are upon him.’ Then Michael asks: ‘Which of the people of heaven can see him?’ They say: ‘What did our Lord say?’ And he says: ‘So-and-so was singled out for a very good action that he did, and the blessings of God are upon him.’ And it continues to descend from heaven to heaven until it reaches the earth. If God singled out a servant for a very bad action that he did; he says: ‘My servant, so-and-so, has done such-and-such a disobedient act, my curse is upon him.’ Then Michael asks Gabriel: ‘What did our Lord say?’

And he says: ‘So-and-so was singled out for a very disobedient action that he did, and the curse of God is upon him.’ And it continues to descend from heaven to heaven until it reaches the earth.[DCLX]

[60]    al-Saburil in al-Mi’atayn and al-Bayhaqi in Shucab al-iman from Jabir ibn cAbd Allah, from the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: Gabriel is responsible for the human desires. If a believer prays, then [God][DCLXI] says: ‘Gabriel withhold from my servant what he wants,[DCLXII] for I love him and I love his voice.’ If a non-believer prays, God says: ‘Gabriel, give my servant what he wants, for I hate him and I hate his voice.’

[61]    al-Bayhaqi from Thabit, he said; we heard that God, Most High, made Gabriel (peace be upon him) responsible for the needs of the people. When a believer asks for something, He says: ‘Gabriel, withhold from my servant what he wants, for I love his prayer.’ If a non-believer asks for something, God says: ‘Gabriel, give my servant what he wants, for I hate his prayer.’ Al-Bayhaqi said this is how it was given [to me] (mahfuz).

[62]    Ibn Abi Shayba through the intermediary of Thabit from cAbd Allah ibn cUmar;[DCLXIII] he said: Gabriel is responsible for needs; if a believer asks his Lord for something, He says: ‘Hold back! Hold back out of love for his prayer, so that [his prayer] may increase.’ If an unbeliever asks for something, He says: ‘Give it [to him]! Give it [to him] out of hatred for his prayer.’

[63]    al-Hakîm al-Tirmidhi from Abu Dharr; he said; When God says: ‘Gabriel, take away from the believing heart of my servant the sweetness which I used to find. He said: ‘The faithful servant has become a confused disciple, whose soul used to be protected. I have sent him misfortune, the like of which had never been sent to him before.’ When God saw him in that state, he said: ‘Gabriel, go back to the heart of my servant. I did not take it away from him. Indeed, I have put him to the test, and I find him truthful, and I will help him increasingly from my heart.

[64]   Abu ‘l-Shaykh from cAmr ibn Murra; he said: Gabriel is on the South Wind.

[65]    Ibn cAsakir in his Ta’rïkh from cAli; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: I did not choose to see Gabriel (peace be upon him) perched on the curtains of the Kacba, as he said: ‘O the one who finds, O illustrious one; you never cease from blessing me; yet you bestow it upon me, without having seen Him.’

[66]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from cAbd al-Aziz ibn Abi Ruwad; he said: God looked at Gabriel and Michael, and the two of them were crying; so God said: ‘What has made you cry? You know that I have not committed an outrage.’ The two said: ‘Lord, we do not feel safe from your devising.’ And He said this, and they were affected by it: ‘The only ones who feel safe from my devising are all the losers.’[DCLXIV]

[67]    Imam Ahmad in al-Zuhd from Abu cImran al-Jawni that he heard that Gabriel came to the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) crying and the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to him: ‘What is making you cry?’ He said: ‘Why should the mouth of God not make me cry? I did not dry my eyes when God created the Fire; for fear that I might disobey him, he threw me into it.’

[68]    [DCLXV] al-Bayhaqi in Shucab al-îmân, Abu Muhammad cAbd Allah ibn Yusuf al- Isfahani[DCLXVI] informed us, Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn SacTd ibn Fardakh al-Akhmimi informed me in Mecca; al-Walid ibn Hamad told us; [Abu Muhammad cAbd Allah ibn al-Fadl ibn cÀsim ibn cUmar ibn Qatada ibn al-Nucman al-Ansari; Abu ‘l-Fadl narrated it from his father cÀsim from his father cUmar from Qatada ibn al- Nucman; he said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said:][DCLXVII] ‘God sent Gabriel (peace be upon him) down in the most beautiful form of what had come to me in form, and he said: ‘God salutes you, Muhammad, and He says to you: “I revealed to the world, in such a way that [the world] should be bitter, troubling, oppressive and that it should act harshly towards my close associates, so that they want to meet me; and that [the world] should be [made comfortable, agreeable, and good for my enemies, so that they are loathe to meet me].[DCLXVIII] Indeed, I created it as a prison for my friends and a paradise for my enemies.’ Al-Bayhaqi said: We only write it with this isnad and there are unknown[DCLXIX] things, in. it(?).[DCLXX]

[69]      Ibn cAsakir from Wathila ibn al-Asqac; he said: the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) came to a curly-haired, [DCLXXI] cross-eyed, short-necked, feet- deformed, small-eared,[DCLXXII] left-handed, emaciated Yemeni who walked with his legs apart, he said: ‘Messenger of God, explain to me what God has given me.’ When he told him, he said: ‘I swear to God that I will not do any more religious duties.’ He said: ‘Why [do] that?’ He said: ‘Because he created me, and created me deformed.’ Then he ran away. So Gabriel came to [Muhammad] and said: ‘Muhammad, where is the one who rebuked [God]? He rebuked a beautiful Lord, so He has castigated him. [God] said: ‘Say to him: Truly, [Messenger of God],[DCLXXIII] he should be happy that God will send him in the image of Gabriel on the Day of Resurrection.’ So he said [this] to him; and he said: ‘Yes, Messenger of God, I am rebuking God for not making my body sufficiently strong to do any of the duties that please God except what the deeds that I have done for him.’ On this [hadith] al-cAla ibn Kathir said: al-Bukhari did not accept this hadith69

[70]         [DCLXXIV] [DCLXXV] Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Sa'T'd ibn Jubayr concerning His Word: ‘Save only to such a messenger as He is well-pleased with: then He despatches before him and behind him watchers.’[DCLXXVI] He said: He only sends down Gabriel for the Revelation, and with him are four angelic hufaza.

[71]    al-Tabarani in a chain of trusted authorities (bi-‘snad rijalihi thiqat)[DCLXXVII] from Umm Salama that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: In Heaven there are two angels; one of the two is responsible for misery and the other is responsible for tenderness; the appropriate ones responsible are Gabriel and Michael. And there are two Prophets, one of the two is responsible for tenderness and the other is responsible for misery, the appropriate ones are responsible, [and he said that these are Abraham and Noah. I have two companions; one of the two is responsible for tenderness and the other for misery.][DCLXXVIII] The appropriate one is responsible and he mentioned Abu Bakr and cUmar.[DCLXXIX]

[72]      Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Ibn Mascud; he said: Gabriel came to the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) and he said: ‘Gabriel, I think that I have good standing with you.’ He said: ‘Of course - by the One who sent you in Truth! I have not been sent to a prophet whom I have loved more than you.’ He said: ‘I would like you to tell me about my standing with you here.’ He said: ‘I am able to do that.’ He said: ‘By the One who sent you in truth! I was drawn unprecendetly close to my Lord [regarding my standing], and I have never approached the like of him before. And He had decreed that I could approach Him. It was a journey of five hundred years. The closest creation of God (may he be praised and glorified) is Israfil. And [Israfil] decreed that [Muhammad] could approach [Israfil]; the distance, .[b.etwe.e.n. .Is.râfïl. .and GodC?).][DCLXXX] is a journey of seventy years; among them are seventy lights and the lowest light blinds the eyes, so how could I have come to know what is beyond that? But it appeared to me on the Tablet;[DCLXXXI] then he called us and then sent us away.

[73]    Ahmad in al-Zuhd from Rabbah; he said: I narrated that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to Gabriel: ‘You only come to me looking like you are grieving.’[DCLXXXII] He said: ‘I have not laughed since the Fire was created.’[DCLXXXIII]

[74]    al-Firyabi[DCLXXXIV] and Ibn Mardawayh from Anas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘For the trumpet[DCLXXXV] shall be blown and whosoever is in the heavens and whosoever is in the earth shall swoon, save whom God wills.’701 702 [DCLXXXVI] They said: ‘Messenger of God, who are these whom God, may he be praised and glorified, will exclude?’ He said: ‘Gabriel, Michael, the Angel of Death, Israfil and the Bearers of the Throne. For when God grasps the souls of the created beings, he will say to the Angel of Death: ‘Who remains?’ And he will say: ‘I praise you, my Lord, and I extol the One of Glory and Generosity. Gabriel, Michael, Israfil and the Angel of Death remain.’ And he will say: ‘Take the soul of Israfil!’ So he will take the soul of Israfil. And God will say to the Angel of Death: ‘Who remains?’ And he will say: ‘I praise you and I bless my Lord and extol the One of Glory and Generosity. Gabriel, Michael and the Angel of Death remain.’ And He will say: ‘Take the soul of Michael!’ So he will take the soul of Michael, and he will fall down like a great mountain. And He will say: ‘Angel of Death, who remains?’ He will say: ‘Gabriel [and][DCLXXXVII] the Angel of Death.’ And He will say: ‘Die, Angel of Death!’ and he will die. Then He will say: ‘Gabriel, who remains?’ And he will say: ‘Your eternal and everlasting face remains.’ And Gabriel is about to die and pass away. He said: it was necessary for him to die, and he fell down prostrating, his wings flapping.

He said; the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said that he preferred his creation over the creation of Michael as a great mountain.

[75]    Ibn Mardawayh and al-Bayhaqî in al-Bacth from a hadith attributed to Anas concerning His Word: ‘For the trumpet shall be blown...’[DCLXXXVIII] (and the rest of the verse); he said: From these God, may He be praised and glorified, will exclude three: Gabriel, Michael and the Angel of Death. God, the most knowledgeable, will say: ‘Angel of Death, who remains?’ And he will say: ‘Your eternal and compassionate face remains and your servant Gabriel, and Michael and the Angel of Death.’ He will say: ‘Take the soul of Michael.’ Then God, the most knowledgeable, will say: ‘Angel of Death, who remains?’ And he will say: ‘Your eternal face remains and your servant Gabriel and the Angel of Death.’ He will say: ‘Take the soul of Gabriel.’ Then He, the most knowledgeable, will say: ‘Angel of Death, who remains?’ And he will say: ‘Your eternal and generous face remains and your servant the Angel of Death.’ When he is about to die, he will say: ‘Die!’ Then he will proclaim: ‘I began the creation then I take it back.’

[76]    Ibn Abi Hâtim from cAtâ’ ibn al-Sâ’ib; he said: The first among those who are held to account is Gabriel because he is the faith of God to His messengers.

[77]    Ibn Jarir from Hudhayfa; he said: The one responsible for the Scales[DCLXXXIX] on the Day of Resurrection is Gabriel (peace be upon him).

4.2.7       Michael (Peace be upon him)

[78]     Ibn al-Mundhir[DCXC] from cIkrima; he said: Gabriel’s name [means] Servant (abd) of God, Michael’s name [means] Servant (ubayd) of God.[DCXCI]

[79]     Ahmad and Abu ’l-Shaykh from Anas that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said to Gabriel: ‘Why have I never seen Michael laughing?’[DCXCII] He said: ‘Michael has not laughed since the Fire was created.’

[80]     al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi in Nawadir al-usul from Zayd ibn Rafic; he said: Gabriel and Michael came to the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) while he was cleaning his teeth and the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) gave Gabriel the toothpick.[DCXCIII] He said: Gabriel said, ‘God is Great!’ Al-Hakim said: that is, [Muhammad] gave [it] to Michael and then [Gabriel] said: ‘God is Great!’

[81]     al-Hakim from Abu Sa^id; he said; the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: My two ministers from the heavenly world are Gabriel and Michael and from the earthly world are Abu Bakr and cUmar[DCXCIV]

[82]    al-Bazzar, al-Tabarariî, and Abu Nucaym in al-Hilya from Ibn cAbbas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: God supports me with four ministers: the two from the heavenly world are Gabriel and Michael, the two from earthly word are Abu Bakr and cUmar.

[83]    al-Daylami[DCXCV] through the intermediary of al-Saiï ibn cAbd Allah al-Sulami from cAbd al-Hamid ibn Kanana from Abu Umama from cAli ibn Abi Talib; ascribing it to the Prophet, [he said]: The muezzin of the heavenly host is Gabriel and Michael is their Imam,[DCXCVI] who leads them in the prayers in the Inhabited House. The angels of the heavens congregate and circumambulate the Inhabited House and they perform the ritual prayers and pray for forgiveness. God gives their reward, their forgiveness and their praise of God to the community of Muhammad (God bless him and grant him salvation).

[84]    Ibn al-Najjar said in his Ta’rtkh: I swear by God that Abu cAbd Allah al-Adib related to me an oral tradition in Isfahan from Abu Tahir ibn Abi Nasr al-Tajir that cAbd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Mandah related to him; he said: I swear by God that Abu cAbd Allah al-Husayn ibn Muhammad ibn al-Husayn al- Dinawari[DCXCVII] informed him; he said: I swear by God that Abu ‘l-Qasim cAbd Allah ibn Ibrahim al-Jurjâriî informed him; he said: Abu ‘l-Hassan Muhammad ibn cAli al- Husayn ibn al-Qasim ibn al-Hassan ibn Zayd ibn cAli ibn al-Husayn ibn cAli ibn Abi Talib informed him; he said: I swear by God that Ahmad ibn cAbd Allah al-Shucabi al-Baghdadi told him; he said: I swear by God that al-Hassan ibn cAli al-cAskari told him; he said: I swear by God that Abu cAli ibn Muhammad told me; he said: I swear by God that Muhammad ibn cAli ibn Musa [told me; he said: I swear by God that Abu cAli ibn Musa][DCXCVIII] [told me; he said: I swear by God that Abu Musa ibn Jafar][DCXCIX] told me; he said: I swear by God that Jafar ibn Muhammad told me; he said: I swear by God that Abu Muhammad ibn cAli told me; he said: I swear that Abu cAli ibn al- Husayn [told me; he said: I swear by God that Abu cAli ibn Abi Talib][DCC] told me; he said: I swear by God that Muhammad, the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) [told me; he said: I swear by God that Gabriel][DCCI] told me; he said: I swear by God that Michael told me; he said: I swear by God that Israfil told me from the Preserved Tablet that God the Blest and the Most High said: The wine­drinker is like the idolater.

The hafiz Ibn Hajar said in his Lisan al-mizan: This matn with this aforementioned isnad is [attributed] to cAli ibn Musa; Abu Nucaym excludes him from his isnad in al-Hilya. Whoever does not know its status [see] al-Hasan al- cAskari as well, but he only mentions Gabriel; Muhammad said: ‘The wine addict is like the idolater.’[DCCII] Ibn Hibban attributed the matn in his Sahih to a hadlth of Ibn cAbbas.

4.2.8       Israfïl (peace be upon him)

[85]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Wahb; he said: God, Most High, created the Trumpet[DCCIII] out of white pearls with the purity of glass; then he said to the Throne: ‘Take the trumpet and keep hold of it.’ Then He said: ‘Be!’ And Israfil came into being, and He ordered him to take the Trumpet, so he took it and it had a hole for the number of every created soul (rüh) and spirit (nafs) that is born; two souls do not go through one hole. In the middle of the Trumpet there is an aperture like the roundness of the Heaven and the Earth. And Israfil placed his mouth over that aperture. Then the Lord said to him: ‘I have made you responsible for the Trumpet, and yours is the blowing and the shouting.’[DCCIV] And Israfil came before the Throne, placed his right foot under the Throne and his left foot; he has not looked away since God created him, so that he can wait for what He commands him [to do].

[86]    al-Tirmidhi and declared it to be fair (hasan), al-Hakim and al-Bayhaqi in al- Bacth from Abu SaTd al-Khudri; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘How can I be happy when the possessor of the trumpet has already put the mouthpiece to his mouth, tilted his head and inclined his ear? He will wait until he is commanded to blow it.’ They said: ‘What should we say?’ He said: ‘Say: “God is sufficient for us; an excellent Guardian is he”[DCCV] “In God have we put our trust.”’[DCCVI] [DCCVII]

[87]     al-Hakim and he declared it to be sound (sahth), Abu ‘l-Shaykh and Ibn Mardawayh from Abu Hurayra; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The Possessor of the Trumpet looks fixedly whilst he is responsible for it. Prepared, he looks towards the Throne, fearing that [if he were to look away], he would be ordered to let out a cry before he [could] return his gaze; his

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eyes are two milky stars.

[88]     Ibn Abi Hatim from Abu Sa'Td al-Khudri;[DCCVIII] he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The two Possessors of the Trumpet[DCCIX] do not stop holding onto the trumpet, waiting until they are ordered [to blow it].

[89]     al-Daylami from Abu Umama; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Gabriel’s name [means] servant (abd) of God;[DCCX] Michael’s name [means] servant (ubayd) of God; and Israfil’s name [means] servant (cabd) of the Merciful.

[90]     al-Tabarani, Abu Nucaym in al-Hilya and Ibn Mardawayh from Abu Hurayra; that a Jew said: ‘Messenger of God, tell me about the angel of God which is near him.’ [He said: ‘The angel which is near Him is][DCCXI] Israfil, then Gabriel, then

Michael, then the Angel of Death.’

[91]    Ahmad, al-Hakim [and Ibn Mardawayh] [DCCXII] from Abu SaTd; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Israfil is the Possessor of the Trumpet and Gabriel is on his right and Michael is on his left.[DCCXIII]

[92]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Abu Bakr al-Hudhali; he said: No created thing is closer to God than Israfil, and between him and between God are seven veils. And he has a wing in the East, and a wing in the West; a wing on the Seventh Earth and a wing on his head. His head is placed between his two wings. When God gives him an order, the tablets (alwah) are lowered down to Israfil with God’s command [written] on them, then Israfil will look at them; Gabriel then calls out and [Israfil] answers him. As none of the angels can hear his voice without being made unconscious, when they come round, they say: ‘What [was that]?’ [Israfil] says: ‘[It was] your Lord.’ They will say: ‘The Truth, and He is the All-High, the All-Great.’[DCCXIV] The Angel of the Trumpet (who is the one responsible for it)[DCCXV] [has] one of his feet on the Seventh Earth, whilst he kneels on his knees, staring fixedly at Israfil. He has not looked up since God made him; he will look when he is given the signal and then he will blow the Trumpet.

[93]    Ibn Abi Zamanin in al-Sunna from Kacb; he said: The closest of the angels to God is Isrâfïl; he has four wings: a wing in the East, a wing in the West, he is covered[DCCXVI] by the third [wing] and the fourth is between him and the Preserved Tablet (al-lawh al-mahfuz). If God wants to reveal a command, the Preserved Tablet comes down until it slams into Israfïl’s forehead; and he raises his head and looks; when the command is written, he calls out to Gabriel and he responds. And he says: ‘You are commanded to do such and such an order.’ Gabriel does not descend from one heaven to another without its people becoming terrified with fear of the Hour, until Gabriel says: ‘the Truth is from the Truth!’[DCCXVII] And he descends to the Prophet and gives the revelation to him.

[94]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from cAbd Allah ibn al-Hanth;[DCCXVIII] he said: I was with cA’isha, while Kacb was with her and she said: ‘Kacb, tell us about Israfïl.’ And he said: ‘He is the Angel of God. There is nothing in his presence. He has a wing in the East and he has a wing in the West, and a wing is on the nape of his neck and the Throne is on the nape of his neck.’ cA’isha said: ‘I heard the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) say the same.’ Kacb said: ‘The Tablet is on his forehead, so when God wants to give a command, he writes it on the Tablet.’

[95]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from cAbd al-Rahman ibn al-Harith that Kacb said to cÀ’isha: ‘Did you hear the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) [say anything about Israfil?’ She said: ‘Yes, I heard the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation)][DCCXIX] saying, “He has four wings, [and] from them are two wings, one of which is in the East, and the other of which is in the West; and the Tablet is between his eyes, so if God wants to write a revelation, He inscribes it between his eyes.”’

[96]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh and Abu Nucaym in al-Hilya from Ibn cAbbas that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: It is said that one of the Bearers of the Throne[DCCXX] [is Israfil]; and that Israfil has one of the corners of the Throne on the nape of his neck; his feet go down to the lowest part of the Seventh Heaven and his head passes through the highest part of the Seventh Heaven.

[97]    Al-Bayhaqi in Shucab al-iman from al-Muttalib that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: I said to Gabriel: ‘Gabriel, why have I not seen Israfil laughing? None of the angels have come to me without me seeing them laughing.’ Gabriel said: ‘We have not seen that angel laughing since the Fire was created.’[DCCXXI]

[98]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Ibn cAbbas; he said: the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) heard a crash,[DCCXXII] and he said: ‘Gabriel, is the hour coming?’ He said: ‘No, this is Israfil coming to earth.’

[99]    cAbd ibn Hamid, al-Tabarani in al-Awsat and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from cAbd Allah ibn al-Harith; he said: I was with cA’isha while Kacb al-Habr[DCCXXIII] was at her house, and he mentioned Israfil. cA’isha said: ‘Tell me about Israfil.’ Kacb said: ‘Feel free to ask.’[DCCXXIV] She said: ‘By all means! So tell me.’ Kacb said: ‘He has four wings; two wings are in the air, a wing, with which he is clothed,[DCCXXV] and one wing is in the nape of his neck; the Pen is on his ear; when He sends down revelation, the Pen writes, then the angels wipe it off [the Tablet]. The Angel of the Trumpet is lower than him, and he genuflects on one of his knees and he raises the other; and he puts the Trumpet to his mouth, bending his back and his side towards Israfil. When he has been ordered, he will look at Israfil, and when [Israfil’s] two wings are closed, [the Angel of the Trumpet] will blow into the Trumpet. cA’isha said: I heard the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) [talking][DCCXXVI] in this way.

[100]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from ai-AwzTT; he said: When Israfil glorifies God, he cuts off the ritual prayers and the hearing of all the angels in heaven.

[101]    Also from him;[DCCXXVII] he said: None of God’s creations have a better voice that Israfil; when he begins to glorify God, he cuts off the ritual prayers and praising of the people of the Seven Heavens.

[102]    [Abu ‘l-Shaykh] through the intermediary of al-Layth; Khalid told me from SaTd; he said: I was told that Israfil is the muezzin of the people of heaven,[DCCXXVIII] and he makes the call to prayer [twelve times during the day][DCCXXIX] and twelve times at night; and at every hour’s proclamation, whoever is in the Seven Heavens and whoever is in the Seven Earths hears his proclamation, except jinn and humans. Then he, the greatest of the angels, goes to the front of them and performs the ritual prayer for them. [SaTd] said it reached me that Michael leads the angels in the Inhabited House.

[103]    Ibn al-Mubarak in al-Zuhd from Ibn Abi Jabala in his Isnad; he said: The first of those to be called on the Day of Resurrection is Israfil; God will say, ‘Have you delivered my covenant?’ And he will say, ‘Yes, Lord, I delivered it to Gabriel.’ And he will summon Gabriel, and it is said: ‘Did Israfil deliver my covenant to you?’ He will say, ‘Yes.’ So he will leave Israfil. And he will say to Gabriel, ‘What did you do with my covenant?’ And he will say, ‘Lord, I delivered it to the Messengers.’ So he will summon the Messengers, and it will be said to them: ‘Did Gabriel deliver my covenant to you?’ And they will say, ‘Yes.’ So he will leave Gabriel.

[104]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Abu Sinan; he said: The created thing closest to God is the Tablet, and it is suspended from the Throne; and if God wants to reveal something, He writes on the [Preserved] Tablet [and the Tablet moves][DCCXXX], and the Tablet goes [down] until it hits Israfïl’s forehead;[DCCXXXI] Isrâfïl covers his head with his wings so that he does not raise his eyes to the majesty of God and looks at [the Tablet]; if it is [a command] for the people of the heaven, then he hands it over [to Michael; if it is [a command] for the people of the earth, then he hands it over][DCCXXXII] to Gabriel. The first to be called to account on the Day of Resurrection is the [Tablet. It is called by Him. Its whole body trembles in fear, and it will be said to it: ‘Did you send out [my commands]?’ It will say: ‘Yes.’ It will be said: ‘Who saw you?’ And it will say, ‘Israfïl.’ Then Israfïl][DCCXXXIII] will be called and his body will tremble with fear. And it will be said to him: ‘Did the Tablet send [my commands to] you?’ When he has said ‘yes’ the Tablet says: ‘Praise be to God, who saved me[DCCXXXIV] from evil reckoning.[DCCXXXV] Then like that.’

[105]    Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Damra; he said: I heard that the first to bow down to Adam[DCCXXXVI] (peace be upon him) was Israfïl; God rewarded him by putting the Qur’an on his forehead.

[106]    al-Tabaranï in al-Awsat, al-Bayhaqï in al-Asma ’ wa-‘l-sifat and al-Bazzar from Ibn cAmr; he said: A group of people came to the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) and they said: ‘Messenger of God, Abu Bakr claimed that righteous actions are from God and unrighteous actions are from humans, but cUmar has said that both righteous actions and unrighteous actions come from God, and a group follows this one and a group follows that one.’[DCCXXXVII] The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘The judgment between you both is [found] in the judgment of Israfil between Gabriel and Michael: Michael said the words of Abu Bakr; and Gabriel the words of cUmar; Gabriel said to Michael: “When the people of the heavens differ, [or] the people of the earth differ, we should seek a legal ruling from Israfil.” And so the two of them went to seek a legal ruling from him and he made a ruling between the two of them concerning the truth about predestination: “His kindness, His wickedness, His sweetness and His bitterness, all of them come from God.” Then [Muhammad] said: ‘Abu Bakr, if God did not want disobedience then he would not have had created Iblis.’ Abu Bakr said: ‘God and His Prophet have spoken the truth.’

4.2.9     The Angel of Death[DCCXXXVIII] (peace be upon him)

[107]    SacTd ibn Mansur, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abi Hatim from Abu Hurayrah; he said: When God, may He be praised and glorified, wanted to create Adam,[DCCXXXIX] He sent an angel from the Bearers of the Throne to fetch some dust from the earth.[DCCXL] When [the angel] came down to take [it], the Earth said: ‘I implore you, by the One who sent you, not to take anything from me today, part of which is to be for the Fire tomorrow.’ So [the angel] left it, and when he ascended to his Lord; He said: ‘What prevented you from fetching what I ordered you to fetch?’ He said: ‘The Earth sought Your [protection] and I was worried about bringing back something that had been protected [by You].’ So He despatched another [angel] to [the Earth], and it said the same thing until He had sent all of them;[DCCXLI] and so He sent out the Angel of Death and [the Earth] said the same to him; so [the Angel of Death] said: ‘The One who sent me is more deserving of obedience than you.’ So he took [mud] from the face of the whole Earth, from its goodness and its wickedness, and took it to his Lord, and He poured water of the Garden onto it and it became moulded mud[DCCXLII] and he created Adam from it.

[108]    Ibn Jarir, al-Bayhaqi in al-Asma’ wa-‘l-sifat and Ibn cAsakir through the intermediary of al-Suddi from Abu Malik, Abu Salih, Ibn cAbbas, Murra, Ibn Mascud and some of the Companions;[DCCXLIII] they said: God sent Gabriel to the Earth to fetch some clay from it. The Earth said: ‘God protect me from you from [mud] being taken away[DCCXLIV] from me!’ So [Gabriel] returned without taking anything; and he said: ‘O Lord, [the Earth] took your protection, so I respected [the protection that it sought].’ So He sent Michael and it was as before; and so He sent the Angel of Death, and [the Earth] sought protection from him; but he said: ‘I seek God’s protection that I may return, without not having carried out His command.’ And he took [mud] from the face of the Earth.

[109]    al-Daylami from Zayd ibn Thabit; he said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: If you were to learn of the moment of [your] death (ajal),[DCCXLV] and know how far it were away, then you would come to hate hope and its deception; there is no-one of any family without the Angel of Death coming to them twice every day; and whoever senses him, then indeed the moment of death has come. He takes his soul (rüh),[DCCXLVI] and if his family cries and mourns, he says: ‘Do not cry and do not mourn! By God! I have not lessened your age, nor have I kept your livelihood from you, and there is no sin[DCCXLVII] for me [in doing this], and I will return to you again and again, until there are none of you left.’

[110]    cAbd al-Razzaq, Ahmad in a/-Zuhd, Ibn Jaiïr, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Mujahid; he said: There is no tent,[DCCXLVIII] nor any mud-brick house on the surface of the Earth, without the Angel of Death circumambulating it twice a day.

[111]    Ibn Abi Shayba in al-Musannaf and cAbd Allah ibn Ahmad in Zawa’id al- Zuhd from cAbd al-cAla al-Tamimi; he said: There is no inhabitant of a house, without the Angel of Death studying them twice a day.

[112]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya in Dhikr al-mawt and Abu ‘l-Shakyh from al-Hasan; he said: Every day without exception, the Angel of Death studies every house three times, and if one of them senses him, then his life (rizq) has indeed come to an end, and his appointed time of death (ajal) has come; [the Angel of Death] takes his soul (rüh) and [when he has taken his soul],[DCCXLIX] his family draws near to him wailing and crying; and the Angel of Death takes hold of two posts of the doorframe and says: ‘There is no sin for me [in doing this] against you![DCCL] I am one with orders. By God! I have not eaten your[DCCLI] food (rizq), I have not reduced your age, and I have not shortened your appointed time (ajal). I am going to return to you, and I will return to you again and again until there are none of you left!’ Al-Hasan said: By God! If they were to see his place or hear his words, then they would forget their dead and cry for their own souls.

[113]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Zayd ibn Aslam; he said: The Angel of Death watches every house five times every day and he studies the face of the sons of Adam every day. He said: And from [this experience] is the terror which hits people, meaning[DCCLII] shaking and shuddering.[DCCLIII]

[114]     Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shakyh from cIkrima; he said: Every day without exception, the Angel of Death studies the Book of people’s lives.[DCCLIV] Some say [cIkrima] said three times, and some say he said five times.

[115]     [DCCLV] Ibn Abi Hatim from Kacb; he said: There is no-one in any house,[DCCLVI] without the Angel of Death being at his door seven times every day, [DCCLVII] looking to see whether there is anyone in it, whom He has ordered to be taken [up to God].

[116]     SacTd ibn Mansur and Ahmad in al-Zuhd from cAta’ ibn Yisar; he said: There is no person in a house, without the Angel of Death studying them five times every day [to see] if he has been commanded to take anyone from among them.

[117]     Abu Nucaym in al-Hilya from Thabit al-Banani; he said: Night and day, [all] twenty four hours, there is not a single hour that passes one who breathes,[DCCLVIII] without the Angel of the Death standing over [the soul]; if he has been ordered to take [a soul],[DCCLIX] he takes it; otherwise he goes away.

[118]     Ibn al-Najjar in his Ta’rikh from a hadith attributed to the Prophet[DCCLX] given by Anas that the Angel of Death looks upon the faces of the servants of God seventy times a day; if the servant [of God], to whom he has been sent, laughs, then he says: ‘Wonderful! I have been sent to him to take his soul (rüh) while he is laughing!’

[119]    Al-Tabaram in al-Kabir, Abu Nucaym, Ibn Mandah, both of them in their works called al-Macrifa through the intermediary of Jafar ibn Muhammad from his father, from al-Harith ibn al-Khazraj [from his father]; [DCCLXI] he said: I heard the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) say, as he looked at the Angel of Death while he was [standing by] the head of one of the ansar: ‘Angel of Death, be kind to my friend, he is a believer.’ The Angel of Death said: ‘Be of good cheer! Be happy! I am kind to every believer, and know, Muhammad, that I am going to take the soul of [every] son of Adam! If he gives out a great shout; then I come to the house, and his soul (rüh) is mine. And I say: “What is this cry? By God! We have not wronged him,[DCCLXII] and we have not [taken his soul] before his appointed time (ajal), nor have we hastened his destiny (qadar). There is no sin for us in taking his soul.” If they are pleased by what God has arranged [for them], then they are rewarded; if they are displeased, then they are sinning and transgressing. We will return to you, again and again, so be on your guard! There is no person who lives in a tent, or in a mud house, on the land, or on the plain, or on the mountain, without me studying them every day and night until I know the trivialities and the great things in their souls; by God! If I wanted to take a soul of a mosquito,[DCCLXIII] I could not do it until God had let it be - He is the One who orders its taking.’

Jafar ibn Muhammad said: I heard that when [the Angel of Death] studies [people] during the appointed times for the ritual prayer, if [someone] is about to die,[DCCLXIV] [DCCLXV] and if he is one of those who remembers the ritual prayers, then the angel approaches him and drives Satan away from him, and the angel whispers the talqm71 to him at that great moment: ‘There is no god, but God, and Muhammad is the Messenger of God.’

[120]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya in his Kitab dhikr al-mawt from cUbayd ibn cUmayr; he said: While Abraham (peace be upon him) was in his house one day, suddenly a man of beautiful appearance came into his presence, and [Abraham] said: ‘Servant of God, who admitted you into my house?’ He said: ‘Its Lord admitted me into it.’ He said: ‘Its Lord is the most right [to do] that. Who are you?’ He said: ‘The Angel of Death.’ He said: ‘Things have been described to me about you [that I cannot see in you][DCCLXVI].’ [Abraham] said: ‘Turn around.’ And so he turned around, and there were eyes at the front and eyes at the back and every one of his hairs were like people standing on end. So Abraham begged God for protection against that and said: ‘Return to your first form.’ He said: ‘Abraham, when God sends me to someone He wants to meet, He sends me in the form which you saw first.[DCCLXVII]

[121]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya from Kacb; he said: Abraham (peace be upon him) saw a man in his house, and he said: ‘Who are you?’ He said: ‘I am the Angel of Death.’ Abraham said: ‘If you are right, then show me a sign so that I might know that you are the Angel of Death.’ The Angel of Death said: ‘I shall appear before you.’ And he appeared, then [Abraham] looked and he saw [the Angel of Death] in the form in which he takes the believers; he saw that he was made of light and dazzlement, which only God, Most High, could have told him about. Then [the Angel of Death] said: ‘I will appear before you.’ And he appeared before him, then [Abraham] looked and the Angel of Death showed him the form in which he takes unbelievers and adulterers; and Abraham was so afraid that he trembled and his stomach clung to the Earth, and his soul (nafs) was about to leave.

[122]    [Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya] from Ibn Mascud and Ibn cAbbas; the two said: When God, Most High, took Abraham as a friend, the Angel of Death asked his Lord for permission to send [Arbraham] the good news [about it].[DCCLXVIII] And so he came to Abraham and gave him the good news about it, and he said: ‘Praise be to God!’ Then he said: ‘Angel of Death, show me how you take the souls of the unbelievers.’ He said: ‘Abraham, you will not be able to bear it.’ He said: ‘On the contrary!’ He said: ‘I will come before you.’ And [the Angel of Death] came before him, then [Abraham] looked [and there was] a black man, his head reaching the sky, and flames of fire were coming out of him; there were no hairs on his body, except it being in the form of a man coming out of him, with flames of fire coming out of his ears. Abraham fainted. When he came round, the Angel of Death had changed back into his previous form. Then he said: ‘Angel of Death, if an unbeliever, in his grief and distress, saw only your form, then that would be enough for him! Show me how you take the believers.’ [The Angel of Death] said: ‘I will come before you.’ And he came before him, then [Abraham] looked and he was a young man, whose face was very beautiful, the most pleasing of odour, [wearing] a white gown. [Abraham] said: ‘Angel of Death, if a believer at the moment of death saw in the way of happiness and kindness only this face of yours, then that would suffice!’

[123]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya and Abu ‘l-Shaykh in al-cAzama from Ashcath ibn Aslam; he said: Abraham (peace be upon him) asked the Angel of Death, whose name is Azra’il,[DCCLXIX] and who has two eyes in his face and two eyes on the back of his head;[DCCLXX] [Abraham] said: ‘Angel of Death, what do you do if there is a soul (nafs) in the East and a soul in the West, whilst a plague[DCCLXXI] strikes a [particular place on] earth and two armies meet - how do you deal with them?’ He said: ‘I call the spirits (arwah), by the permission of God, and they are between these two fingers of mine.’ He said: The earth is flattened for him, it was made like a basin,[DCCLXXII] and [the Angel of Death] takes out of it when He wants.

[124]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya from al-Hakam that Jacob (peace be upon him) said: ‘Angel of Death, is [it right that] from every person’s soul (nafs) without exception, you take its spirit (ruh)T He said: ‘Yes.’ He said: ‘How? While you are here with me, souls (anfus) are in the outermost parts of the Earth?’ He said: ‘God has flattened the Earth for me, and it is like a bowl placed in front of one of you, and He takes whoever is at its outermost parts [that He] wants.[DCCLXXIII] That is how the world is for me.’

[125]    cAbd al-Razzaq, Ahmad in al-Zuhd, Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir, Abu ‘l-Shaykh in al-cAzama and Abu Nucaym in al-Hilya from Mujahid; he said: The Earth was created for the Angel of Death like a bowl; [God] takes from it whenever He wishes, and He created helpers for [the Angel of Death], who receive the souls; then [the Angel of Death] takes [the souls] from [the helpers].

[126]    Ibn Jarir and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from al-Rabic ibn Anas that it was asked of the Angel of Death whether it is he alone who takes the souls (arwah). He said he is the one who is responsible for the [fulfilment of the] command of the souls (arwah)[DCCLXXIV] but he has helpers for that; however, the Angel of Death is in charge and every stride of his [goes] from the East to the West.

[127]    Ibn Abi Shayba, Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shaykh in his Tafsir from Ibn cAbbas concerning His Word, Most High: ‘Our messengers take him.’[DCCLXXV] He said: The helpers of the Angel of Death are from the angels.

[128]    cAbd ibn Hamid, Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shaykh in his Tafsir from Ibrahim al-Nakha^i concerning His Word: ‘Our messengers take him.’[DCCLXXVI] He said the angels take the souls (anfus), then the Angel of Death takes [the souls] from [the angels] afterwards.

[129]    cAbd al-Razzaq, Ibn Jarir and Abu ‘l-Shaykh in al-Azama from Qatada concerning His Word: ‘Our messengers take him.’[DCCLXXVII] He said: The Angel of Death has messengers, and he makes the messengers responsible for taking [the souls] then they hand them over to the Angel of Death.

[130]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh in al-cAzama from Wahb in Munabbih; he said that the angels who are associated with the people[DCCLXXVIII] are the ones who receive them and they write their time [of death]; when they take the soul [to God], they hand them over to the Angel of Death, who is like the one who comes after[DCCLXXIX] - meaning the tax collector,[DCCLXXX] who draws up to himself what is beneath him.

[131]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and Abu Nucaym in al-Hilya from Shahar ibn Hawshab; he said: The Angel of Death is sitting and the world is between his knees, and the Tablet is in his hands, on which is [written] the appointed times of death of the sons of Adam; with angels standing in front of him, he studies the Tablet, not raising his eyes. And when he comes to an appointed time of a servant [of God],[DCCLXXXI] he says: ‘Take this one!’

[132]    Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shakyh from Ibn cAbbas that it was asked about [a situation in which] two souls that came to die in the twinkling of an eye, one in the East and the other in the West; how is the Angel of Death in a position to deal with them both? [Ibn cAbbas] said: The ability of the Angel of Death to [deal with] creatures in the East and the West, in darkness, in the air and in the seas is always like a man with a table in front of him, taking from it whatever he wishes.

[133]    Ibn Abi Hatim from Zuhayr ibn Muhammad; he said: It was said: ‘Messenger of God, the Angel of Death is alone; but [there are] two armies meeting between the East and the West, and in the area between that there are the fallen and the dead?’ He said: ‘God, may He be praised and glorified, made the Angel of Death able [to cope]: He made [the Earth] like a bowl between one of your hands, and [the Angel of Death] can pass over anything in it.

[134]    Juwaybir from Ibn cAbbas; he said: The Angel of Death is the one who takes all of the souls [to God]; indeed he has power over what is on the earth, just as one of you has power over his leisure; angels from amongst the angels of mercy and angels from amongst the angels of suffering are with him; when he receives a good soul, he gives it to the angels of mercy; when he receives a wicked soul, he gives it to the angels of suffering.

[135]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya and Abu ‘l-Shakyh from Abu ‘l-Muthanna al-Him.si; he said: The world, with its lowlands and its mountains, is between the thighs of the Angel of Death, and with him are angels of mercy and angels of suffering. When he takes the souls (arwah), these hand over to these, and those over to those, meaning the angels of mercy and the angels of suffering. It is said [that] if there is a fierce battle and the sword is like lightning, then [he said], he summons them and the souls come to him.

[136]    al-Dïnawaiï in al-Mujalasa from Abu Qays al-Azdi; he said; It was said to the Angel of Death: ‘How do you take the souls?’ He said: ‘I summon them, and they come to me.’

[137]    Ibn Abi Shayba from Khaythama; he said: The Angel of Death came to Solomon, son of David,[DCCLXXXII] while he had a friend with him and Solomon said to him: ‘Why is it that you either come to a household and take them all together, or you go away from a household, leaving them alone, without taking anyone from them?’ He said: ‘I do not know what I take from them, rather I am under the Throne, and He sends down the deeds[DCCLXXXIII] on which are the names.

[138]    Ibn cAsakir from Khaythama; he said: Solomon, son of David, said to the Angel of Death: ‘When you want to take my soul (rüh), would you let me know about it?’ He said: ‘I do not know when it is your [time].[DCCLXXXIV] It is something written that comes down to me, which names who is going to die.’

[139]    Ahmad in al-Zuhd and Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya from Macmar; he said: It reached me that the Angel of Death does not know when the appointed time of a person’s death is going to happen until he is ordered to take it.

[140]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya from Ibn Jaiïr; he said: It reached me that it is said to the Angel of Death: ‘Take so-and-so at a certain time on a certain day!’

[141]    Ibn Abi Hatim from cIkrima concerning His Word, Most High: ‘It is He who recalls you by night.. ,’[DCCLXXXV] He said: He receives souls during sleep; there is no night - by God! - without Him grasping souls - all of them; and He asks every soul about what its owner did during the day, then He calls the Angel of Death, and he says: ‘Take this one! Take this one!’

[142]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya from cAta’ ibn Yisar; he said: When it is the middle night of Shacban,[DCCLXXXVI] He hands over a page to the Angel of Death, and it is said: ‘Take from those on this page!’ If the servant is lying in bed, or couples marry, or someone builds a building,[DCCLXXXVII] [he does so] while his name has already been copied into the [book of the] dead.

[143]    Ibn Jarir from cUmar Mawla Ghafara; he said: [The names of] whoever is going to die on the Night of Power[DCCLXXXVIII] until the following one[DCCLXXXIX] is copied to the Angel of Death; and [the Angel] will find the man who has married a woman, and the man who has planted the plant; but [only] when the name is amongst the dead.

[144]    al-Dinawari in al-Mujalasa from Rashid ibn SacTd that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: On the middle night of Shacban, God reveals to the Angel of Death [information] regarding the taking of every soul that He wants to be taken during that year.

[145]    al-Khatib and Ibn al-Najjar from cA’isha; she said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) used to abstain[DCCXC] during the whole of Shacban until Ramadan; but he only fasted for a whole month during Shacban.[DCCXCI] She said: ‘Messenger of God, is it because Shacban is the dearest month for you that you fast during it?’ He said: ‘Yes, cÀ’isha, the taking [of souls] is written for the Angel of Death during it; I do not want my name to be deleted, so I fast.

[146]    Ahmad, al-Bazzar and al-Hakim and he declared the hadith to be authentic (sahlh) from Abu Hurayrah from the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation); he said: The Angel of Death used to come to people manifestly, but he came to Moses and he [Moses] slapped him and gouged out his eye, and [the Angel of Death] went to his Lord; and he said: ‘Lord, your servant Moses has gouged out my eye. Unless you favour him, tear him open.’ He said to him: ‘Go to my servant [Moses] and say to him that he should place his hand on a skin of an ox, and then he will have a year for every hair that his hand has covered.’ So he came to him and [Moses] said: ‘What is after this?’ He said: ‘Death.’ And he said: ‘Let it be now.’ And so [the Angel of Death] smelt [Moses], took his soul and God gave him back his eye. After that he came to people in stealth.[DCCXCII]

[147]    Abu Nucaym from al-Acmash; he said: The Angel of Death used to be visible to people, but he came to [one particular] man, saying: ‘Finish your business, for I want to take your soul.’ And [the man] made a complaint; consequently, [God] then sent down disease and made death a secret.

[148]    al-Marwazi in al-Jana’iz, Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya and Abu ‘l-Shakyh from al- Shactha’ Jabir ibn Zayd that the Angel of Death used to take souls without pain, but the people cursed him and worried about him, so he complained to his Lord. Consequently, God established diseases and they forgot about the Angel of Death. It is said someone dies like this or like that.[DCCXCIII]

[149]    Ibn Abi Hatim from Ibn cAbbas that an angel sought permission from his Lord to go down to Enoch;[DCCXCIV] and he came to him and greeted him, and Enoch said to him: ‘Is there anything between you and the Angel of Death?’ He said: ‘He is one of my brother angels.’ He said: ‘Are you able to help me with something concerning him?’ He said: ‘[If you want to] delay [death] any [amount of time],[DCCXCV] or hasten it, then no, but I will ask him for you, and he will treat you kindly concerning death.’ He said: ‘Ride between my wings!’ So Enoch rode and ascended into the highest heaven, and he met the Angel of Death, with Enoch between his wings; and the angel said to him: ‘I have need of you.’ He said: ‘I already know about your need; you spoke to me about Enoch, [and what remains of his age,][DCCXCVI] but his name has been wiped out, and none of his appointed term[DCCXCVII] remains, save half the blinking of an eye, and then Enoch died between the wings of the angel.

[150]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Muhammad ibn al-Munkadir that the Angel of Death said to Abraham (peace be upon him):[DCCXCVIII] ‘Your Lord has ordered me to take your soul in the most peaceful way that I have taken the soul of a believer.’ He said: ‘I ask you in the truth of the One who sent you that you consult Him about me.’ He said: ‘Your friend[DCCXCIX] asked that I consult with you about him.’ [God] said: ‘Go to him and say to him: Your Lord says: the Friend wants to meet His friend.’ So he came to him, and he said: ‘I was in pain when you ordered him [to take my soul].’ He said: ‘Abraham, have you drunk wine?’[DCCC] He said: ‘No.’ Then [the Angel of Death] asked him to breathe over him[DCCCI] [and] he took his soul (nafs) in that way.

[151]    Ahmad from Abu Hurayrah that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: David[DCCCII] (peace be upon him) was extremely jealous,[DCCCIII] and he had the habit that when he went out, the doors [of his harem] would be shut. No-one would go into his family until he returned. One day he went out and returned, and there was a man standing in doorway of his house. [David] said to him: ‘Who are you?’ He said: ‘I am the one who does not revere kings, and the one who is not prevented from passing through the veil.’ David said: ‘You, therefore, by God! - are the Angel of Death. [I] welcome the command of God!’ And David hurried[DCCCIV] to his place [before the Angel of Death] and his soul was taken.

[152]    Ibn Majah from Abu Umama; I heard the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) saying: God, may He be praised and glorified, made the Angel of Death responsible for the taking of the souls (arwah) except those martyred at sea - He takes charge of the taking their souls Himself.[DCCCV]

[153]    Juwaybir from Ibn cAbbas; he said: The Angel of Death is responsible for the taking of human souls, and he is the one who orders the taking of their souls; and [there is] an angel for the Jinn, an angel for the Shaytans, and an angel for the birds, wild animals, the predatory animals, the large fish and the ant; so there are four angels. Angels die in the first strike of the lightning. The Angel of Death is responsible for taking of their souls, then [the angel] dies. As for those who are martyred at sea, God is responsible for the taking of their souls; He does not give the responsibility for that to the Angel of Death, for their honour is with Him when they travel through the depths of the sea for His sake.

[154]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya from Muhammad ibn Kacb al-Qurzi; he said: It reached me that the last to die is the Angel of Death; it is said to him: ‘Angel of Death, die!’ So with that he will let out a cry, (if the creatures of the heavens and the earth were to hear it, they would die of fright); then he will die.[DCCCVI]

[155]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya from Ziyad al-Numayri; he said: I have read in a certain book that death is harder for the Angel of Death than it is for the rest of the creations.

[156]    al-cUqayli in al-Ducafa’, Abu ‘l-Shaykh in al-cAzama and al-Daylami from Anas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The allotted time (ajal) for all livestock and insects of the earth is [devoted to] the worship of God. When their glorification of God is completed, God takes their souls and there is nothing for the Angel of Death [to do] in that.

[157]    al-Khatib in Ruwat Malik from Sulayman ibn Macmar al-Kilabi; he said: I was with Malik ibn Anas, when a man asked him about fleas: ‘Does the Angel of Death take their souls (arwah)?’ He bowed his head for a long while and then said: ‘Do they have a soul (nafs)T He said: ‘Yes.’ He said: ‘Then the Angel of Death takes their souls (arwah) [and] God receives their souls (anfus') in full when they die.’

[158]    Abu Nucaym in al-Hilya from Mucadh ibn Jabal; he said: The Angel of Death has a spear,[DCCCVII] which has the space from the East to the West in its reach, and when the appointed time of death of a servant of the world comes, he hits his head with that spear and he says: ‘Now the army of death is called upon you.’

[159]    Ibn cAsakir from Ibn cAbbas which is traceable to the Prophet (marfuc'); that the Angel of Death has a poisoned spear, which has one end in the East, and another end in the West, and he cuts the vein of life with it.[DCCCVIII]

[160]    Ibn Abi Hatim from Zuhayr ibn Muhammad; he said: The Angel of Death sits on a ladder between Heaven and Earth and he has messengers[DCCCIX] from amongst the angels. When the soul (nafs) is in the throat[DCCCX] the Angel of Death sees him from his ladder, and he looks intently at him, then another which dies sees him.

[161]    Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya from al-Hakam ibn Uban; he said: cIkrima was asked: ‘Does a blind man see the Angel of Death when he comes to take his soul (rUh)?’ He said: ‘Yes.’

[162]    Abu Nucaym in al-Hilya from Mujahid; he said: A servant does not get ill from any illness without the messenger of the Angel of Death being with him until there is another illness which the servant gets ill from; the Angel of Death comes to him, and says: Messenger after messenger has come to you, but you did not care about them, and now a messenger has come to you, who will cut your ties[DCCCXI] with this world!’

[163]    Abu ‘l-Husayn Ibn al-cArif in his Fawa’id, and Abu ‘l-Rabic al-Mascudi in his Fawa’id from Anas ibn Malik; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When the Angel of Death comes to a friend of God, Most High, he greets him and his greeting is to say: ‘Peace be upon you, friend of God. Rise and leave your house, which you have left in ruin,[DCCCXII] [and go] to your house which you have built [with your good deeds].’[DCCCXIII] When it is not a friend of God, he says to him: ‘Rise and leave your house, which you have made comfortable, and [go] into your house, which you have ruined [with your misdeeds].’[DCCCXIV]

[164]    Abu ‘l-Qasim ibn Mandah in Kitab al-ahwalwa-‘l-iman concerning a question from Ibn Mascud; he said: When God, may He be praised and glorified, wants to take a soul of a believer, He reveals to the Angel of Death: ‘Recite to him from me: “Peace!”’ And when the Angel of Death comes to take his soul, he recites: ‘Your Lord says to you: Peace!’

[165]    al-Marwazî in al-Jana’iz, Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya and Abu ‘l-Shaykh in his Tafslr from Ibn Mascud; he said: When the Angel of Death comes to take the soul of a believer, he says: ‘Your Lord says to you: Peace!’

[166]    [DCCCXV] Ibn Abi Shayba, Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya, Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Hakim and he declared it to be sound (sahih) and al-Bayhaqi in Shucab al-lman from al-Bara’ ibn cÀzab concerning the Word, Most High: ‘[Their greeting], on the day that they shall meet Him, will be “Peace!”’[DCCCXVI] He said: On that day, they will meet the Angel of Death; whoever is a believer, [the Angel of the Death] will take their soul more peacefully for him.

[166b] Ibn al-Mubarak in al-Zuhd, Abu ‘l-Shaykh in al-cAzama, Abu ‘l-Qasim ibn Mandah in Kitab al-ahwal and al-Bayhaqi in Shucab al-lman from Muhammad ibn Kacb al-Qurayzi he said: When the soul of the believing servant is spent, the Angel of Death comes to him and says to him: ‘Peace be upon you, Friend of God! God says to you: Peace!’ Then he recites this verse: ‘...whom the angels take while they are godly saying, ‘Peace be on you!’[DCCCXVII]

Al-Silafi said in al-Mashyakha al-Baghdadiyya: I heard Abu Sacid al-Hasan ibn cAli al-Waciz saying; [I heard Muhammad ibn al-Hasan saying;][DCCCXVIII] I heard my father saying: I saw in a book that God, Most High, makes the phrase ‘In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful’ appear on the palm of the Angel of Death in writing of light; then He commands [the Angel of Death] to stretch out his hand to the Knower[DCCCXIX] at the time his death, and that writing is shown to him; when the soul of the one who knows sees it, it flies towards Him[DCCCXX] more quickly than a blink of an eye.

[167]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Da’ud ibn Abi Hind; he said: It reached me that the Angel of Death was made responsible for Solomon (peace be upon him), and he was told: ‘Go into his presence every day, and ask what he needs; then do not leave him until you have performed it.’[DCCCXXI] He used to enter upon him in the image of a man, and he would ask him how he was. Then he would say: ‘Messenger of God, do you need anything?’ If he said: ‘Yes’, then he did not leave him until he had done it; and if he said: ‘No’, then he left him until the following morning. One day he entered upon him while there was an old man with him. [Solomon] stood up, and greeted [him], then [the Angel of Death] said: ‘Do you need anything, Messenger of God?’ He said: ‘No.’ The [angel] glanced at [the old man] and the old man trembled; the Angel of Death left and the old man stood up and said to Solomon: ‘I beg you, by the truth of God! to command the wind[DCCCXXII] to carry me and throw me down on the furthest lump of mud in the land of India!’ So [Solomon] commanded it and it carried him [there]. The Angel of Death came into Solomon the next morning and asked him about the old man. [The Angel of Death] said: ‘His book[DCCCXXIII] came down to me yesterday, [saying] that I should take his soul tomorrow at the rising of dawn in the furthest lump of mud in the land of India; but when I came down, and thinking that he was there, I then found him with you. I was astonished and could not think of [anything] other than him;[DCCCXXIV] I came down to him today at the break of dawn and found him on the highest lump of mud in the land of India, and he trembled, and I took his soul (rwh).’

[168]    Ibn Abi Shayba from Khaythama; he said: The Angel of Death went into Solomon and began to look at one of his companions who continued to look at him. When he left, the man said: ‘Who was that?’ He said: ‘That was the Angel of Death.’ He said: ‘I saw him looking at me as if he wanted me.’ He said: ‘What do you want [me to do]?’ He said: ‘I want to you to carry me on the wind until you put me down in India.’ So [Solomon] called the wind and he carried him upon it, and he put him down in India. Then the Angel of Death came to Solomon, and [Solomon] said to him: ‘You were looking at the man from my companions.’ He said: ‘I was astonished by him. I was ordered to take him in India and he was with you!’

[169]    al-Tabaram from Ibn cAbbas; he said: The Angel of Death went to the Prophet during the illness which he contracted[DCCCXXV] and he sought permission to enter [his presence] while his head was in cAli’s lap.[DCCCXXVI] He said: ‘Peace be upon you, and the mercy of God and his blessings.’ cAli said: ‘Come back again [at another time]! We are too busy[DCCCXXVII] to deal with you.’ The Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘Do you know who this is, Abu ‘l-Hasan? This is the Angel of Death. Bring him in, in good faith.’ When [the Angel of Death] entered, he said: ‘Your Lord says to you: Peace!’ [Muhammad] said: ‘Where is Gabriel?’ He said: ‘He is not near me, but he is coming.’ The Angel of Death left until Gabriel came down to him. And Gabriel said to him while he was standing at the door: Why did he expel you, Angel of Death!’ He said: ‘Muhammad asked for you.’ When the two sat down, Gabriel said: ‘Peace be upon you, Abu ‘l-Qasim![DCCCXXVIII] This is a farewell for you and for me.’ It reached me that the Angel of Death did not greet anyone from a household before him, and will not greet [anyone][DCCCXXIX] after it.

[170]    al-Tabaram from al-Husayn that Gabriel came down to the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) on the day of his death, and he said: ‘How do you find yourself?’ He said: ‘Gabriel, I find myself distressed and I find myself scared.’ The Angel of Death sought permission to enter from the door. Gabriel said: ‘Muhammad, this is the Angel of Death, who is seeking permission to enter your house. He has not sought permission from me [to come to] a human before you, and he will not seek permission from me [to come to] a human after you.’ [Muhammad] said: ‘Give him permission!’ So [Gabriel] let him in. [The Angel of Death] approached until he stood before [Muhammad] and said: ‘God has sent me to you and has commanded me to obey you; if you command me to take your soul (nafs), then I will take it; if you do not want [me to take it], then I will leave it.’ He said: ‘Do [it], Angel of Death.’ He said: ‘Yes, as you command.’ Gabriel said to [Muhammad]: ‘God indeed desires to meet you.’ Then the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘Carry out what you have been commanded [to do] by Him’

[171]    Ibn al-Najjar in his Ta’rikh said: Yusuf ibn al-Mubarak ibn al-Hamil al-Khafaf told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Muhammad ibn cAbd al-Bâqï al-Ansan told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn cAli ibn Thabit al-Khatib told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that al-Qadi Abu al-cAla Muhammad ibn cAli al-Wasiti told me;[DCCCXXX] he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abu Muhammad cAbd Allah ibn Ahmad ibn cAbd Allah[DCCCXXXI] ibn al-Mulih al- Sajazi told me; I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that cAli ibn Muhammad al-Haruwi told me; I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that cAbd al-Salam ibn Salih told me; I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that cAli ibn Musa al-Radi told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abu Musa ibn Jacfar told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abu Jacfar ibn Muhammad told me;[DCCCXXXII] he said: I bear witness by

God and I bear witness to God that Abu Muhammad ibn cAli told me;[DCCCXXXIII] he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abu cAli ibn al-Husayn told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Abu cAli ibn Abi Talib told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Gabriel told me; he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that Michael told me;[DCCCXXXIV] he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that cAzra’il told me; he said: he said: I bear witness by God and I bear witness to God that God, Most High, told me; he said: The one addicted to wine is like the slave of an idol.[DCCCXXXV]

4.2.10    The Bearers of the Throne[DCCCXXXVI](peace be upon them)

The Most High said: ‘eight shall carry above them the Throne of thy Lord.. ,’[DCCCXXXVII] [DCCCXXXVIII]

[179]      cAbd ibn Hamid, cUthman ibn SacTd al-Darimi in Kitab al-radd cala al- jahmïya,*55 Abu Yacla, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Khuzayma, Ibn Mardawayh and al-

Hakim who declared to be sound (sahïh) [in al-Kitab al-radd cala al-jahmiyyah]'56 from al-cAbbas[DCCCXXXIX] [DCCCXL] ibn cAbd al-Muttalib concerning His Word: ‘[eight] shall carry above them the Throne of thy Lord’ - Eight angels in the form of goats.[DCCCXLI]

[180]    cUthman ibn SaTd from Ibn cAbbas: The Bearers of the Throne have horns, which have corners like the corners of spears. The space between one of their balls of their feet to their ankles is the distance that it would take to travel five hundred years; and the space between the tip of his nose to his collarbone is the distance that it would take to travel five hundred years; and the distance from the tip of his nose to the earlobe is five hundred years. [DCCCXLII]

[181]    cUthman ibn SaTd and Abu Yacla in a sound chain of authorities from Abu Hurayrah; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Listen to me! I was told about an angel whose two legs pass through the Seven Earths and that the Throne was on his shoulders, [this angel] says: ‘I worship you, where you are and where you will be.’

[181b][DCCCXLIII] Abu Daud, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqi in al-Asma’ wa-‘l-sifat from

Jabir that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Listen to me! I was told about one of the angels who carry the Throne; the distance between his earlobe to the shoulder is a distance of seven hundred years.

[182]    Abu Daud, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqi in al-Asma’ wa-‘l-sifat from Jabir that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Hear me, that I was told about one of the angels who carry the Throne: his two feet are on the lowest Earth and the Throne is on his horn; and [the space] between his earlobe and his shoulder is the distance it would take a bird to fly for seven hundred years. That angel says: ‘I worship you wherever[DCCCXLIV] you are!’

[183]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh through the intermediary of Abu Qabil that he heard cAbd Allah say: The Bearers of the Throne; the space that is between the inner corner of one of their eyes to the outer corner of his eye is the distance of five hundred years.

[184]    cUthman ibn SaTd, Ibn al-Mundhir and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Hassan ibn cAtiyya; he said: The Bearers of the Throne are eight. Their feet are firmly fixed on the Seventh Earth, their heads pass through the Seventh Heaven, their horns are the same as their height and on top of [their horns] is the Throne.

[185]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Zadhan;[DCCCXLV] he said: The Bearers of the Throne; their feet are on the limits [of the universe]. They are not able to look up because of the beams of light.[DCCCXLVI]

[186]    Ibn al-Mundhir, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqî in Shucab al-lman from Harun ibn Ri’ab, he said: The Bearers of the Throne are eight and they call back to each other in merciful voices; four of them saying: ‘We worship You and [we are] in praise of You for Your clemency after Your knowledge [of sins committed]!’; and [the other] four saying: ‘We worship You and [we are] in praise of You for Your forgiveness of sins, according to Your decree!’

[187]    cAbd ibn Hamid from al-Rabic concerning His Word: ‘eight shall carry above them the Throne of thy Lord.’[DCCCXLVII] [Eight][DCCCXLVIII] from the angels.

[188]    Ibn Jarir from Ibn Zayd; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: Four carry him today, eight [will carry him] on the Day of Resurrection.[DCCCXLIX]

[189]    cAbd al-Razzaq, cAbd ibn Hamid, Ibn al-Mundhir and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Wahb; he said: The Bearers of the Throne: the ones that carry him are four angels, and each angel has four faces and four wings, with two wings on its face, which [prevent it from][DCCCL] looking at the Throne, [for if it were to look] it would be struck unconscious, and two [other] wings, with which they fly. Their feet are on the ground and the Throne is on their shoulders. Each one of them has a face of a bull, a face of a lion, a face of a human and a face of an eagle.[DCCCLI] They do not say a word, except that they say: ‘Holy! God Almighty, your glory fills the heaven and the earth!’[DCCCLII]

[190]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh through the intermediary of al-Suddi from Abu Malik; he said: The rock which is under the Earths[DCCCLIII] is the extent of creation and on its limits are four angels; each one of them has four faces: a face of a man, a face of a lion, a face of an eagle and a face of a bull; while they are standing on it, they encompass the heavens and the earth and their heads are under the Throne.

[191]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Wahb; he said: The Bearers of the Throne: today they are four, but when the Day of Resurrection comes, they will be supported by four others. An angel from amongst them has the likeness of a human, which intercedes for the children of Adam in their need; an angel has the likeness of an eagle, which intercedes for birds in their need; [DCCCLIV] an angel has the likeness of a bull, which intercedes for livestock in their need and an angel has the likeness of a lion, which intercedes for predatory animals in their need. Each angel has four faces: a face of a human, a face of an eagle, a face of a bull and a face of a lion; and when they carry the Throne, they fall down onto their kness because of the glory of God. They whisper: ‘There is no power and no strength save in God.’ And standing up on their feet they are the same height.

[192]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Makhul; the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: There are four angels amongst the Bearers of the Throne; an angel is in charge of the forms and he is the human;[DCCCLV] an angel has the likeness of the master of the predatory animals, and he is the lion; an angel is in the likeness of livestock, he is the bull (and he has been angry since the day of [the worship of][DCCCLVI] the calf[DCCCLVII] until now);[DCCCLVIII] and an angel has the likeness of the master of the birds, and he is an eagle.

[193]    cUthman ibn SacTd al-Darimt and al-Bayhaqi in al-Asma’ wa-‘l-sifat from cUrwa; he said: The Bearers of the Throne - one of their forms is in the likeness of a man; one of their forms is in the likeness of an eagle; one of their forms is in the likeness of a bull and one of their forms is in the likeness of a lion.

[194]    Ibn Abi Hatim from Ibn Zayd; he said: There is no-one higher amongst the Bearers of the Throne, save Israfil. He said: Michael is not one of the Bearers of the Throne.

[195]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Ibn cAbbas that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) came up to his friends and said: ‘Why are you meeting?’ And they said: ‘We have come together to remember our Lord and we are contemplating his glory.’ He said: ‘You will never [be able to] continue meditating on his glory, unless I tell you about something of the glory of your Lord.’ They said: ‘Indeed, Messenger of God!’ He said: ‘An angel from amongst the Bearers of the Throne, it is said Israfil, has one of the corners of the Throne on the nape of his neck, his feet pierce the lowest Seventh Earth and his head pierces the highest Seventh Heaven; the created world of your Lord is in his likeness.

[196]    al-Daylami from cAli; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When the month of Ramadan begins, [God, Most High,][DCCCLIX] orders the Bearers of the Throne to refrain from saying the tasbih and they ask [God’s] forgiveness for the community of Muhammad and the believers.

[197]    al-Dinawari in al-Mujalasa from Malik ibn Dinar; he said: I heard that in a part of the heavens there is an angel which has eyes the number of little pebbles [on earth];[DCCCLX] there is no eye among them that does not have a tongue and two lips underneath it, which praise God, the Blessed and the Most High, in a language which is not understood by its neighbours. The Bearers of the Throne have horns between their shoulders. Their horns and their heads are a distance of five hundred years apart and the Throne is above that.

[198]    al-Dïnawaiï from Abu Malik concerning His Word: ‘His Throne comprises the heavens and the earth’[DCCCLXI] He said: The Rock which is under the Seventh Earth; on its four sides are four from amongst the angels; each of the angels has four faces: a face of a human, a face of a lion, a face of an eagle, and the face of a bull; they stand on its sides and they surround the Earth and the Heavens; their heads are under the Seat and the Seat is under the Throne.[DCCCLXII]

[199]    al-Dinawari from Khalid ibn Macdan; he said: The Throne has been heavy for the Bearers of the Throne from the very begining; when those who are praising [God] stand up, it becomes lighter for them.

[200]    al-Bayhaqi in Shucab al-iman through the intermediary of Qutayba from Bakr ibn Madr from Sakhr ibn cAbd Allah from Ziyad ibn Abi Hayya; he said: I heard that regarding the Bearers of the Throne, there streams from [one of their] eyes the likeness of rivers of tears.[DCCCLXIII] When one raises its head, it says: ‘I worship You! We do not fear You as much as You deserve to be feared!’ God, may He be praised and glorified, says: ‘But those who swear falsely by My name are liars, they do not know [that they should be fearful].’

[201]    Ibn Mardawayh from Umm Sacd; she said: I heard the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) say: The Throne is on an angel made of pearls in the image of a cockerel, its feet are on the limits of the earth, and its two wings are in the East and his neck is under the Throne.[DCCCLXIV]

[202]    cAbd ibn Hamid, Ibn Mardawayh, al-Bayhaqi in al-Asma’ wa-‘l-sifat from Ibn cAbbas; he said: The Bearers of the Throne: the [distance] between one of their ankles to the bottom of their foot is the [time it would take to travel] five hundred years. He mentioned that the stride of the Angel of Death [reaches] from the East to the West.

[203]    cAbd ibn Hamid from cIkrima; he said: All of the Bearers of the Throne are sawr. Tkrima was asked: ‘What is meant by sawr? He said: ‘He bows his cheek a little.’[DCCCLXV]

[204]    cAbd ibn Hamid from Maysara; he said: The angels who carry the Throne are not able to look at what is above them because of the beams of light.

[205]    cAbd ibn Hamid from Maysara; he said: ‘[Concerning] the feet of the Bearers of the Throne; their feet are on the lowest earth and their heads pierce the Throne; they are humble and do not raise their eyes; they have a more intense fear [than the people of the Seventh Heaven, and the people of the seventh heaven have a more intense fear than][DCCCLXVI] the people of the heaven which is below, and that which is below [that] has a more intense sense of fear than that which is beneath it.

[206]    Ibn Abi Shayba in al-Musannaf from Abu Umama; he said: The angels who carry the Throne talk in Persian.[DCCCLXVII]

[207]    cAbd ibn Hamid and Ibn al-Mundhir from Maysara concerning the Word of the Most High: ‘eight shall carry above them the Throne of Thy Lord.’[DCCCLXVIII] He said: Their feet are on the limits [of the earth] and their heads are with the Throne. They are not able to raise their eyes because of the beams of light.

[208]    Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abi Halim from Ibn cAbbas concerning His Word: ‘eight shall carry above them the Throne of Thy Lord.’[DCCCLXIX] He said: Eight ranks of angels - only God knows their number.

[209]    cAbd ibn Hamid from al-Dahhak concerning the verse;[DCCCLXX] he said: It is said: Eight ranks, only God knows their number.[DCCCLXXI]

[209b] [DCCCLXXII] [cAbd ibn Hamid and Ibn al-Mundhir from Maysara concerning the verse];[DCCCLXXIII] it is said: The heads of the eight angels are with the Throne in the Seventh Heaven and their feet are on the lowest Earth; they have horns like mountain goats and the distance between the roots of their horns to their tips is a journey of five hundred years.

4.2.11     The Spirit (peace be upon him)

The Most High said: ‘in it the angels and the Spirit descend’[DCCCLXXIV] and He said: ‘Upon the day when the Spirit and the angels stand in ranks’.[DCCCLXXV]

[210]      Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hâtim, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqi in al- Asma’ wa-‘l-sifat through the intermediary of Ibn Abi Talha from Ibn cAbbas; he said: The Spirit is a creation from the greatest of the angels.[DCCCLXXVI]

[211]      Abu ‘l-Shaykh from al-Dahhak; he said: The Spirit is the veil[DCCCLXXVII] of God, [Most High];[DCCCLXXVIII] he will stand in front of God on the Day of Resurrection, and he is the greatest of the angels; if he were to open his mouth, there would be enough room for all of the angels together. The creations look to him; but out of fear of him, they are not able to raise their eyes to what is above him.

[212]     Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqi in al-

Asma’ wa-‘l-sifat in a weak isnad from cAli ibn Abi Tâlib; he said: The Spirit is an angel. It has seventy thousand faces; every face has seventy thousand tongues; every tongue has seventy thousand languages, [DCCCLXXIX] which praise God in all of those languages; and from every act of praise God creates an angel, which flies with the angels until the Day of Resurrection.

[213]    Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir and Abu ‘l-Shaykh through the intermediary of cAta’ from Ibn cAbbas; he said: The Spirit is an individual angel;[DCCCLXXX] [DCCCLXXXI] he has ten thousand wings; two wings [span the distance] between the East and the West; he has a thousand faces and every face has a thousand tongues, and two eyes, and two lips, which praise God until the Day of Resurrection.

[214]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Wahb; he said: The Spirit is one of the angels; he has ten thousand wings, two wings of which [span the distance] between the East and the West; he has a thousand faces, and every face has a thousand tongues and two lips, which will praise God until the Day of Resurrection.

[215]    Ibn al-Mundhir and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Muqatil ibn Hayyan; he said: The Spirit is the most exalted angel, and the nearest of them to the Lord, and he is the one responsible for revelation (wahy)S9S

[216]    Ibn Jarir from Ibn Mascud; he said: The Spirit is in the Fourth Heaven and he is greater than the heavens, the mountains and the angels. He praises God every day by saying ‘I praise you’ ten thousand times; God, Most High, creates an angel from every act of praise. He will come in a rank by himself on the Day of Resurrection.[DCCCLXXXII]

[217]    Muslim, Abu Da’ud, al-Nasa’i from cÀ’isha that the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) used to say during his kneelings (rukuj and prostrations (sujud): ‘Glory to the Holy One, the Lord of the Angels and the Spirit.’[DCCCLXXXIII]

[218]    cAbd al-Razzaq, cAbd ibn Hamid, Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqi in al-Asma’ wa-‘l-sifat from Mujahid; he said: The Spirit was created in the likeness of a human.[DCCCLXXXIV]

[219]     cAbd al-Razzaq, cAbd ibn Hamid, Ibn al-Mundhir, Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Mujahid; he said: The Spirits eat;[DCCCLXXXV] they have two hands, feet and heads, whereas the angels do not.

[220]     cAbd ibn Hamid and Ibn al-Mundhir from cIkrima; he said: The Spirit is the greatest creation from among the angels and no angel descends without the Sprit.

[221]     cAbd ibn Hamid and Abu ‘l-Shaykh through the intermediary of Mujahid from Ibn cAbbas; he said: The Spirit was created from the creations of God in the image of a human; an angel does not come down[DCCCLXXXVI] from heaven without one of the Spirits (wahid min al-ruh) with him.

[222]     Ibn Abi Hatim, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and Ibn Mardawayh through the intermediary of Mujahid from Ibn cAbbas that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The Spirit is an army amongst the armies of God; they are not part of the angels; they have heads, two hands and feet. Then he recited: ‘Upon the day when the Spirit and the angels stand in ranks’[DCCCLXXXVII] [DCCCLXXXVIII] and he said: These are an army and these

... 905

are an army.

[223]     cAbd al-Razzaq, cAbd ibn Hamid, Ibn al-Mundhir, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al- Bayhaqi in al-Asma’ wa-‘l-sifat from Abu Salih; he said: The Spirits are a creation similar to people, but they are not people; they have two hands and feet.

[224]     Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shaykh from cAbd Allah ibn Burayda; he said: The Jinn, the humans, the angels and the devils do not make one tenth of the Spirit.[DCCCLXXXIX]

[225]    Ibn Abi Hatim, Abu ‘l-Shaykh from al-Shacbi concerning His Word: ‘Upon the day when the Spirit and the angels stand in ranks.’[DCCCXC] He said: Both of them are ranks[DCCCXCI] of the Lord of the Two Worlds; on the Day of Judgement there will be a rank of the spirits and a rank of angels.

[226]    Abu ‘l-Shaykh from Salman; he said: Humans and jinn are ten parts: humans make one part and the jinn make nine parts; the angels and the jinn are ten parts: jinn make one part and the angels make nine parts; the angels and the spirits are ten parts: the angels make one part and the Spirit makes nine parts; [the Spirit and][DCCCXCII] the cherubim are ten parts: the Spirit makes one part and the cherubim make nine parts.[DCCCXCIII]

[227]    Ibn Abi Hatim from Ibn Abi Nujih; he said: The Spirit is the hafiz of the angels.[DCCCXCIV]

[228]    Ibn al-Anbari in Kitab al-addad from Mujahid; he said: The Spirits are a creation amongst the angels, but the angels do not see them; just as you do not see the angels.

4.2.12    Ridwan, Malik and the Keepers of the Fire (peace be upon them)

The Most High said: ‘And they shall call, ‘O Malik, let thy Lord have done with us!’ He will say, ‘You will surely tarry.’[DCCCXCV] And the Most High said: ‘And those who are in the Fire will say to the keepers of Gehenna’[DCCCXCVI] and the rest of the verse; and the Most High said: ‘and over which are harsh, terrible angels’[DCCCXCVII] and the rest of the verse; and he said: ‘over it are nineteen. We have appointed only angels to be masters of the Fire’[DCCCXCVIII] and the rest of the verse; and the Most High said: ‘the guards of hell’. [DCCCXCIX]

[229]    al-Qutbi[CM] in cUyûn al-akhbar from Tawus[CMI] that God, may He be praised and glorified, created Malik[CMII] and he created as many fingers as the numbers of people in the Fire for him; no-one in the Fire is tortured without Malik torturing him with one of his fingers; by God! if Malik were to place one of his fingers in heaven, then it would melt it.

[230]    al-Diya’ al-Maqdisi in Sifat al-nar from Anas; I heard the Messenger of God (God bless him and grand him salvation) saying: By the one who [holds] my soul in his hand![CMIII] The Angels of Hell were created a thousand years before Hell itself; every day they increase their power.

[231]    cAbd Allah ibn Ahmad in Zuwa ’id al-Zuhd from Abu cImran al-Jawni; he said: I heard that there are nineteen Keepers of the Fire.[CMIV] The space between one of their shoulders is a journey of a hundred autumns; there is no mercy in their hearts; indeed, they were made for torture, one of these angels beats one of inhabitants of the Fire[CMV] vigorously, then he leaves him crushed [like dust] from his head to his feet.

[232]    Ibn Jarir from Kacb; he said: The space between the shoulders of one of the Keepers is a journey of [five][CMVI] hundred years; every of them has a pole with two prongs, and he prods [the inhabitant of Hell] vigorously with it; he harasses seven hundred thousand [people] with it.

[233]    Ibn al-Mundhir from Mujahid; he said: I was told that the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) described the Guardians of Hell; he said: Their eyes are like lightning, and their mouths are like cockerels’ spurs, their hair trails [on the floor],[CMVII] they are as strong as humans and jinn[CMVIII] and one of them receives a [whole] community of people [and] he herds them; on his neck is a mountain, until he casts them into the Fire, and he throws the mountain on top of them [afterwards].

[234]    Ibn al-Mubarak in al-Zuhd, Ibn Abi Shayba, cAbd Ibn Hamid, Ibn al-Mundhir and al-Bayhaqi in al-Bacth through the intermediary of al-Azraq ibn Qays from a man from the Banu Tammim; he said: We were with Abu ‘l-cAwam, when he recited this verse: ‘over it are nineteen.’925 [CMIX] He said: ‘What do you say: nineteen angels or nineteen thousand?’ I said: ‘There is no doubt:[CMX] nineteen angels.’ And he said: ‘How do you know that?’ I said: ‘For God, Most High, said: ‘and their number we have appointed only as a trial for the unbelievers’[CMXI] He said: ‘You are right. There are nineteen angels, and in the hand of every one[CMXII] of them is an iron rod, with two prongs, and he beats [people] vigorously with it, with it coming down on seventy thousand [people]. Between the shoulders of every angel is a distance of this much.’ Al Qurtubi said: ‘The intention of His Word is nineteen of their heads, as for the number of the Keepers, no-one knows their number, except God, may He be praised and glorifed!’[CMXIII]

[235]    Hannad ibn al-Saiï in Kitab al-zuhd from Kacb; he said: When men are ordered into the Fire, a hundred thousand angels await him.

[235b][CMXIV] al-Firyabi, cAbd al-Hamid, Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abi Hatim from Mujahid concerning His Word: ‘the guards of hell’[CMXV]: [They are] angels.

[236]    al-Firyabi, cAbd al-Hamid, Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abi Hatim from cAbd Allah ibn al-Harith;[CMXVI] he said: The myrmidons (al-zabaniyya)[CMXVII] their feet are on earth and their heads are in heaven.

[237]      [CMXVIII] al-Wahidi in Asbab al-nuzûl and Ibn cAsakir in his Ta’rikh through the intermediary of Ishaq ibn Bashar from Juwaybir from al-Dahhak from Ibn cAbbas; he said: When some polytheists reproached the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) for being poor, they said: ‘What ails this Messenger that he eats food and goes in the markets?’[CMXIX] The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) was saddened by that, so Gabriel came down to him[CMXX] and said: ‘Peace be upon you, Messenger of God, the Lord of Power says to you: “Peace!” And He says to you: “We have not sent any messengers before you who did not eat food whilst walking in the markets.”’ While Gabriel and the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) were talking to each other, Gabriel suddenly made himself smaller[CMXXI] until he was like a bird.[CMXXII] The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘Why have you made yourself smaller until you are like a bird?’ He said: ‘Muhammad, one of the gates of heaven has opened and it had not been opened before [I did] that.’[CMXXIII] Suddenly Gabriel returned to his [normal] state, and he said: ‘Muhammad, I introduce you to this [angel], Ridwan, the Guardian of the Garden.’ Then Ridwan drew closer until he greeted [him]. He said: ‘Muhammad, the Lord of Power says to you: “Peace!”’ (And he had with him, a basket of light,[CMXXIV] which glistened) ‘And your Lord says to you: “These are the keys to the treasuries of the this world,[CMXXV] however, whatever [you take] will not decrease your reward which will be with you in in the next world, [for me] it is like the wing of a flea.”’[CMXXVI] Then the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) looked at Gabriel,[CMXXVII] who was like the advisor to him,[CMXXVIII] and Gabriel hit him to the ground with his hand; and he said: ‘Humble yourself before God!’ [Muhammad] said: ‘Ridwan, there is nothing that I need on earth.’ Ridwan said: ‘You are right, God is with you.’ They saw that this verse was sent down by Ridwan: ‘Blessed be He who, if He will, shall assign to thee better than that - gardens underneath which rivers flow, and he shall assign to thee palaces.’[CMXXIX]

[238]    al-Bukhari and Muslim from Ibn cAbbas; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: During my night journey I saw Moses, son of cImran with me, as a tall man with curly hair, as if he were a man form the tribe of Shanu’a;[CMXXX] and I saw Jesus, son of Mary, [who as of medium height],[CMXXXI] and of moderate complexion, [ranging between] red and white; and his hair was lank; and I saw Malik, the Guardian of Gehenna and al-Dajjal in the verses [of the Qur’an] that God showed.[CMXXXII]

[239]    Ibn Mardawayh from cUmar; he said: When the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) travelled by night,[CMXXXIII] he saw Malik, the Keeper of the Fire; when a person frowns, [Malik] can see the anger in his face.

[240]    Abu Bakr al-Wasiti in Fada’il Bayt al-Maqdis from Abu Salama; he said: I saw cUbada ibn al-Samt east of the Holy House, crying; and it was asked of him: ‘What is making you cry?’ He said: ‘In this place, the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) told me that he saw Malik[CMXXXIV] turn over a live coal like bunch [of fruit].’

[241]     al-Daylami from cAli; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: When God wants a servant to be good, he sends an angel from the Keepers of the Garden to him; [the angel] wipes his back and bestows his soul (nafs) with purity.

[242]     al-Khalili in his Mashyakha from Anas; he said: The Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: I will be the first [person] to knock on the Gate of the Garden, and the Keeper will stand up and say: ‘Who are you?’ And I will say: ‘I am Muhammad.’ And he will say: ‘I will go and open it for you. I have not got up for anyone before you, and I will not get up for anyone after you.’

4.2.13     Al-Sijill [CMXXXV] (peace be upon him)

[243]     cAbd ibn Hamid from cAli concerning the Word of the Most High: ‘as a scroll is rolled’[CMXXXVI] He said: Malik.

[244]    cAbd ibn Hamid from cAtiyya;[CMXXXVII] he said: Al-Sijill is an angel’s name.[CMXXXVIII]

[245]    Ibn Jarir and Ibn Abi Hatim from Ibn cUmar; he said: Al-Sijill is an angel, when forgiveness ascends, he says: ‘Write it in light!’

[246]    Ibn Jarir and Ibn Abi Hatim from al-Suddi; he said: Al-Sijill is an angel responsible for the pages; when a person dies, he hands over his book to Al-Sijill and he shuts it and keeps it until the Day of Resurrection.

[247]    Ibn Abi Hatim and Ibn cAsakir from Abu Jafar al-Baqir; he said: Al-Sijill is an angel, and Harut and Marut[CMXXXIX] were amongst his helpers, and every day he would glance three times, by which he would look at the Umm al-Kitab, and he would have a look. [The book] is not his, but [one day] he caught sight of some information in it about the creation of Adam,[CMXL] and what is in [the Umm al-Kitab] concerning them; and he secretly told Harut and Marut about it, and when the Most High said: ‘“I am creating on earth a viceroy.” They said, “What, wilt Thou set therein one who will do corruption there.”’[CMXLI]; the two of them said: ‘That is disrespectful to the angels.’

4.2.14    Harut and Marut[CMXLII] (peace be upon them)[CMXLIII]

[248]     Ahmad ibn Hanbal, cAbd Ibn Hamid in their Musnads, Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya in Kitab al-caqubat, Ibn Hibban in his Sahih and al-Bayhaqi in Shucab al-iman from cAbd Allah ibn cUmar that he heard the Messenger of the God (God bless him and grant him salvation) saying: Concerning Adam; when God brought him down to earth, the angels said: ‘What, wilt Thou set therein one who will do corruption there, and shed blood, while We proclaim Thy praise and call Thee holy?’ He said, ‘Assuredly I know that you know not.’[CMXLIV] [The angels] said: ‘Our Lord, we are more obedient than the Children of Adam.’ God, Most High, said to the angels:[CMXLV] ‘Pick out two angels. We will send them down to Earth and see how the two [angels] will do. The angels said: ‘Our Lord, Harut and Marut!’[CMXLVI] And so both of them were sent down to Earth, and al-Zuhara appeared to the two of them[CMXLVII] as the most beautiful woman.[CMXLVIII] She came to the two of them and they asked her for her soul, and she said: ‘No! By God! Not until you accept the worship of idols.’[CMXLIX] The two of them said: ‘No! By God! We will never associate anything with God.’ So she went away from them. Then she returned with a baby boy,[CML] whom she was carrying; and they asked her for her soul, and she said: ‘No! By God! Not until you kill this baby boy.’[CMLI] And the two of them said: ‘No! By God! We will never kill him!’ So she went away and then she returned with a glass of wine, which she was carrying. They asked her for her soul and she said: ‘No! By God! Not until you have drunk this wine.’ So they drank,[CMLII] became drunk, fornicated with her,[CMLIII] and killed the boy. When the two woke up, the woman said: ‘By God! You have not left anything! You both denied me it, but you did it when you were drunk!’ As a result the two had to make a choice between the punishment of this world or the next and they chose the punishment of this world.

[249]    al-Bayhaqi in Shucab al-lman from Ibn cUmar; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: The angels looked down upon this world and they saw the children of Adam being disobedient. They said: ‘Lord! How ignorant these [humans] are! How little knowledge they have of your Majesty!’ God, may He be praised and glorified said: ‘If you were in their skin, then you would disobey me.’ They said: ‘How can this be? We worship Your praiseworthiness and we glorify You.’ He said:[CMLIV] ‘Choose two angels from amongst you!’ And they chose Harut and Marut; then the two of them came down to earth and [the earth] roused in them human desires. A woman presented herself to them but they did not disobey until they fornicated with her. God said: ‘Choose between the punishment of this world or the next!’ And one of the two looked to his friend and said: ‘Whatever you say, I will choose.’ He said: ‘I say that the punishment of this world will end, but the punishment of the next world will not end.’ So, the two chose the punishment of this world.’ The two are those two whom God mentions in His Book: ‘and that which was sent upon Babylon’s two angels.. ,’[CMLV] and the rest of the verse.[CMLVI]

[250]    al-Hakim in al-Mustadrak and he declared it to be sound (sahlh) from Ibn cUmar that he used to say: ‘Has the red one[CMLVII] appeared yet?’ When he saw it, he said: ‘It is not welcome.’[CMLVIII] Then he said: ‘Two angels from amongst the angels, Harut and Marut, asked God if they could go down to earth. So they went down to earth,[CMLIX] and judged the people. When they got to a point where they could say words,

they went up from [earth] to heaven. God[CMLX] sent to them the most beautiful woman. She asked them a question about desire and she asked them a question about their souls; and they did not leave until she promised them a meeting. Then she came to them for the meeting and she said: “You two can teach me the word which allows you to ascend.” And they taught her [the word].[CMLXI] She said it and ascended into heaven. She was transformed and made just as you have seen. At the very moment that the two said the word, they could not ascend, so [God] sent them [a message] that the two should choose between the punishment of the afterlife or the punishment of this world; and one of the two said to the other: “Indeed, we should choose the pain of his world.”’

[251]    Ishaq ibn Rahwayh in his Musnad, cAbd ibn Hamid in his Tafsir, Ibn Abi ‘l- Dunya in his Kitab al-caqubat, Ibn Jarir, Abu ‘l-Shaykh in al-Azama and al-Hakim in al-Mustadrak and he declared it to be sound (sahih) from cAli ibn Abi Talib; he said: This is Al-Zuhara: the Arabs call her al-Zuhara and the Persians call her Anahïd[CMLXII] The two angels were passing verdicts on the people [of Earth]. She came to the two of them, and they saw[CMLXIII] her. Al-Zuhara said to the two: ‘Will the two of you not tell me by what means you go up to heaven and by what means you come down to earth?’ (And the two said ‘In the name of God, the Greatest.’ [to go up to heaven and down to earth).[CMLXIV] She said: ‘I will not leave you[CMLXV] until you teach it to me.’ One of the two said to his companion: ‘Teach it to her!’ The [other angel] said: ‘How severe God’s punishment will be for us?!’ The [other angel] said: ‘We will hope in the great abundance of God[’s mercy]![CMLXVI]’ So [one of the angels] taught it to her; she said it and she flew to heaven. An angel of heaven was terrified by her ascent; so he bowed his head and did not sit down afterwards; God transformed her and she became a star.

[252]    Ibn Rahwayh and Ibn Mardawayh in his Tafsir from cAli; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: God cursed al- Zuhara, for it was she who seduced the two angels Harut and Marut.

[253]    Ibn Abi Hatim from Ibn cAbbas; he said: The people of the lowest heaven looked down on the Earth[CMLXVII] and they saw them acting disobediently, so they said: ‘Lord, the people of Earth are acting disobediently.’ God, may He be praised and glorified, said: ‘You are with me, but they are hidden from me.’ And it was asked of them: ‘Choose three of you.’[CMLXVIII] So they chose three from them on the condition that they came down to earth and judged between the people of earth. Human desire would be aroused in them, but they were ordered that they could not drink wine, that they could not kill anyone, that they could not fornicate, and that they could not prostrate themselves before idols. And from them was one that wished to be released [from this task], and he asked and two were sent down to the earth.[CMLXIX] The most beautiful woman came to the two of them and it was said she [was called] Anahîd, and the two together fell in love with her. Then the two came to her house, they met with her and they wanted her. She said [to them]:[CMLXX] ‘Not until you drink my wine, kill my neighbour’s son and bow down before my idols.’ The two of them said: ‘We will not bow down [to your idols].’ Then the two drank the wine, killed [the boy], then they bowed down [before the idols]. The angels in the sky looked down at them, and she said to them: ‘Tell me the word which, if you both say it, the two of you can fly away.’ And they told her,[CMLXXI] and she flew away then she was turned into live coal, and this is al-Zuhara. As for the two, Solomon, son of David, sent for them, and they had to make a choice between the punishment of this world and the [pains of the][CMLXXII] next. They chose the punishment of this world and they are suspended between heaven and earth.

[254]    Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hâtim, al-Hâkim, and he declared it to be sound (sahih) and al-Bayhaqi in Shucab al-iman from Ibn cAbbâs; he said: When the people after Adam fell into the situation that they fell into and began to be disobedient and to not believe in God, the angels in Heaven said: ‘The Lord of This World, who created them; you only created them to worship you and to obey you, but they now fall into the situation that they have fallen in to, committing unbelief, commiting suicide, eating unlawful food, fornicating, stealing and drinking wine; they have begun to curse each other, and they do not circumcise themselves.’ [Some, .sources] say. .that. they. .were.in .hiding. .(?.)[CMLXXIII] and they did not circumcise themselves. And it was said to them: ‘Choose from amongst you the two best angels and I will give the two of them of them a task; and I will prohibit the two of them [from doing certain things].’ And they chose Harut and Marut. So the two of them were sent down to Earth and the desires of the sons of Adam were aroused in them. [God] ordered the two that they should serve Him and not associate anything with Him. He banned them from killing prohibited individuals, from eating prohibited foods and from fornicating, stealing and drinking wine. The two remained on the Earth for a time ruling the people with justice. This was during the time of Enoch.[CMLXXIV] And at that time there was a woman, who was the most beautiful woman, just as the beauty of Venus is amongst the rest of the stars. The two of them came to her, spoke softly to her,[CMLXXV] and wanted her on her own; but she refused unless the two took her orders and her faith. So the two asked her about her faith and she brought out to them an idol and said: ‘This is what I worship.’ And the two said: ‘There is no need for us to worship this.’ So they went and stayed away[CMLXXVI] for a while. Then the two came to her and they wanted[CMLXXVII] her on her own [and she said as she had said before, so they went away. Then they came to her [again] and they wanted her on her own,][CMLXXVIII] and when she saw that they refused to worship the idol, she said to the two of them: ‘Choose one of the three faults:[CMLXXIX] worshiping this idol, killing this person, or drinking wine.’ And the two said: ‘None of these are right, but the least contemptible of the three is the drinking of the wine.’ So they drank the wine. [The wine][CMLXXX] was taken from them both and they fornicated with the woman. The two then feared that the person[CMLXXXI] would reveal what they had done, so they killed him. When the drunkenness lifted from them and they realised what sin they had done, they wanted to go up to heaven; but they could not, as it had been made inaccessible to them.[CMLXXXII] And the cover that was between the two of them and between the people of heaven was lifted up,[CMLXXXIII] and the angels looked down at what had come to pass. They wondered with great wonder and they came to understand that whoever is hidden [from God], is the one with less fear. After that they began to ask for forgiveness for whoever was on the earth.

It was said to the two of them: ‘Choose[CMLXXXIV] between the punishment of this world and the punishment of the next.’ The two said: ‘As for the punishment of this world, it will come to an end and it will pass. As for the pain of the next world, it will not come to an end.’ So they chose the punishment of this world. The two stayed in Babylon and they were punished.

[255]    Ibn Abi Hâtim from Mujahid; he said: I was camping with cAbd Allah ibn cUmar during a journey, when, one night, he said to his servant: ‘Look the red one has risen. There is no welcome in it, nor any greeting; God does not give life to it; it is the friend[CMLXXXV] of the two angels.

The angels said: ‘Lord, how can you ignore the disobedience of the sons of Adam, while they are shedding blood unlawfully, violating your prohibitions and spreading corruption in the land?’ He said: ‘Indeed, I have put them to test; perhaps if I tested you in the same way as I have tested them, you would do as they have done.’ They said: ‘No!’ He said: ‘Choose two from the best of you.’ So they chose Harut and Marut. He said to the two of them, ‘I [am going to permit] your going down to earth. I am going to make you swear that you will not associate [anything with Me], that you will not fornicate and that you will not act treacherously. So they came down to earth and lust overwhelmed them both. Al-Zuhara came down to them, in the form of a most beautiful woman, and paraded herself in front of them, and they wanted[CMLXXXVI] her on her own. She said: ‘Regarding faith, it is not right for anyone to come to me, without them being the same [religion as me].’ The two said: ‘What is your faith?’ She said: ‘Zoroastrianism (majusiyyd).’ The two said: ‘This is idolatry.[CMLXXXVII] We cannot associate ourselves with it.’ So she left them for a period of time. Then she came up to them, and they wanted her by herself. She said: ‘What you wish is only [the right of] a husband of mine. I would not like it if [someone] were to catch sight of me doing this; [as] this [would cause me] to be dishonoured.[CMLXXXVIII] If you two profess my faith to me and you promise that you will take me up to heaven, then I will do it.’ So they professed her faith to her, and they came to her [whilst she was in the form that] they saw; then the two took her up to heaven, and when they got to heaven, she grabbed them and cut off their wings, and the two fell [down to Earth] frightened, remorseful, and crying.

On earth is a prophet, who spent hit time in personal devotion from one Friday to the next, and on Friday his prayers would be answered. The two said: ‘If we come to somebody, we will ask him to teach us [how to] repent. And they came to him, he said: ‘May God have mercy upon you both!’ How can inhabitants from the earth teach an angel?!’ And they said: ‘Indeed, we have been put to the test.’ He said: ‘Come to me on Friday.’ So they came to him and he said: ‘I have nothing to say to you. Come to me on the following Friday!’ So they came to him, and he said: ‘Choose! Indeed, you must choose if you want to be released from the earth and [receive] the punishment of the afterlife; or if you want the punishment of this life, the judgement of God will be upon you both on the Day of Resurrection.’ One of the two said: ‘This world will only last a short time.’ And the other one said: ‘Woe unto you! I have obeyed you from the beginning, so I will obey you now.’ So the two chose the pain of this world.

This story can be enhanced by many other chains of transmission (turuq);W06 the hafiz Ibn Hajar[CMLXXXIX] [CMXC] collected them into a single section and he said in his book Al- Qawl al-musaddad f-‘l-dhabb can musnad Ahmad, that anyone who had concerns about [the story], could attest with certainty to the veracity of this story, because of the many different chains of transmission and the strength of their sources.[CMXCI] He said that he had studied a portion of these, which Ahmad had compiled, and he mentioned over ten different chains of transmission; and [Ibn Hajar said:] I collected the different chains of transmission from exegeses and I reckoned them to amount to some twenty-odd chains.

4.2.15    The Sakina[CMXCII] (peace be upon it)[CMXCIII] [CMXCIV]

[295]    al-Tabaram in al-Awsat from cAli (may God be pleased with him); he said: When the pious are mentioned, be quick to mention cUmar. We, the Companions of the Prophet, did not think it unlikely that the Sakina articulated itself on the tongue of cUmar (may God be pleased with him). Ibn al-Athir said in al-Nihaya: The Sakina is an angel.

[296]    al-Tabarâriî from Usayd ibn Hudayr that he came to the Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) and he said: ‘Messenger of God, yesterday I recited Surat al-Kahf°n and something came and covered my mouth.’ The Prophet (God bless him and grant him salvation) said: ‘That is the Sakina. It came to hear the Qur’an.’[CMXCV]

[297]    al-Tabaram from Abu Salama; he said: When Usayd ibn Hudayr al-Ansaiï was praying - he said[CMXCVI] - when it was night; [he said]: Suddenly [something] like a cloud covered me, and in it were things like lights, and [my] wife was sleeping beside me and she was pregnant; the horse was tethered in the courtyard and I feared that the horse[CMXCVII] would bolt away; [my] wife was terrified and she delivered her child; so I concluded my prayers.’ So [the Prophet] [CMXCVIII] said: ‘Recite, Usayd! That was an angel that listens to the Qur’an.’

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Conclusions

5. Conclusions

The main aim of this thesis has been to widen the study of angels in Islam beyond that of Qur’anic studies and Islamic eschatology. The study of angels in Islam has tended to be restricted to these two areas. Jalal al-Dm al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik provides a corpus of hadith that focus Islamic angelology in Islamic tradition more generally. The translation and commentary have shown that the relationship between humans and angels is a very close one, far closer than one may have expected.

The hadith in Al-Haba ’ik do however reveal a complex mix of ideas. Every human has two (or more) recording angels; this establishes a direct relationship between angels and humans; yet despite their closeness to humanity, the angels always retain their unique angelic character. This is seen particularly clearly in the angels’ reactions to ritual impurity. Ritual impurity acts as a shibboleth between humans and angels: after the expulsion of Adam from the Garden, humans defecate, copulate, menstruate, and so on, and live in a world of impurity. Angels, as creatures of the divine world, remain ritually pure and cannot come into contact with impurity. This relationship, as I have argued in Section 3, has important consequences in Islamic ritual law. Being unclean is not technically sinful, but impurities do still have an effect on angels, and individuals can become eschatologically disadvantaged by their inability to perform credited actions. This intricate relationship with the angels is not, however, entirely negative for humans, as the angels pray for the Muslim community, bless and pray for pious devotional behaviour, give more weight to good actions and so on. The angels, therefore, also enable humans to be eschatologically advantaged by certain actions.

Despite the fact that the relationship between humans and angels has a bearing on an individual’s eschatological future, al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik is quite different from the standard Islamic eschatological material (as well as Jewish and Christian apocalyptic literature). Traditionally, descriptions of heaven and hell are used as a warning, focused on the potentiality of punishment and reward. Hell is the potential future for those that do not return to the straight path, heaven is the reward for those that do. Sins and crimes in this kind of literature tend to be quite general, or when they are specific, refer to major sins such as murder, kufr and so on. Crudely, these works argue: Do not [commit murder], because those who [commit murder] will be sent to the Fire; and those that do not [commit murder] will be admitted into the Garden. In contrast, Al-Haba’ik does not refer to major sins, but discusses the relationship between humans and angels at a much more basic, everyday level; and raises the question of the effects that certain human actions have on angels. The collection says that angels are present in this world and that the reader should be aware of their existence as human actions have an effect on their behaviour, and consequently, on the reader’s eschatological future. This is a very different argument.

Section 2 raised the question of the origins and development of Islamic angelology through an analysis of angelic nomenclature and iconography. Past scholarship has usually portrayed Islamic angelology as being entirely derived from Jewish and Christian beliefs. However, the hadith in Al-Haba’ik show that this relationship is much more complex. The naming of angels in Islam, except for a few isolated borrowings, shows a particularly Islamic approach, especially the use of the formula: The Angel of X. Whilst there are a number of angels derived from divine hypostases in Judaism, some of the angels, such as al-Sijill are purely Islamic, derived form the text of the Qur’an. Likewise, the iconography of angels in Islam has both commonalities with the Judeo-Christian tradition, but also some unique elements. This would seem to suggest that Islam, whilst aware of the role and iconography of angels in Judaism and Christianity, adapted these ideas for its own use, and consequently an Islamic angelology evolved. The inclusion of a number of less well known angels in Islam, such as Sadluqan and Mitatrush (Sandalphon and Metatron) suggest a much later borrowing, after Islamic angelology had developed and established itself.

The work appears to have been aimed at either a literate public or students, both of whom would have found al-Suyuti’s approach of spiritual and educational benefit. The world in which al-Haba’ik was written was in a state of political and social decline, with the Mamluks falling to the rising power of the Ottomans only a few years after al-Suyuti’s death. However, the culama’ and the higher education establishments in Cairo were able to flourish in this period, a result of their independence through the waqf system. There also seems to have been a deeper engagement with society at large in this period, with whole genres emerging to reflect the needs of the contemporary society.

Many of these trends in late-Mamluk scholarship can be seen in a-Suyuti’s Al-Haba ’ik JI akhbar al-mala ’ik, both in the main body of the hadith compilation, as well as in the theological khatima that follows it. The two sections act to convey the importance of angels in Islam, belief in their existence, and their place in the universe. Al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba ’ik acts as a compendium of information about angels, suitable for both the growing literate public and the significant amount of students that passed through the Cairene higher education establishments.

Al-Suyuti is famed for his ability to compile collections of hadith in original subject areas, and al-Haba’ik is no exception. Al-Suyuti’s wide knowledge of hadith is shown throughout, with the work drawing a wide range of authors and texts. Likewise, the khatima shows a strong familiarity with many mutakallimun. There has been some analysis of al-Suyuti’s use of sources in the past, and the analysis of the sources in al-Haba ’ik shows that the hadith are principally drawn from the formative period of hadith scholarship in Islam, namely the third and fourth centuries hijri; whereas the sources for the khatima are much later. This shows that al-Suyuti wished to engage with more contemporary sources in the theological postscript and accepted reputable collections of hadith in the main body of the text. The analysis of the sources also suggests that al-Suyuti used the works of Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqi as Urtexte for his new compilation. Although, the great number of other works incorporated in al-Haba’ik shows that it was not simply an act of plagiarism. Above all, an analysis of al-Suyuti’s sources in al-Haba’ikfiakhbar al-mala’ik reveals the impressive skill that al-Suyuti demonstrates in the arrangement and compilation of material. Al-Suyuti takes material from diverse sources and reshapes them into an accessible and readable resource.

It is hoped that this thesis has widened the study of Islamic angelology beyond the accounts of Muhammad’s micraj, the Qur’an and the eschatological literature. Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik fi akhbar al-mala’ik reveals the wonders of the angelic world, as well as its intimacy with this world. At the heart of this relationship is that fact that the angels are God’s emissaries, and that everything that the angels do is done on behalf of God. The angels act as intermediaries between humans and God and this intermediation works in both directions: the angels keep watch over human actions on God’s behalf, but the angels also bring blessings to humans, and pray for humanity, especially pious Muslims. It has not been possible to explore all of the questions that the angelology of the hadïth raise, but it is hoped that this thesis has brought the possibility of further research into this interesting and exciting area of Islamic belief and spirituality.

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306

Appendix F

Summary of the Hadtth Not Translated

388

Summary of Hadîth Not Translated

172     - 177 The Angel of the Rain

172          al-Baghawi and al-Tabarariî

An angel comes to Muhammad and tells him that his community will kill Husayn at Karbala’.

173          al-Tabaram

An angel comes to Muhammad and tells him that his community will kill Husayn at Karbala’.

174          Ibn Jafir

When Abraham was cast into the fire of Nimrod, the Guardian of the Rain prayed for him.

175          Abu cAwana and al-Diya’

An angel drives the clouds and he has a rope.

176          al-Tayalisi, Ahmad and Muslim

A man hears a voice in the clouds and then follows the clouds to Yemen; he then meets the Angel of the Rain.

177          al-Dïnawarï

When Abraham was cast into the fire of Nimrod, the Guardian of the Rain prayed for him.

178     The Angel of the Veil

178      Ishaq ibn Rahwayh, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Tabarani and Abu ‘l-

Shaykh

The heaven of this world has invisible waves; the Second Heaven is made of white marble; the Third Heaven is made of iron, the Fourth Heaven is made of copper; the Fifth Heaven is made of silver; the Sixth Heaven is made of gold; and the Seventh Heaven is made of rubies; above that is a desert of light and no one knows what is above it except God, Most High. The angel responsible for the veil is called Mitatrush.

256 Another Angel

256 Ibn Abi Shayba

A pious man wishes to worship God in the sea and he is taken there by a group of people. The man asks to be left by a tree in a river. An angel wanted the pious man to go to heaven, so God commands the Angel of Death to take his soul.

257 - 267 Thunder and Lightning

Ahmad, al-Tirmidhi, al-Nasa’i, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim, Abu ‘l- Shaykh, Ibn Mardawayh, Abu Nucaym and al-Diya’

An angel is responsible for the clouds; the angel has a whip to drive the clouds; thunder is the sound of his voice.

Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya

Thunder is an angel and lightning is the sound of the clouds being driven with a whip.

Ibn al-Mundhir and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Thunder is an angel.

al-Bukhari and Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya

Thunder is an angel.

Ibn Jarir and Ibn Mardawayh

Thunder is an angel; his voice is thunder and lightning is his whip.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Thunder is an angel.

Ibn Mardawayh

An angel is responsible for moving the clouds; lightning is the raising of the angel’s whip and thunder is the sound of the whip being cracked.

Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya

Lightning is an angel coming into view.

Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Thunder is the sound of the Angel of the Cold clapping and lightning is when he looks at the people on Earth.

Ibn Mardawayh

There is an angel responsible for moving the clouds; he is called Rufil.

Ibn Ab i Hatim

Lightning is an angel; the angel has four faces: a face of a human, an eagle, a lion and a bull; lightning is when the angel flicks its tail.

268      - 273 Ismail

268     al-Tabarani and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

There is an angel in heaven called IsmaTl who is in charge of 70,000 angels.

269         Ibn Jaiïr, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim, Ibn Mardawayh and al-Bayhaqi During the micraj Muhammad sees Ismacil, who is responsible for the Second Heaven; he is in charge of 70,000 angels; each angel has an army of 100,000 angels.

270          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

There is an angel in heaven called Ismacil.

271          al-cAdani

Before the Prophet’s death, Gabriel comes to him three times; on the third day Gabriel shows Muhammad the angel Ismacil, who is the Angel of Death.

272          al-Shafici

Ismacil is an angel that has command over 100,000 angels; each of these angels has command over 100,000 angels.

273          al-Bayhaqi

Ismacil is an angel that has command over 70,000 angels; each of these angels has command over 70,000 angels.

274      Sadluqan

274 Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Sadluqan is an angel; his toe is a ninth of the size of the seas.

275 - 276 Riyafil

275

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Riyafil was the angel that accompanied Dhu ‘l-Qarnayn; he tells Dhu ‘l- Qarnayn how the angels worship God in heaven.

276

Ibn Ab i Hatim

Dhu ‘l-Qarnayn asks Riyafil about the Water of Life.

 

277      - 278 Dhu ‘l-Qarnayn

277      Ibn Abi Hatim

Dhu ‘l-Qarnayn was an angel.

278          Ibn cAbd al-Hakam, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Dhu ‘l-Qarnayn was an angel.

279      Dhu ‘l-Nurayn

279          Ibn cAsakir

Dhu ‘l-Nurayn was an angel.

280      - 294 The Cockerel

280          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

There is an angel in heaven in the form of Cockerel; when the Cockerel praises God in heaven, the earthly cockerels reply.

281          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The Cockerel is underneath the Throne; its claws are made of pearls, and its spurs are made of green chrysolite; it causes the cockerels to crow at dawn.

282          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The Cockerel’s feet are on the Seventh Earth and it passes through the Seven Heavens.

283          al-Tabarâriî, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Hakim

The Cockerel’s feet are on the Seventh Earth and it passes through the Seven Heavens.

284          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The Cockerel’s feet are on the Seventh Earth, its head is under the Throne and its wings are in the air.

285          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

God has a Cockerel in the lowest heaven; its chest is made of gold, its stomach is made of silver, and its legs are made of sapphires, its claws are made of emeralds, and its claws are under the lowest earth. It has a wing in the East and a wing in the West, its neck is under the Throne and its crest is made of light, protecting the space between the Throne and the Seat; it flutters his wings every night, three times.

286          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

God has a Cockerel; its two wings are ornamented with chrysolite, pearls and sapphires. It has a wing in the East and a wing in the West, its feet are on the lowest earth and its head is under the throne. It causes the cockerels to crow at dawn. On the Day of Resurrection it will be told to stop beating its wings.

287          al-Tabarâriî and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The Cockerel’s feet are on the Seventh Earth and its neck is under the Throne.

It calls out to the Earth three times each night.

288          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Cockerels reply to the angels and praise God.

289          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

When the angel says ‘Praise the Holy One’, the cockerels on earth flap their wings.

290          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

A cockerel crowed in the presence of Solomon and he told people that it was praising God.

291          al-Tabarani

God has a Cockerel under the Throne; its wings are in the air and its claws are on the earth; when it is dawn, and it is the time of the call to prayer, it flaps its wings and the cockerels praise God.

292          Ibn cAddi and al-Bayhaqi

The Cockerel’s feet are on the extremities of the Earth and its neck is under the Throne. It calls out to the Earth three times each night.

293          Ibn cAddi

God has a Cockerel; its claws are on the lowest earth and its neck is under the Throne. It calls out when it is the time for the ritual prayers; the cockerel calls out to the heavens: ‘Exalt! Exalt!’ Then the Cockerel of the heavens and the cockerels of the earth call out.

294          al-Daylami

The Throne is on an angel made of pearls in the image of a cockerel; its feet are on the boundaries of the lowest [earth] and its neck is under the throne; its wings are in the East and the West; when that angel worships God, there does not remain anything except the praise of God.

298 - 299 The Angel of the Mountains

298          Ahmad, al-Bukhari and Muslim

Ibn cAbd Yalayl ibn cAbd Kalal was approached by Muhammad to enter into a treaty, but he refused. At Qarn al-Thacalib Muhammad looked to heaven and saw Gabriel. Gabriel tells him that God has sent him the Angel of the Mountains to help Muhammad. The Angel of the Mountains asks Muhammad if he would like him to cause the mountains to fall up Ibn cAbd Yalayl and his people. Muhammad says no, but asks that their children may become Muslims.

299          Ibn Ab i Hatim

Gabriel informs Muhammad that God has sent him the Angel of the Mountains to help Muhammad. The Angel of the Mountains tells Muhammad that he can do anything he wants. Muhammad says that he does not want anything, other than for people to profess tawhld. The Angel tells Muhammad that he is very merciful.

Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya

The souls of the believers are handed over to Ramya’il.

Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya

The souls of the unbelievers are handed over to Duma.

al-Tirmidhi, Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya, al-Àjum and al-Bayhaqi

An account of the events in the grave.

al-Tabarani and Ibn Mardawayh

A description of Munkar and Nakir.

Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya and Abu Nucaym

An account of human interaction with angels, including references to: The Angel of the Womb, the angel that accompanies an individual until puberty, The Noble Watching Scribes and the Angels of the Grave (unnamed).

al-Bayhaqi

A description of Munkar and Nakir.

al-Tabarani

The names of the two angels who come to the grave are Munkar and Nakir.

Ibn Ab i ‘l-Dunya

A description of Munkar and Nakir.

Juwaybir

An account of what happens at the moment of death and the questions asked by the angels in the grave.

Abu Nucaym

There are three Angels of the Grave: Ankar, Nakur and Ruman.

Abu ‘l-Hasan al-Qattan

There are four Angels of the Grave: Munkar, Nakir, Nakur and their master, Ruman.

Ibn al-Najjar

The angels of the daytime are kinder than the angels of the night.

406                       The Noble Watching Scribes

Ibn al-Mundhir and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

There are two angels: one writes down good deeds, the other bad deeds. The angel of good deeds is on the right, the angel of bad deeds is on the left. If the person is walking, one is in front and the other is behind; if the man is sitting, one is on the left and the other is on the right; if the man is sleeping, one is by the man’s head and the other is by his feet. There are two angels responsible for the man at night and another two responsible for him during the day; a fifth angel is with the man continuously.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

An exegesis of Q 6:60.

Ibn Abi Zamanin

There are four scribes: two for the night and two for the day; they come together at the dawn prayers.

Malik, al-Bukhari, Muslim, al-Nasa’i and Ibn Hibban

Angels follow people at night and day and they come together at the dawn prayers.

Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abi Hatim

An exegesis of Q 13:11; the scribes note down individuals’ deeds.

Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abi Hatim

An exegesis of Q 13:11; the scribes note down individuals’ deeds.

Ibn Jatïr and Ibn al-Mundhir

An exegesis of Q 13:11; the scribes note down individuals’ deeds.

[Ibn Jarir][CMXCIX] [M] and Ibn al-Mundhir

An exegesis of Q 13:11; the angels alternate between day and night.

[Ibn Jarir] and Ibn al-Mundhir[MI]

An exegesis of Q 13:11 & 50:17; if the person is walking, one is in front and the other is behind; if the man is sitting, one is on the left and the other is on the right; the angel on the right, writes things down without the approval of the angel on the left, but the angel on the left has to seek approval from the angel on the right. if the man is sitting, one is on the left and the other is on the right; if the man is sleeping, one is by the man’s head and the other is by his feet.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

An exegesis of Q 13:11; the Scribes are ordered by God to do what they do.

Ibn Jaiïr

An exegesis of Q 50:17; there are two angels: one writes down good deeds, the other bad deeds. The angel of good deeds is on the right; the angel of bad deeds is on the left.

al-Daylami

The two angels sit on the teeth, and the person’s tongue is their pen and his spit their ink.

Abu Nucaym

The name of the Scribe of Misdeeds is Qacîd.

Ibn Jarir and Ibn Abi Halim

An exegesis of Q 50:17; the scribe writes down everything that a person talks about; but on Thursday, the scribe notes down both what the individual says and does.

Ibn Abi Shayba, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim, Ibn Mardawayh and al- Hakim

An exegesis of Q 50:17; the angel only writes down deeds and sins, it does not write down mundane things.

Ibn al-Mundhir

The angel of good deeds only writes down actions that reward and strengthen his companion.

Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya

The scribe of good deeds is on the right and the scribe of bad deeds is on the left. When an individual does a good deed, the angel writes it down ten times; when an individual does a bad action, the angel of good deeds tells the angel of bad deeds to hold off writing it against the individual until Thursday, in case the person repents.

Ibn Abi Shayba and al-Bayhaqi

Once a man was riding a donkey and it stumbled and the man said: ‘I have stumbled’; the angel of bad deeds said that it was a bad action and the angel of good deeds thought that it was a good action; the angel of bad deeds was called away, but the angel of good deeds remained and wrote it down.

Ibn al-Mundhir

The angels write down everything an individual says, even in illness.

al-Khattib

The angels write down everything an individual says, even in illness.

Ibn Jaiïr

There are two scribes at night and two during the day.

Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya

The human’s tongue is the angel’s pen and his spit his ink.

Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya

An exegesis of Q 50:17; the angel on the right writes down good deeds and the one on the left, bad deeds.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

If an individual does a sinful act, it is not recorded for three hours, so that the person can seek forgiveness.

al-Tabarani and Abu Nucaym

If an individual does a sinful act, it is not recorded for six hours, so that the person can seek forgiveness.

al-Tabarani, Ibn Mardawayh and al-Bayhaqi

Good actions are written down ten times, but bad actions are only recorded once; if an individual does a sinful act, it is not recorded for six or seven hours, so that the person can seek forgiveness.

Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya and Ibn cAsakir

When a person dies, the angels remain with the individual in the grave, in case the person seeks forgiveness.

Ibn Ab i ‘l-Dunya and al-Hakim

The first to know of an individual’s death are the scribes, as they descend every day with the individual’s rizq; when it is not given, they know that the person will die.

Ibn Mardawayh

When the angels hand over their reports, the angel of bad deeds leaves his records in al-Sijjm.

al-Tabarani

At the end of the day, the angel looks at the devil’s book; if the angel finds any good actions recorded in the devil’s book, the angel wipes it out and records it as a good action ten times. When individuals go to sleep they should say 33 takbirs, 34 tahmids and 33 tasbihs.

Ahmad

A man said ‘Praise be to God’ many times and the angel noted it down and magnified them.

cAbd Allah and al-Dinawari

The angels take their records up to heaven after the evening prayers.

Ibn al-Mubarak, Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

When the angels hand over their reports, the angel of bad deeds leaves his records in al-Sijjin and the angel of good deeds leaves his records in cIlliyun.

al-Daylami

God told the scribes not to record anything while an individual is angry.

Ibn Abi Shayba and al-Bayhaqî

The angel of bad deeds departs from an individual when he is ill, and the angel of good deeds is instructed to note down what the person normally did when he was not ill.

Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya and al-Bayhaqi

The angel of bad deeds does not record anything when an individual is ill, and the angel of good deeds is instructed to note down what the person normally did when he was not ill.

Ahmad, Ibn Abi Shayba and al-Bayhaqi

The angel of good deeds is instructed to note down what the person normally did when he was not ill.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Concerning how the angels write down their records.

al-Tirmidhi

When a servant tells a lie, the angel is separated from him by a mile form the stench which comes from him.

Ibn Ab i Shayba

The angel of good deeds is instructed to note down what the person normally did when he was not ill.

Ibn cAsakir

The angel of bad deeds does not record anything when an individual is ill, and the angel of good deeds is instructed to note down what the person normally did when he was not ill.

al-Hakim

When a person is ill, God reveals to the Scribes: ‘I have bound my servant in some of my chains. If I take him, I will forgive him; if I keep him alive, during the time of his illness I will stop his sin being recorded.’

al-Tabarani

The angel of good deeds is instructed to note down what the person normally did when he was not ill.

Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Tabarani, al-Dâraqutriî and al-Bayhaqi

The angel of good deeds is instructed to note down what the person normally did when he was not ill.

Ahmad and al-Bukhari

When an individual stands to pray, he should not spit in front of him, for that is the direction of God; and he should not spit on his right, as there is an angel on his right; he should spit on his left or under his foot.

SacTd ibn Mansur

Individuals should keep their sandals on their feet or place them in front of them; there is an angel on their right and there is their brother’s angel on their left.

Ibn Abi Shayba

When an individual stands to pray, he should not spit in front of him; and he should not spit on his right, as there is an angel on his right; he should spit on his left or under his foot.

Ibn Abi Shayba

The Prophet saw spit on the qibla, and he reproached the people and told them not to spit in front of them, or to their right.

cAbd al-Razzaq and Ibn Abi Shayba

Fiddling with stones causes pain to an angel.

Ibn cAsakir

A man is told to spit on his left, not on his right.

Ibn Ab i Shayba

Fiddling with stones during prayer is a habit from the Devil.

Ibn Majah and al-Tabarani

A man says a prayer and the scribes seek confirmation from God whether it is a good or bad action.

al-Bazzar

The Scribes record all actions.

al-Tabarani

Angels get embarrassed by nudity and if there are any children present when an adult reveals him or herself, the child could be taken by a devil.

al-Bayhaqi

Angels get embarrassed by nudity.

al-Bayhaqi

Angels remain with individuals constantly, except when two people have sexual intercourse.

cAbd al-Razzaq

Angels stay away from two things: human excrement and sexual intercourse.

al-Bazzar

Angels get embarrassed by nudity; angels stay away from three things: human excrement, those in janaba and those that need a major ritual ablution (ghusl).

Ibn Mardawayh

A man is praised for performing tayammum; angels stay away from an individual in two cases: when he is on the toilet and when he is with his wife; a person should conceal himself behind a wall or a camel.

al-Dinawari

If a man finishes the Qur’an, the angel kisses him between the eyes.

Ibn Abi Shayba

Whoever uncovers his genitals, the angel has turned away from him.

cAbd al-Razzaq and Ibn Abi Shayba

The angels never look when you reveal yourself.

Ibn Ab i Shayba

When a man goes to bed virtuously, the angel anoints him.

al-Bayhaqi

The angel of good deeds is instructed to note down what the person normally did when he was not ill.

al-Tayalisi and al-Bayhaqi

The angel of good deeds is instructed to note down what the person normally did when he was not ill.

al-Hakim

The angel of good deeds is instructed to note down what the person normally did when he was not ill.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqi

When an individual dies, the angels go up to heaven, but God tells them to return to the graves of the faithful and worship God there.

al-Daraqutm

When an individual dies, the angels go up to heaven, but God tells them to return to the graves of the faithful and worship God there.

Ibn al-Jawzi

When an individual dies, the angels go up to heaven, but God tells them to return to the graves of the faithful and worship God there.

Ibn Ab i ‘l-Dunya

The angels thank or curse their companion when he dies, depending on whether the person has lived a godly or ungodly life.

Ibn Ab i ‘l-Dunya

The angels thank or curse their companion when he dies, depending on whether the person has lived a godly or ungodly life.

Ibn cAsakir

When a servant repents, God makes the Scribes forget his sin.

cAbd al-Razzaq, Sammuya and al-Tabarani

Believers should keep their beards and teeth clean for the Scribes.

Abu Nucaym

Believers should keep their beards and teeth clean for the Scribes.

Abu Nucaym

Believers should clean their teeth, as they are the seats of the Scribes; there is nothing more harmful to them than a remnant of food.

al-Shîrazi

Whoever takes a bath uncovered, the two angels curse him.

al-Dinawari

When an individual thinks about doing a good action, it is written down once; when the individual does it, it is written down ten times; when a servant thinks of doing a bad action, it is not written down, but is written down once, when he does it. The angels know about an individual’s intentions by smell.

al-Dinawari

Every person has five angels: one on the left, one on the right, on in front and one behind and one above him.

al-Dinawari

An exegesis of Q 50:18; the angels are between a person’s two canines.

Ahmad

A person does not speak good things, without the angels saying much of it.

al-Daylami

Believers should refrain from kneeling down after sunset as it is painful for the two angels.

Ibn Jarir

There is an angel on the right, which is responsible for good deeds and which has authority over the angel on the left. If a person does a good action, it is recorded ten times; when a person does a bad action, the angel asks the one of the right if it can write the action down; the angels on the right says, ‘No’ as the person may seek forgiveness. The angel on the left asks the angel on the right three times, after which the angel on the right tells the angel on the left to write it down.

An exegesis of Q 50:18 & 13:11; there is an angel on a person’s forehead; when he bows down, the angel raises him; when the person is proud, the angel beats him. There are two angels on a person’s lips and they only record when a person says: ‘God bless him and grant him salvation.’ There is an angel standing on your mouth which prevents snakes from entering; and

two angels on your eyes. There are ten angels and two sets for the day and the night, making twenty angels in total.

cAbd al-Razzaq, al-Firyabi, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abi Halim

An exegesis of Q 13:11; when a person dies, the angels leave an individual.

Ibn Janr, Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

An exegesis of Q 13:11; the angels protect an individual from jinn.

Ibn Jaiïr

The angels protect an individual while he sleeps; nothing can kill him until his ajal.

Ibn Jaiïr

The angels protect an individual while he sleeps; nothing can kill him until his ajal.

Ibn Jaiïr

The angels protect an individual while he sleeps; nothing can kill him until his ajal.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

An exegesis of Q 13:11; every individual has two angels during the day and two angels during the night; they guard the individual.

Sacid ibn Mansur, Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abi Hatim

An exegesis of Q 13:11; concerning a variant reading of Ibn cAbbas.

Ibn Jaiir

An exegesis of Q 13:11; concerning a variant reading of Abu Ibn Kacb.

Sacid ibn Mansur, Ibn Jarir and Ibn Abi Hahin

An exegesis of Q 13:11; concerning a variant reading of Ibn cAbbas.

Ibn al-Mundhir and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

An exegesis of Q 13:11; the angels protect an individual; nothing can kill him until his ajal.

Abu Da’ud, Ibn Abu ‘l-Dunya and Ibn cAsakir

The angels protect an individual; nothing can kill him until his ajal.

Ibn Ab i ‘l-Dunya

Three hundred and sixty angels are responsible for a believer, which protect him; these include: an angel for sight, seven angels who drive away events which have not been ordained. If you were able to, you would see devils everywhere stretching their hands out to take people.

404          Ibn Jaiïr and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

If you were able to, you would see devils everywhere stretching their hands out to take people.

405          Ibn Abi Shayba

The angels show people the rewards of the pious and the punishments of the impious, so that they may learn.

406          cAbd Allah ibn Ahmad

A believer and an unbeliever go fishing. The believer says a prayer to God before casting his net, and the unbeliever prays to his gods, before casting his. The unbeliever catches many fish, but the believer does not. Eventually the believer catches a fish, but when he picks it up, it wriggles out of his hand and returns to the sea. The believer’s angel complains to God, but God shows the angel the places set for the believer and the unbeliever in heaven, and the angel sees that the believer receives a great reward.

407      - 408 The Angels Responsible for the Leaves of the Trees

407          al-Bayhaqi

Angels write down and record details about leaves as they fall off trees.

408          al-Bayhaqi

An angel helps a Muslim to find his way when he is lost on his way to Mecca.

409      - 410 Sharahil and Harahil

409          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Sharahil is the angel responsible for the night; Harahil is the angel responsible for the day.

410          al-Tabarani

Unnamed angels are responsible for the coming of the day and the night.

411      - 412 Irtiya’il

411      Ibn cAsakir

Irtiya’il removes grief from human hearts.

412          Ibn Ab i ‘l-Dunya and Ibn cAsakir

Irtiya’il removes grief from human hearts.

413     - 414 The Angel responsible for Cemeteries

413          IbnBatta

An angel is responsible for cemeteries; the angel calls to those burying the deceased.

414          al-Daylami

An angel is responsible for cemeteries; the angel calls to those burying the deceased.

415     - 422 The Angel which bears the Fish and the Rock

415          al-Bazzar, Ibn cAddi and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Under the earth is a sea, which is above a rock, which is above a fish.

416          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Under the earth is a sea, which is above a rock, which is above a fish.

417          Ibn Abi Hatim

Under the earth is a sea, which is above a rock, which is above a fish.

418          Ibn Abi Hatim

Four angels surround the rock at the bottom of the Earth.

419          Ibn Abi Hatim

Under the earth is a sea, which is above a rock, which is above a fish.

420          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

There are four angels responsible for each of the corners of the rock

421          Ibn Ab i Hatim

The distance between each of the earths is 500 years and under the Seventh Earth is a sea, which is above a rock, which is above a fish.

422          Ibn Jaiïr

Q 68:1; under the earth is a fish; under the fish is a sea; under the sea is an angel; the angel is on a rock; and the rock is on the wind.

423     - 429 The Guardians of the Winds

423      Ibn Ab i Hatim and al-Hakim

The wind is kept in the Second Earth and was released when God destroyed the people of cÀd.

424          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The wind was released when God destroyed the people of cÀd.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh, al-Daraqutm, Ibn Mardawayh and Ibn cAsakir

Water and wind are only dropped onto the Earth by a set amount, except for Noah’s flood and the destruction of the people of cÀd.

al-Firyâbî, cAbd ibn Hamid and Ibn Jarir

Water and wind are only dropped onto the Earth by a set amount, except for Noah’s flood and the destruction of the people of cÀd.

Ibn Jarir

Water and wind are only dropped onto the Earth by a set amount, except for Noah’s flood and the destruction of the people of cÀd.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The wind was released when God destroyed the people of cÀd.

Ibn cAsakir

The wind was released when God destroyed the people of cÀd.

430 - 434 The Angel of the Sun

430

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The noblest angel is the Angel of the Sun and he is the most influential over the Angel of Death.

431

Ibn Ab i Shayba

The sun is driven by 360 angels.

432

al-Tabarani, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and Ibn Mardawayh Seven angels are responsible for the sun.

433

Ibn al-Mundhir

The sun does not rise until 70,000 angels have called out to it.

434

Ibn Ab i Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shaykh Two angels are responsible for the sun.

435

The Angel of the Shade

435         Ibn Jarir

Abraham was protected by the Angel of the Shade when he was thrown into the Fire of Nimrod.

436     - 443 The Angel of the Womb

436          Ahmad, al-Bukharî and Muslim

One angel is responsible for the sperm, another for the clot and another for the embryo; God predestines whether the individual will be happy or wretched, male or female, and the individual’s rizq and ajal.

437          Ahmad

After 40 days and angel comes to womb and writes down whether the individual will be happy or wretched, male of female, short or tall; and the individual’s rizq, health and ajal.

438          al-Bazzar, Abu Yacla and al-Daraqutm

God predestines whether the individual will be happy or wretched and male or female.

439          Muslim

After 42 days an angel comes to the womb; an account of embryogenesis; the angel writes down whether the individual will be male or female and the individual’s rizq.

440          al-Tabarâriî

After 40 days an angel comes to the womb; an account of embryogenesis; the angel writes down whether the individual will be male or female and the individual’s ajal.

441          al-Bawardi

After 72 days an angel comes to the womb; an account of embryogenesis; the angel writes down whether the individual will be male or female and the individual’s ajal.

442          cUthman ibn Sacid al-Darimi

After 40 days an angel comes to the womb; an account of embryogenesis; the angel writes down whether the individual will be wretched or happy.

443          Abu Nucaym

An account of embryogenesis.

444          The Angel of the Foetus

444      Abu ‘l-Shaykh

An angel is responsible for the foetus; when the mother lies down, the angel raises the foetus’ head so that it does not drown in blood.

445     - 447 The Angel responsible for the Blessing of the Prophet

445          al-Tabaranî

If a Muslim blesses the Prophet, God blesses him with a blessing that is worth ten good deeds and which cancels out ten bad deeds.

446          al-Tabaram and al-Baghawi

Whenever anyone blesses the Prophet, the angels bless the individual tenfold.

447          al-Tabarani

Whenever anyone blesses the Prophet, the angels bless him tenfold; whenever anyone wishes the Prophet peace, the angels wish the individual peace tenfold.

448          The Angels which Creates Jewellery for the People in the Garden

448      Abu ‘l-Shaykh

God has an angel that makes jewellery for the inhabitants of paradise.

449     - 457 The Angel of the Prophet’s Prayer

449          al-cUqayli, al-Tabarani, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and Ibn al-Najjar

An angel stands on the Prophet’s grave and tells the Prophet who has blessed him.

450          al-Tabaram

An angel stands on the Prophet’s grave and tells the Prophet who has blessed him.

451          Ibn Abi Shayba

An angel stands on the Prophet’s grave and tells the Prophet who has blessed him.

452          al-Khattib

An angel stands on the Prophet’s grave and tells the Prophet who has blessed him.

453          al-Bayhaqi

An angel stands on the Prophet’s grave and tells the Prophet who has blessed him.

454          al-Daylami

An angel stands on the Prophet’s grave and tells the Prophet who has blessed him.

455          al-Tabarani

An angel stands on the Prophet’s grave and tells the Prophet who has blessed him.

456          al-Bayhaqi

An angel stands on the Prophet’s grave and tells the Prophet who has blessed him and extra blessings are granted for those that do so on Friday and Friday nights.

457         Ahmad, al-Nasa’i, Ibn Hibban, al-Tabarani, al-Hakim, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al- Bayhaqi

God has angels that tell the Prophet of the peace of the community.

458     - 460 The Angel of the Yemeni Corner

458          Ibn Abi Shayba and al-Bayhaqi

An angel prays for Muslims as they pass the Yemeni Corner of the Kacba.

459          Ibn Mardawayh

An angel prays for Muslims as they pass the Yemeni Corner of the Kacba.

460          al-Jindi

An angel prays for Muslims as they pass the Yemeni Corner of the Kacba.

461     The Angel responsible for the Stoning Pillars of Mina

461          al-Azraqi

An angel is responsible for the jimar.

462     - 465 The Angel responsible for the Qur’an

462          Al-Hakim

If someone pronounces the words of the Qur’an incorrectly whilst reciting it, an angel corrects it.

463          Abu Sa'T'd al-Salman

If someone pronounces the words of the Qur’an incorrectly whilst reciting it, an angel corrects it.

464          al-Daylami

If someone pronounces the words of the Qur’an incorrectly whilst reciting it, an angel corrects it.

465          al-Khatib

If someone pronounces the words of the Qur’an incorrectly whilst reciting it, an angel corrects it.

466     The Angel Responsible for saying ‘The Most Merciful...’

466      al-Hakim

An angel blesses and grants the requests of those that say: ‘The Most Merciful of those that Merciful’ three times.

467     - 470 The Angel responsible for the prayer of those hidden 467 Ibn Sacd

Two angels are responsible for dealing with prayers for the deceased.

468          Ibn Ab i Shayba, Muslim, Abu Da’ud and Ibn Majah

An angel prays for someone who prays for the deceased.

469          Ibn Ab i Shayba

An angel prays for someone who prays for the deceased.

470          Ibn Ab i Shayba

An angel prays for someone who prays for the deceased.

471     The Angel responsible for Crying

471          Ibn cAsakir

A human does not cry until an angel rubs the individual’s liver with his wing.

472     The Angels responsible for Faith, Life and other things

472          al-Dinawârï

After the scattering of the people of Babel, a number of angels disperse to different areas of the world.

473      The Angel responsible for Livelihoods

473          al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi

Angels are responsible for giving sustenance to humans.

474     The Angel responsible for Ritual Prayer

474          al-Tabaran and al-Diya’ al-Maqdisi

God has an angel that calls out to humans at the times of the ritual prayers.

475      - 477 The Angel responsible for funerary rites

475          al-Rafici

Angels walk with funerary processions.

476          SacTd ibn Mansur

Angels walk with funerary processions.

477          al-Bayhaqi

Angels walk with funerary processions.

478      - 484 The Angel that delights Hasan and Husayn

478          al-Tabaranl and Ibn cAsakir

Muhammad is told that Hasan and Husayn will be responsible for the young men in heaven.

479          Ibn Manda

Muhammad is told that Hasan and Husayn will be responsible for the young men in heaven and that Fatima will be responsible for the women.

480          Ibn Mandah, Abu Nucaym and Ibn cAsakir

Muhammad is told that Hasan and Husayn will be responsible for the young men in heaven and that Fatima will be responsible for the women.

481          Ahmad

If an angel comes down to earth, it has never been down to earth before.

482          al-Tabarani

Muhammad is told that Hasan and Husayn will be responsible for the young men in heaven.

483          al-Tabarani

Muhammad is told that Hasan and Husayn will be responsible for the young men in heaven.

484          al-Bayhaqi

Muhammad is told that Hasan and Husayn will be responsible for the young men in heaven.

485     The Angel responsible for the plants

485          Ibn Abi Hatim

Angels are responsible for plants; the distance between the ankles and shoulders of the Bearers of the Throne is a distance of 500 years.

486     - 487 The Angel responsible for the Sea

486      Ahmad and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

An angel is responsible for the sea; when it puts its foot into the sea, the sea rises and when it lifts it out, the sea falls; this is the ebb and flow of the sea.

487

Ibn Abi Hatim

An angel is responsible for the sea; if it did not hold it back, it would flood the earth.

 

488 - 489 The Angel responsible for the Noble Tomb

488

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Angels visit the Tomb of the Prophet.

489

Al-Azraqi

70,000 angels pray in the Bayt al-macmur, then they circumambulate the Kacba.

 

490     - 491 The Cherubim

490          Ibn cAsakir

On the cherubim; the distance between their collar bone and their earlobes is a distance of 500 years.

491          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The Spirit is under the wings of the Cherubim, who carry the Throne.

492          The Spirits

492      al-Bayhaqi

The spirits are in the Seventh Heaven; on the Night of Power they descend to Earth and pray for all those who are praying in the mosque.

493     - 545 On the Characteristics of the Angels

493          al-Tabaram

An unnamed angel can devour the world in one bite.

494          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The distance between an unnamed angel’s shoulder and ear is a distance of 100 years.

495          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Concerning an angel made of light and snow.

496          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Concerning an angel made of snow and fire.

497          Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Concerning an angel made of snow and fire.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The angels fall silent when they see an unnamed angel with 360 heads.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The angels fall silent when they see an unnamed angel, which has a vast number of eyes and tongues which praise God. The Bearers of the Throne have horns, and the distance between the horns and their heads is 500 years.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

There are 70,000 angels standing in ranks.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Concerns eight angels which praise God.

Ibn cAsakir

The Prophet saw an angel that was the same size as the Kacba.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The angels watch and comment on the behaviour of humans.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Concerning the angel at the gate of Heaven.

Abu Ya’la and Ibn cAsakir

The angels say ‘Praise the Holy Angel’ every morning.

Ibn cAsakir

The angels say ‘Praise the Holy Angel’ every morning.

al-Tabaranî

An angel says ‘Praise the Holy Angel’ every morning.

Ahmad, al-Bukhari, Muslim, al-Tirmidhi, Ibn Hibban and Abu Nucaym Concerning the judgement of humans.

cAbd ibn Hamid and al-Hakim

Angels come down from heaven and stop to listen to people remembering God.

Ibn al-Najjar

Angels come down from heaven and stop to listen to people remembering God.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The Throne is made of rubies; angels have 70,000 wings

al-Tabarani

Angels accompany cavalry detachments, except groups in which the horses are adorned with bells.

Ibn Lal

Concerning the creation of the angels.

al-Daylami

God has made angels responsible for the haram.

al-Daylami

Angels talk about what humans say.

al-Daylami

Angels cry out every night: ‘Sons of the forty seeds, the time for harvest is approaching.’

al-Hakim and al-Bayhaqi

The bayt al-macmur is in the Seventh Heaven and 70,000 angels visit it everyday and will not return to it.

al-cUqayli, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim and Ibn Mardawayh

Gabriel enters a river of paradise and from the drops of rain, angels are created. The bayt al-macmur is in the Seventh Heaven and 70,000 angels visit it everyday and will not return to it.

al-Tabarani and Ibn Mardawayh

Concerning the micraj; Muhammad is shown the bayt al-macmur in the Seventh Heaven; he is told that 70,000 angels visit it everyday and will not return to it.

Ishaq ibn Rahwayh, Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim and al-Bayhaqi The bayt al-macmur is in the Seventh Heaven and 70,000 angels visit it everyday and will not return to it.

al-Bayhaqi

The bayt al-macmur is in the Seventh Heaven and 70,000 angels visit it everyday and will not return to it.

al-Jindi

The bayt al-macmur is in the Seventh Heaven and 70,000 angels visit it everyday and will not return to it.

cAbd al-Razzaq, Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir and al-Jindi

Adam is shown the bayt al-macmur and told to build the Kacba in the same form.

Ibn Jaiïr

The Kacba is built in the place where Adam descended to earth and it is in the same form as the bayt al-macmur.

al-cAzraqi

When Adam feared Satan, he sought help from God and God sent angels to protect him in the Kacba and made it a sacred site.

Hannad al-Sari

There are two angels in heaven who comment on hypocrisy and greed.

Ibn Majah

Gabriel tells Muhammad that the angels seen at the Battle of Badr were the best of the angels.

al-Tabarani

Gabriel tells Muhammad that the angels seen at the Battle of Badr were the best of the angels.

Ibn Jarir, Abu Yacla, al-Hakim and al-Bayhaqi

At the Battle of Badr, Gabriel came down with 1000 angels on the Prophet’s right hand side, and Michael and Israfil came down with 1000 angels each on the Prophet’s left hand side.

Ibn Ab i Shayba

Angels have not died, except at the Battle of Badr.

al-Tabarani

A detachment of angels came down to Earth at the Battle of Badr, wearing white turbans; at the Battle of Hunayn they wore red turbans; the angels have not been hit on any day other than the Battle of Badr.

Ibn Ab i Hatim

The angels killed at Badr by hitting people on their necks.

al-Tabarani

The detachment of angels wore black turbans at the Battle of Badr and red turbans at the Battle of Hunayn.

Ibn Jaiïr

The angels wore yellow turbans at the Battle of Badr.

Ibn Ab i Shayba and Ibn Jarir

The angels were the first rank at the Battle of Badr.

Ibn Abi Shayba, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abi Hatim

The angels’ horses had white wool on the sides of their faces and their noses.

cAbd ibn Hamid and Ibn Jarir

Q 3:125; The angels’ horses had white wool on the sides of their faces and their noses.

Ahmad and Muslim

A Muslim became harassed by a polytheist and then he heard the cracking of a whip behind him, and the sound of horse and the polytheist was struck by the whip and went green. The Prophet told him it was from the auxiliaries in the Third Heaven.

Abu Nucaym al-Bayhaqi

At the Battle of Hunayn someone saw a man in white.

al-Wahidl and al-Bayhaqi

Muhammad asks Gabriel about the angels at the Battle of Badr.

Abu Nucaym

A vision concerning Abu Bakr and cUmar.

al-Hakim

The Prophet has a dream about a black sheep; Abu Bakr interprets the vision

Ibn Sacd

The Prophet has a vision in which he sees Hanzala ibn Abi cAmir being washed by angels.

al-Tabarani and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The Prophet sees a vision of an angel standing on earth, with one foot on the ground and the other on top of the sky.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The space between an angel’s earlobe and collarbone is a distance of 7000 years.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Angels are created and do not have hearts.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Q 21:20; angels were created to glorify God.

al-Bukhari

Angels were created to be God’s servants.

Ibn al-Mundhir, Ibn Abi Hatim, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqi

Q 21:20; angels were created to serve and worship God.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

A prayer of the angels.

al-Bayhaqi

Angels were created standing in ranks, kneeling and prostrating.

Ahmad

Devils are warded off with the words ‘What God wills’.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Concerning the creation of the angels.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The angels worship God in heaven during the night.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

God does not talk to the angels.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The decrees of God pass through the heavens.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Wahy sounds like ringing to the angels and when they hear it, they think it is the Day of Resurrection.

al-Tabaranî, Ibn Mardawayh, Abu ‘l-Shaykh and al-Bayhaqi

The decrees of God pass through the heavens and wahy sounds like ringing to the angels; when they hear it, they think it is the Day of Resurrection.

Abu Nucaym

An angel on earth does not go up to heaven without saying ‘There is no power or strength, save in God.’

al-Khattib and al-Daylami

An angel on earth does not go up to heaven without saying ‘There is no power or strength, save in God.’

Abu ‘l-Shaykh and Ibn cAsakir

cUmar wished to punish a hypocrite, who performed the ritual prayers sitting down.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh, al-Hakim and al-Bayhaqi

Angels were created standing in ranks, kneeling and prostrating; an angelic prayer.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh.

Angelic prayers.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Angelic prayers.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

A description of each of the Seven Heavens and the forms of the angels.

al-Shafi^i

Adam performs the pilgrimage and is told by the angels that they have been performing it for 2000 years.

SacTd ibn Mansur, Ibn Abi Shayba and al-Bayhaqi

Angels are present with humans when they pray.

al-Bayhaqi

Angels are present with humans when they pray.

cAbd al-Razzaq and Sacid ibn MansUr

Angels are present with humans when they pray.

cAbd al-Razzaq

Angels are present with humans when they pray.

cAbd al-Razzaq

Angels are present with humans when they pray.

Ahmad ibn cAbd al-Rahman ibn cAmir

A Muslim sees angels praying in a mosque at dawn.

SacTd ibn MansUr and Ibn Abi Shayba

A Muslim sees angels praying in a mosque at dawn.

SacTd ibn MansUr and Ibn Abi Shayba

The angels dislike those who rested on the qibla after two prostrations during the dawn prayers.

al-Daylami

God made the acceptance of tawhid incumbent on humans and angels.

al-Bayhaqi

Angels pray for humans for as long as they are prostrating.

AbU cUbayd

cUmar recited Surat al-Fatiha and said that it was the prayer that the angels said during the night.

SacTd ibn MansUr

Angels are present with humans when they pray.

al-Bayhaqi

Angels are present with humans when they pray during the night.

al-Daylami

Angels are present with humans when they pray.

ai-Rai’icT

A description of an unnamed angel with 1000 heads, each head with a 1000 faces (etc.)

Malik, al-Bukhaiï and Muslim

A house with idols is not entered by angels.

Malik, Ahmad, al-Tirmidhi and Ibn Majah

A house with idols is not entered by angels.

Ibn Majah

A house with idols and dogs is not entered by angels.

al-Baghawi, al-Tabarani and Abu Nucaym.

Angels do not accompany travellers with bells.

Ahmad, Muslim, Abu Da’ud and al-Tirmidhi

Angels do not accompany travellers with bells or a dog.

Ahmad

Angels do not accompany riding beasts with bells or go into houses with bells.

Sacid ibn Mansur

Angels do not enter a house with urine in it.

al-Tabarani

Angels do not enter a house with urine in it.

Ibn Ab i Shayba

Angels do not enter a house with a tambourine in it.

Ibn Ab i Shayba

Angels do not enter a house with a tambourine in it.

al-Tabarani

Angels do not enter a house with someone who is in a state of junub or anointed with khaluq in it.

Ahmad and Abu Da’ud

Angels do not attend the funerals of unbelievers, or those anointed with saffron or who are ritually impure.

al-Tabarani

An angel does not come near a group that has severed the bonds of kinship.

Abu Da’ud, al-Nasa’i and al-Hakim

Angels do not enter a house with someone who is in a state of junub in it, or if there is a dog or idols in it.

al-Nasa’i

Angels do not accompany travellers who are carrying a cowbell.

Abu Da’ud

Angels do not accompany travellers who are carrying a cowbell.

al-Bayhaqi

Angels pray for individuals for as long as their tables are set.

al-Bukhaiï, Muslim and al-Bayhaqi

Angels do not go near someone who has eaten garlic, onion or leek.

al-Bayhaqi

Angels are hurt by whatever hurts humans.

SacTd ibn Mansur

A person is told to wash the head of someone who has died with water and to sprinkle his bed with water.

Ibn Mandah

A man says a prayer before going to bed.

al-Tirmidhi, al-Hakim and al-Bayhaqi

An angelic prayer.

Ahmad

The angels are proud of pious men.

Ibn cAsakir

Angels reward those who bless the prophet on Thursday and Friday nights.

Ibn cAsakir

Angels come to Damascus on Friday nights and pray for the sick.

al-Bayhaqi

Angels reward those who bless the prophet on Thursday and Friday nights.

al-Daylami

Angels reward those who bless the prophet on Thursday and Friday nights.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Adam performs the pilgrimage and is told by the angels that they have been performing it for 2000 years.

Ibn Ab i Shayba

When a specific prayer of supplication is used, 70,000 angels pray for the believer to be forgiven.

Ibn Abi Shayba and al-Khara’iti

People are protected from the devils if they say different prayers; the angels comment that they have acted correctly.

Ibn Sasari

People are protected from the devils if they say different prayers; the angels comment that they have acted correctly.

Ibn Majah

People are protected from the devils if they say different prayers; the angels comment that they have acted correctly.

al-Bukhari, Muslim, Abu Da’ud, al-Tirmidhi, al-Nasa’i and Ibn Majah Whoever says ‘Amen’ after the imam, the angels say ‘Amen’ and the individual’s sins are forgiven.

al-Nasa’i and Ibn Majah

Whoever says ‘Amen’ after the imam, the angels say ‘Amen’ and the individual’s sins are forgiven.

cAbd al-Razzaq

Whoever says ‘Amen’ after the imam, the angels say ‘Amen’ and the individual’s sins are forgiven.

cAbd al-Razzaq

Whoever says ‘Amen’ after the imam, the angels say ‘Amen’ and the individual’s sins are forgiven.

Malik, al-Bukhaiï, Muslim, Abu Da’ud, al-Tirmidhi and al-Nasa’i

Whoever says ‘Amen’ after the imam, the angels say ‘Amen’ and the individual’s sins are forgiven.

SacTd ibn Mansur and Ibn Abi Shayba The first rank is like a rank of angels

Muslim

The ranks of angels are crammed tight, one after the other.

Ibn cAsakir

The angels bless those who wear turbans on Fridays.

al-Tayalisi

The angels stretch out their wings for those who seek knowledge.

al-Bayhaqi

The angels stretch out their wings for those who seek knowledge.

al-Tabarani

The angels do not see any human entertainment except for betting and fighting.

al-Daylami

The angels wear the izar when they are in the presence of God.

al-Tayalisi and al-Bayhaqi

The angels were wearing turbans at the battles of Badr and Hunayn.

Ibn cAsakir

The angels wear turbans.

al-Tabarani

The angels wear turbans.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Concerning the creation of horses.

cAbd al-Razzaq, cAbd ibn Hamid and Ibn Jarir

The angels wore yellow turbans and rode black and white horses at the Battle of Badr.

al-Bayhaqi

When a believer is ill, two angels are responsible for the individual.

Malik and al-Bayhaqi

When a believer is ill, two angels are responsible for the individual.

al-Tabarani and Ibn al-Sunni

When someone sneezes and says ‘Lord of the Two Worlds’, the angels bless the individual.

al-Bayhaqi

When someone sneezes and says ‘Lord of the Two Worlds’, the angels bless the individual.

al-Bukhari

The angels come down to Earth in the clouds.

al-Tabarani

Angels give people wisdom.

al-Bazzar and al-Bayhaqi

Angels give people wisdom.

Abu ‘l-Fath al-Azdi

God listened to the prayers of Moses.

al-Khara’iti

On the right hand side of the Throne is someone who calls out to the Seven Heavens.

Abu Nucaym

If God loves a servant, He casts His love into the hearts of His angels; if God hates a servant, He casts His hate into the hearts of the angels.

al-Tabarani

The angels bless the child of a slave-girl.

al-Tabaranî

When a daughter is born to a man, the angels bless the family and cover her in their wings.

Muhammad ibn Nasr, Abu Yacla’, Ibn Hibban and al-Hakim

When someone goes to bed, an angel comes to him and encourages him to do a good action as his last action of the day; a devil also comes to him and encourages him to do a bad action as his last action of the day. Whichever action the individual chooses, the respective angel or devil remains with him for the night. The same happens when the individual wakes in the morning.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

When someone wakes up in the morning, an angel comes to him and encourages him to do a good action as his first action of the day; a devil also comes to him and encourages him to do a bad action as his first action of the day. Whichever action the individual chooses, the respective angel or devil remains with him for the day.

al-Tabaranî

The angels reward the saying of a particular prayer during the ritual prayers.

al-Tabaranî

The angels reward the saying of a particular prayer during the ritual prayers.

al-Tabaranî

The angels reward the saying of a particular prayer during the ritual prayers.

al-Bayhaqî

A man should not engage in trade or military leadership until he is able to do so.

al-Bayhaqî

When God hates a servant, God sends an angel to the individual to surround him with luxury.

al-Tabaranî and al-Bayhaqî

God puts believers to the test.

Ibn cAddî

The angels rejoice in believers who dye their hair green (i.e. with henna)

cAbd al-Razzaq and al-Bayhaqi

A devil comes to a man in human form and befriends him. An angel also comes to him in human form and befriends him. The devil recognises that the angel is an angel, but the man does not. The angel then kills the devil. The man and the angel then receive hospitality and the angel steals a silver bowl. The man says that he can not be a friend of someone who commits murder and steals. The angel then explains to the man that the other ‘human’ was a devil who wanted to kill him.

al-Bayhaqi and Ibn cAsakir

Concerning the creation of Adam and the protests of the angels.

al-Bayhaqi

The angels do not have names in heaven.

al-Tabarani

Concerning the creation of Adam and the protests of the angels.

Ibn cAsakir

Concerning the creation of Adam and the protests of the angels.

al-Bukhari and Muslim

Angels are ashamed of nudity.

al-Tabarani

Angels bear witness to God in heaven.

al-Tabarani

Angels led Solomon to making the correct legal judgments.

Ahmad and Ibn Majah

There is no servant that prays for the Prophet, without the angels praying for him.

al-Tabarani, al-Hakim and al-Bayhaqi

The first to enter the Garden are martyrs and the angels will praise God for them.

Ahmad

The first to enter the Garden are martyrs and the angels will praise God for them.

Ibn Majah

The Prophet tells someone about the Gates of Heaven.

al-Tabarani

The angels are proud of the Muslims during Ramadan.

Ahmad, Muslim, al-Tirmidhi and al-Nasa’i

Muhammad berates a group for sitting down whilst praising God and tells them that Gabriel boasts about the Muslims in heaven.

al-Bazzar, Ibn Jarir and al-Bayhaqi

On the Day of Resurrection, God will boast to his angels about his creations.

al-Daylami

God boasts about humans to the angels.

Ibn Hibban, al-Hakim and al-Bayhaqi

God boasts about humans to the angels.

Ahmad and al-Tabarani

God boats about humans to the angels.

Ibn cAddi, Abu Nucaym and al-Bayhaqi

God boasts about humans and those that circumambulate the Kacba to the angels.

al-Khattib

God boasts about humans and those that fight in His path to the angels; the angels pray for a human as he fights in God’s path.

Ahmad

When a servant sleeps whilst prostrating, God boasts about him to the angels.

al-Bayhaqi

On the Night of Power, Gabriel comes down to Earth with a troop of angels who pray for all those who are praying and remembering God. When it is cId, God boasts about them to the angels.

al-Bayhaqi

On the Night of Power, Ridwan opens the Gates of Heaven and Malik shuts the gates of Hell. Gabriel comes down to earth with a troop of angels and places a green flag on top of the Kacba. Gabirel has 600 wings.

al-Bayahqi

The angels bless those who are performing the pilgrimage and embrace those who make the journey on foot.

Ahmad

Angels curse people who make a sign to their brother with an iron object.

Ibn Jarir, Ibn Abi Hatim and Abu ‘l-Shaykh

The angels were created on Wednesday, the jinn were created on Thursday and Adam was created on Friday.

Ibn Jarir

A narrative concerning the creation of Adam.

Ibn Ab i ‘l-Dunya

A narrative concerning the creation of Adam.

Ibn Jafir, Ibn Abi Hatim and Ibn cAsakir

When the Earth was created, it was spread out from the Kacba and the angels were the first to circumambulate it.

682

682

683

684

685

686

687

688

689

690

691

692

693

694

744 On the Circumambulation of the Holy House

al-Jindî

God sent an angel to circumambulate the Kacba.

al-Jindi

Adam is told by the angels that they had been circumambulating the Kacba for 2000 years.

al-Azraqi

Concerning the creation of Adam, the protestation of the angels and the building of the Kacba and the bayt al-macmur.

al-Azraqi

There are fifteen houses of God, one in each of the seven heavens and earths and God’s house. They are all directly above each other.

al-Azraqi

Angels circumambulate the Kacba.

al-Azraqi

Adam is told to worship God in the Kacba, just as the angels worship God in the bayt al-macmur.

al-Tabaram

The angels performed the first circumambulation of the Kacba.

Ibn Abi Shayba and al-Bayhaqi

The angels performed the first circumambulation of the Kacba.

al-Azraqi

Muhammad sees Gabriel wearing a green headband, which is covered by dust. Gabriel tells him that he has been prostrating at the bayt al-macmur and the beating of the angels’ wings beat dust into the air.

Ibn Majah

Angels curse those who sell faulty goods.

Abu Nucaym

Angels are with those who finish reciting the Qur’an.

Ibn al-Sunm

The angels curse those who pray in a name other than their own.

Ibn cAsakir

The angels curse those who give religious rulings, whilst knowing that a different ruling is the correct one.

al-Daraqutriî

No place of prayer is without an angel: one on the left and one of the right of the person praying.

Abu ‘l-Husayn ibn Bashran and Ibn al-Najjar

An angel teaches the Qur’an to whoever had intended to learnt it by heart, but who died before being able to do so.

Abu Yacla

Concerning cUthman ibn cAffan.

Muhammad ibn Nasr

Angels are with anyone who recites the Qur’an in the Kacba

Ahmad and al-Tabaram

Eighty angels were sent down with the Sura of the Cow.

al-Tabaranî and al-Mardawayh

The Sura of the Cow was accompanied by angels.

al-Hakim [al-Tirmidhi] and al-Bayhaqi

The Sura of the Cow was accompanied by angels.

Ahmad, Muslim and al-Tirmidhi

God’s commands pass through the heavens and the jinn hear, but do not pay heed them

al-Bukhari, al-Tirmidhi and Ibn Majah

God’s commands pass through the heavens.

Muslim

Two angels receive the soul of the deceased.

Ibn cAsakir

A vision of an angel.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Angels do not listen to humans, except with the permission of God.

al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi

The houses of believers light up for the angels.

al-Bayhaqi

Houses in which the Qur’an is being recited look like stars to the angels.

Ahmad and al-Tirmidhi

God came to Muhammad in the most beautiful form.

al-Tabaranî

There is no house in a city without an angel standing over the lintel with its sword unsheathed to prevent the Anti-Christ entering the house.

Ahmad, al-Bukhari and Muslim

When a woman makes the midday-bed of her husband, angels help her.

Ahmad, Muslim, Abu Da’ud, al-Tirmidhi, al-Nasa’i and Ibn Majah

When someone is in the presence of the deceased, the angels say ‘Amen’ to whatever prayers are said.

al-Daylami

If someone finishes the Qur’an, 60,000 angels pray for him.

Ahmad, al-Bukhari and Muslim

Cockerels crow when they see angels; donkeys bray when they see a devil.

al-Bazzar

Angels curse a Muslim who unsheathes his sword against another Muslim.

al-Bayhaqi

Angels pray for people performing the ritual prayers for the length of time that they remain praying.

al-Khattib

Angels are present at the ritual prayers.

Ahmad, al-Tirmidhi, Ibn Hibban and al-Bayhaqi

Angels pray for someone who is fasting who comes into the presence of food.

Ahmad, al-Bukhan, Muslim, al-Nasa’i and Ibn Majah

Angels record who attends the mosque on Fridays.

Ahmad, Abu Da’ud and al-Bayhaqi

Angels record who attends the mosque on Fridays.

Ahmad, Abu Yacla and al-Tabarani

Angels record who attends the mosque on Fridays.

Abu ‘l-Shaykh

Angels record who attends the mosque on Fridays.

al-Hasan ibn Sufyan, al-Bawardi and al-Tabarani

Angels call out to Muslims on the Day of Fitr.

al-Tabarani

The angels rejoice at the passing of winter.

al-Shîrâzî

The angels prayed for Adam.

al-Daraqutriî and Ibn cAsakir

Gabriel and the angels prayed for Adam (on the day of the prostration to Adam) and Gabriel then understood the significance of Adam’s role as God’s khalif.

al-Daylami

Concerning the events of the Day of Resurrection.

Ibn Majah

Angels pray for those who attend the Friday prayers.

Ibn al-Najjar

Angels sit on the tent pegs of tented mosques.

cAbd al-Razzaq and al-Bayhaqi

Angels sit on the tent pegs of tented mosques.

Ibn cAsakir

God has knowledge of the hidden.

Muhammad ibn Nasr al-Marwazi

A Muslim heard someone reciting a prayer; the Prophet told him that it was an angel.

Muhammad ibn Nasr

A Muslim heard someone reciting a prayer.

Ahmad and al-Tabarani

God’s blessings on his creations pass through the heavens.

Ibn cAsakir and Abu Bakr al-Wasiti

A Muslim sees Gabriel, Michael and other angels praying in the Kacba.

al-Bayhaqi

During Ramad an, the angels circumambulate the Kacba.

SacTd ibn Mansur, Ibn al-Mundhir and al-Bayhaqi

The angels greet people on the Night of Power.

SacTd ibn Mansur and Ibn al-Mundhir

During the night, the angels pass over all the believers and pray for them.

Ibn al-Mundhir

Angels beat their wings in peace on the Night of Power.

Ahmad

On the Night of Power and other days the angels on the earth are more numerous than the pebbles.

 

741

al-Daylami

The angels perform the ritual prayers.

742

al-Tabaranl

Angels do not like a spirit of copper.

743

cAbd ibn Hamid, Ibn Jarir and Ibn Abî Hâtim

An exegesis of Q 35:1; the angels have two, three or four wings.

744

Ibn al-Mundhir

The angels have two to twelve wings and they are feathered. Gabriel has six wings.

 

430

Appendix G

Images of Angels in Islamic Art

Angels in Islamic Art

Six images from Islamic Art have been included below, simply to give an idea of the standard forms of angelic iconography.

Mfrâjnâma [BNF Turc 190 fol unknown]

This is one of only a few images that show the huge size of the angel Gabriel. This image is taken from an account of Muhammad’s ascension (micraj) and he is seated on Buraq.

Source: Colby, Frederick S., The Subtleties of the Ascension: Early Mystical Sayings on Muhammad’s Heavenly Journey (Louisville: Fons Vitae, 2006).

Album [TSMK Hazine 2154] fol. 61v

A picture of the angel, al-Dïk, one of the few purely zoomorphic angels; here the image is simply that of a cockerel. In the hadith, al-Dïk is given more angelic attributes. One of these attributes is the cockerel’s great size, which can be seen to some degree in this image, as it is a twice the size of Muhammad. The cockerel is also associated with precious stones, which cannot be seen in this image.

Source: Ettinghausen, Richard, ‘Persian Ascension Miniatures of the Fourteenth Century’ in Richard Ettinghausen (ed. Myriam Rosen-Alayon), Islamic Art and Archaeology: Collected Papers (Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1984) pp. 244 - 267; fig. (i), p. 247.

Al-Qazwini, cAja’ib al-makhluqat [British Library Or. 47011 fol 38r]

There are a number of illustrated manuscripts of al-QazWîni’s Kitab caja’ib al- makhluqat, which have a similar form for the angels. It is often difficult to distinguish between different angels and often the only means to tell the angels apart is by their place in the Arabic text.[MII]

Source: Jones, Dalu et. al. (eds.), The Arts of Islam: Haywood Gallery 8th April - 4th July 1976 (London: Arts Council of Great Britain, 1976), p. 347

Shahnama [Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS Persan 490 fol 62r]

Persian images of angels tend to have more slender wings, as in this miniature. The angels are often depicted with their hair worn up, ornamented with pearls. Although Gabriel’s hair is said to look ‘like white pearls’ (e.g. §50), there are no hadith that actually suggest that the angels’ hair were adorned with them. This is likely to be a reflection of contemporary dress.

Source: Bernus-Taylor, Marthe, L’Etrange et le Merveilleux en terres d’Islam: Paris, musée du Louvre 23 avril - 23 juillet, 2001 (Paris : Editions de la Réunion des Musées Naionaux, 2001) p. 206.

Siyar-i Nabi [Louvre MAO 149] loose leaf

This image depicts Gabriel revealing Sura 8. Angels are often exactly the same size as the humans in the miniature, as can be seen here (as well as some of the images included in this small selection). This image also shows the angel with four wings, this is quite rare as angels are usually given two wings in Islamic art.

Source: Bernus-Taylor, L’Etrange et le Merveilleux, p. 284.

Rashid al-Din, Jamic al-Tawarikh [EUL Arabic MS 20 fol 22r]

Angels are very rarely depicted in a completely anthropomorphic form, this is one of only a few examples (another good example is from a Siyar-i Nabi [TSMK Hazine 1222 fol. 155r]).[MIII] The image follows the description of al-Rüh (identified with Gabriel) coming to Mary as a basharan sawiyan; cf. Q 19:17.

Source: Rice, David Talbot, The Illustrations to the ‘World History’ of Rashid al-Din (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1976) p. 85.

Indexes

440

7.1 Index of al-Suyuti’s Sources1

cAbd al-Razzaq

cAbd ibn Hamld

Abu Bakr al-Wâsitï

Abu Da’ud

Abu 'l-Husayn ibn al- cArïf

Abu 'l-Rabf al-

Mascûdï

Abu 'l-Shaykh

Abu Nucaym

Abu Yacla

Ahmad

Bayhaqï, al-

Bazzar, al-

Bukharï, al-

Darimï, al-

Daylamï, al-

Dïnawarï, al- al-Diya’ al-Maqdisï

Firyabï, al-

Hakim, al-

110, 125, 129, 189,

218,       219, 223

99, 128, 179, 187, 189, 202-205, 207, 209, 218-221, 223, 234, 235b, 236, 243, 244, 248

240

181b, 182, 217, 402

163

163

2b, 3-5, 7, 9, 10, 13 -20, 24, 27 - 33, 36, 38, 39, 42-44a, 45-49, 51, 59, 64, 66, 70-72, 79, 85, 87, 92, 94-96, 98-102, 104, 105, 110, 112-114, 123, 125, 126 - 132, 135, 148, 150, 156, 165, 166b, 167, 178, 181b, 182-186,     189-192,

195, 210-215, 218,

219,       221-226

57, 82, 84, 90, 96, 117, 125, 131, 147, 158, 161

179, 181

8, 35, 47, 67, 73, 79, 90, 110, 111, 116, 125, 139, 146, 151, 231, 248

1*, 1, 6, 24, 27, 29, 52, 60, 61, 68, 75, 86, 97, 106, 108, 166, 166b, 181b, 182, 186, 193, 200, 202, 210, 212, 218, 223, 234, 248, 249, 254

5, 82, 106, 146

238

179

83, 89, 109, 156, 196, 241

12, 136, 144, 197 - 199

230

74, 235b, 236

8, 34, 81, 86, 87, 91, 146, 166, 179, 250, 251, 254

1 This index refers to those authors cited in the translated hadïth.

Hakïm, al-, al-

Tirmidhï

63, 80, 86

Hannad ibn al-Sarï

235

Ibn Abï al-Dunya

112, 113, 123, 124,

130, 135, 139, 140,

142, 148, 154, 155,

161, 165, 166, 248

Ibn Abï Hatim

10, 20b, 23, 27, 38, 47, 76, 88, 105, 107, 110, 114, 115, 127, 128, 132, 133, 141, 149, 160, 166, 194, 208, 210, 212, 218, 222, 224, 225, 227, 235b, 236, 245-247, 253­255

Ibn Abï Shayba

27, (28), 62, 111, 126,

137, 166, 168, 206, 234

Ibn Abï Zamanïn

93

Ibn al-Anbarï

228

Ibn al-Mubarak

53, 103, 16b, 234

Ibn al-Mundhir

21, 22, 78, 107, 110, 125, 127, 128, 178, 179, 184, 186, 189, 207, 208, 210, 212, 213, 215, 218-220, 223, 233, 234, 235b, 236, 254

Ibn Hajar

84

Ibn Hibban

84, 248

Ibn Jarïr

26, 36, 37, 50, 77, 108,

110, 125-129, 143, 188, 208, 210, 212, 213, 216, 218, 232, 235b, 245, 246

Ibn Kathïr

69

Ibn Khuzayma

179

Ibn Majah

8, 152

Ibn al-Najjar

84, 118, 145, 171

Ibn cAsakir

24, 25, 55, 65, 69, 108,

138, 159, 237, 247

Ibn Manda

5, 25, 164, 166b

Ibn Mardawayh

45, 54, 74, 75, 87, 89,

91, 179, 201, 202, 222, 239, 252

Ibn Sacd

52

Ishaq ibn Rahwayh

178, 251,252

Juwaybir

134, 153

Khalïlï, al-

242

Khatïb, al-

24, 145, 157

Marwazï, al-

148, 165

Muslim

2, 41, 176, 217, 238

Nasa’ï, al-

217

 

Qutbï, al- (Ibn

Qutayba) Sâbûnï , al-

Sacïd ibn Mansur

Silafï, al-

Tabaranï, al-

Tayalisi, al- cUqaylï, al-

al-Wahidï

229

60

107, 116

166b

10, 11, 29, 34, 40, 44b, 56, 57, 71, 82, 90, 99, 106, 169, 170, 172, 178, 295 - 297

176

156

237

7. 2. Index of Qur’an Quotations in the Translated Text

2:30

247, 248

35:1

Preface

2:31

26

 

 

2:102

249

37:165

6, 9

2:255

198

37:166

25

2:285

Preface

 

 

 

 

39:68

74, 75

3:173

86

 

 

 

 

40:49

229

6:60

141, 313

 

 

6:61

127, 128, 129

43:77

229

7:89

86

50:17

312, 319, 321, 324, 325,

 

 

333

 

10:85

86

50:18

389, 391

13:11

316b, 317, 318, 319

52:4

21

 

(bis), 320, 391, 392,

 

 

 

393, 397, 398, 399, 400

53:13

550

 

(bis), 401

53:14

47

13:18

104

 

 

 

 

66:6

229

15:26

107

 

 

 

 

69:17

179, 187, 207, 208

16:32

166b

 

 

 

 

72:27

70

17:78

314

 

 

 

 

74:3

5

18

296

74:30

229, 234

 

 

74:31

234

21:104

243

 

 

 

 

78:38

210, 222, 225

25:7

237

 

 

25:10

237

82:10

312

33:44

166

96:18

235b, 236

34:23

92

97:4

210

 


7. 3 Index of Authorities

Abu Umama cÀ’isha

al-Acamash

147

 

al-cAbbas ibn cAbd

179

al-cAla’ ibn Harun

al-Muttalib

 

cAli [ibn Abi Talib]

cAbd al-cAla al- Tamïmï

111

 

cAbd Allah

183

cAli ibn Husayn

cAbd Allah ibn

224

cAmmar ibn Abi

Burayda

 

cAmmar

cAbd Allah ibn al-

94, 99, 236

cAmr al-Bakali

Harith

cAmr ibn Murra

cAbd Allah ibn cAmr

21

Anas

cAbd Allah ibn cUmar

62, 248

 

Abu ‘l-cAwam

234

Anas ibn Malik

cAbd al-Aziz ibn Abi

66

Ashcath ibn Aslam

Ruwad

 

cAta ibn al-Sa’ib

cAbd al-Aziz ibn

38

cAta’ ibn Yisar

cUmayr

 

cAtiya

Abu ‘l-Muthna al-

135

ai-AwzacT

Himsl

 

al-Bara’ ibn cAzab

cAbd al-Rahman ibn

23

al-Dahhak

Salman1

 

Damra

cAbd al-Rahman ibn

12

Da’ud ibn Abi Hind

Zayd ibn Aslam

 

Hudhayfa

Abu cAli ibn Abi

84, 171

al-Hakam

Talib

 

al-Hakam ibn Uban

Abu Bakr al-

92

Hakim ibn Hizam

Hadhdhali

 

Harun ibn Ri’ab

Abu Dharr

8, 63

al-Hasan

Abu Hurayrah

87, 90, 107,

Hasan ibn cAtiya

 

146, 151, 181

al-Husayn

Abu cImran al-Jawni

67, 231

Ibn Abi Jabala

Abu Jacfar al-Baqir

247

Ibn Abi Najih

Abu Malik

108, 190, 198

Ibn cAbbas

Abu Qays al-Azdi

136

 

Abu Sacid

13, 81, 91

 

Abu SacTd al-Khudri (or Kudhri)

86, 88

 

Abu Salama

240, 297

 

Abu Salih

223

 

Abu Sinan

104

 

 

89, 152, 206 2, 9, 35, 42, 43, 55, 95, 145, 217

17

65, 83, 196,

212, 241, 243, 251, 252, 295 36

52

22

64

45, 74, 75, 79, 118, 156, 230, 242

163

123

76

116, 142

244

15, 100, 101

166

209, 211

105 167

50, 77

19, 124

161

10

186

112

184

170

103

227

18, 29, 37, 40, 48, 49, 54, 56, 82, 97, 98, 108, 122, 127, 132, 134, 149, 153, 159, 169, 180, 195, 202, 208, 210, 213, 221, 222, 237, 238, 253, 254

1 Khabîb ibn cAbd al-Rahman ibn Salman Abu ‘l-Acis from his father.

Ibn cAmr

Ibn Jaiïr

Ibn Jurayj

Ibn Mascud

Ibn Sabit

Ibn Shihab

Ibn cUmar

Ibn Zayd

Ibrahim al-Nakha0!

cIkrima

cIkrima ibn Khalid

Jabir

Jabir ibn cAbd Allah

Kacb

Khalid ibn Abi cImran

Khalid ibn Macdan

Khaythama al-Khazraj (father of al-Harith ibn al- Khazraj)

Macammar

Makhul

Malik ibn Dinar

Maymuna bint Sacd

Maysara

Mucadh ibn Jabal Muhammad ibn al-

Munkadar

Muhammad ibn Kacb al-Qurzi

Mujahid

Muqatil ibn Hayyan Murra

Musa ibn Abi

cÀ’isha

2b, 5, 106

Qatada

50, 129

140

Qatada ibn al-

68

50

Nucman

 

6, 41, 44, 47,

Rabah

73

72, 108, 122,

al-Rabic

187

164, 165, 216

al-Rabic ibn Anas

26, 126

27, 28

Rashid ibn SacTd

144

53

Sa^id

102

1, 245, 249,

Sa°Td ibn Jubayr

7, 70

250

Salman

226

188, 194

al-Shactha’ Jabir ibn

148

128

Zayd

 

3, 57, 78, 114,

Shahar ibn Hushab

131

141, 203, 220

al-Shucabi

225

33

181b, 182

11, 30, 60

16, 20b, 93,

Shurayh ibn cAbd Allah

46

Sulayman ibn

157

95, 115, 121,

Macammar al-

 

232, 235

Kilabi

 

32

al-Suddi

246

Ta’us

229

199

Thabit

61

137, 138, 168

Thabit al-Banani

117

119

cUbayd ibn cUmayr

120

 

cUmar

239

 

cUmar Mawla

143

139

Ghafara

 

192

Umm Sacd

201

197

Umm Salama

71

58

cUrwa

193

205, 207,

Usayd ibn Hudayr

296

209b

Wahb ibn Munnabih

14, 20, 31, 51,

158

 

59, 85, 130,

150

 

189, 191, 214

 

Waraqa al-Ansari

44b

154, 166b

Wathala ibn al-

Asqa’

69

110, 125, 162,

Zadhan (or Zadan)

185

218, 219, 228,

Zayd al-Aslam

113

233, 235b,

Zayd ibn Rafic

80

255

Zayd ibn Ruman

4

215

Zayd ibn Thabit

109

108

Ziyad al-Numayri

155

39

Ziyad ibn Abi Hiyya

200

 

Zuhayr ibn

Muhammad

133, 160

 

Unknown                      24

Unknown (father of 34

Abu ‘l-Malih)

Unknown (some 108

companions)

Intermediaries

Some of the hadîth include transmission through a limited isnad, frequently with the words "min. tarlq... ’; these individuals are listed below:

83

95

34

183

24

48, 213

234

200

237

119

210

49

237

119

237

23

cAbd al-Hamid ibn Kanana cAbd al-Rahman ibn al-Harith Abu ‘l-Malih Abu Qabil cÂdî ibn Arta cAta’ al-Azraq ibn Qays Bakr ibn Madr al-Dahhak al-Harith ibn al-Khazraj Ibn Abi Talha Ishaq al-Hashimi Ishaq ibn Bashar Jafar ibn Muhammad Juwaybir

Khabib ibn cAbd al-Rahman ibn Salman Abu ‘i-A°Ts

102

102

119

Khalid

al-Layth

Muhammad (father of Jafar ibn

Muhammad)

18, 221, 222

200

200

83

108, 190

62

24

234

Mujahid

Qutayba

Sakhr ibn cAbd Allah

al-Sari ibn cAbd Allah al-Sulami

Al-Suddi

Thabit

cUbbad ibn Mansur

Unknown (man from Banu

Tammim)

 

Authorities Mentioned in Full Isnads (§68, 84 & 171) (The authorities have been left in the same order as they appear in the isnad.) 68 Abu Muhammad cAbd Allah ibn Yusuf al-Isfaham

68 Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn Sacîd ibn Fardakh al-Akhmimi

68 Abu Muhammad cAbd Allah ibn al-Fadl ibn cÀsim ibn cUmar ibn Qatada ibn al-Nucma al-Ansan

68 Abu ‘l-Fadl

68 cÀsim (father of Abu ‘l-Fadl)

68 al-Walid ibn Hamad

84 Abu cAbd Allah al-Adib

84 Abu Tahir ibn Abi Nasr al-Tajir

84 cAbd al-Rahman ibn Muhamad ibn Ishaq ibn Mandah

84 Abu cAbd Allah al-Husayn ibn Muhammad ibn al-Husayn al-Dïnawaiï

84 Abu ‘l-Qasim cAbd Allaal-JuijanT

84 Abu ‘l-Hassan Muhammad ibn cAli al-Husayn ibn al-Qasim ibn al-Hassan ibn Zayd ibn cAli ibn al-Husayn ibn cAli ibn Abi Talib

84 Ahmad ibncAbd Allah al-Shucabi al-Baghdadi

84 Al-Hassan ibn cAli al-cAskari

84 Abu cAli ibn Muhammad

84 Muhammad ibn cAli ibn Musa

84 Abu cAli ibn Musa

84 Abu Musa ibn Jacfar

84 Jacfar ibn Muhammad

84 Abu Muhammad ibn cAli

84 Abu cAli ibn al-Husayn

171 Yusuf ibn al-Mubarak ibn al-Hamil al-Khafaf

171 Muhammad ibn cAbd al-Baqi al-Ansari

171 Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn cAli ibn Thabit al-Khattib

171 Al-Qadi Abu al-cAla’ Muhammad ibn cAli al-Wasiti

171 Abu Muhammad cAbd Allah ibn Ahmad ibn cAbd Allah ibn al-Mulih al-

Sajazi

171 cAli ibn Muhammad al-Haruwi

171 cAbd al-Salam ibn Salih

171 cAli ibn Musa al-Rad i

171 Abu Musa ibn Jacfar

171 Abu Jacfar ibn Muhammad

171 Abu Muhammad ibn cAli

171 Abu cAli ibn al-Husayn

Bibliography

450

8.1     Abbreviations

8.1.1       Journals, Encyclopaedia and Monographs

AAS AB AELex AI AJCP AJSLL AO ArOr ATR BAEO BDB

African and Asian Studies

Analecta Bollandiana

Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon

Annales Islamologiques

Alif: Journal of Comparative Poetics

American Journal of Semitic Lanugages and Literatures

Acta Orientalia

Archiv Orientalni

Anglican Theological Review

Boletin de la Asociacion Espanola de Orientalistas

Brown, Driver and Briggs, A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament

BHS BJMES BSOAS CA CHAL CHI CTM DDD DSD EA EAL ED EdAM EHR EI1 EI2 EI3 EIr EJ EphThL EQ ER2 ERE EWIC FGA GAS GS HR HTR

Hebrew Bible; Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia

British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies

Cahiers Archéologiques

Cambridge History of Arabic Literature

Cambirdge History of Iran

Wensinck, Concordance et indices de la Tradition Musulmane

Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible

Dead Sea Discoveries

Etudes Asiatiques

Encyclopedia of Arabic Literature

Encyclopedia of Death

Enciclopedia dell’arte Medievale

The Economic Historical Review

Encyclopaedia of Islam (First Edition)

Encyclopaedia of Islam (Second Edition)

Encyclopaedia of Islam (Third Edition)

Encyclopaedia Iranica

Encyclopaedia Judaica

Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses

Encyclopedia of the Qur’an

Encyclopedia of Religion (Second Edition)

Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics

Encyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures

Freer Gallery of Art

Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums

Goldziher (ed. DeSomogyi), Gesammelte Schriften

History of Religions

Harvard Theological Review

 

 

HUCA

Hebrew Union College Annual

IA

Islamic Art

IC

Islamic Culture

ICMR

Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations

IIJ

Indo-Iranian Journal

IJMES

International Journal for Middle Eastern Studies

ILS

Islamic Law and Society

IOS

Israel Oriental Studies

IrS

Iranian Studies

IS

Islamic Studies

Isl.

Der Islam

JAAR

Journal of the American Academy of Religion

JAIS

Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies

JAL

Journal of Arabic Literature

JAOS

Journal of the American Oriental Society

JBL

Journal of Biblical Literature

JE

Jewish Encyclopaedia

JESHO

Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient

JHB

Journal for the History of Biology

JHMAS

Journal for the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences

JIH

Journal of Interdisciplinary History

JIS

Journal of Islamic Studies

JJRL

Journal of the John Rylands Library

JMMA

Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs

JNES

Journal of Near Eastern Studies

JQR

Jewish Quarterly Review

JQS

Journal of Qur’anic Studies

JR

Journal of Religion

JRAS

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society

JRS

Journal of Ritual Studies

JSAI

Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam

JSJ

Journal for the Study of Judaism

JSNT

Journal for the Study of the New Testament

JSOT

Journal for the Study of the Old Testament

JSP

Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha

JSQ

Jewish Studies Quarterly

JSS

Journal of Semitic Studies

LA

Ibn Manzur, Lisan al-arab

ME

Medieval Encounters

MS

Manuscript

MSR

Mamluk Studies Review

MW

Muslim World

NB

New Blackfriars

NRSV

Bible (New Revised Standard Version)

NT

Novum Testamentum

NTS

New Testament Studies

OTr

Oral Tradition

OTP

Charlesworth, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha

 

 

PAAJR

Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research

PEW

Philosophy East and West

PP

Past and Present

PT

Poetics Today

QA

Qisas al-anbiya’ [used for al-Tha’labi, al-Kisa’i & al-Rabghuzi]

RAC

Reallexikon für Antike und Chrsitentum

RB

Revue Biblique

RC

Religion Compass

RHR

Revue de l’Histoire des Religions

RMP

Rheinisches Museum für Philologie

RP

Revue Philosophique

RZBK

Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst

SI

Studia Islamica

TA

Al-Zabidî, Taj al-carus

TGUOS

Transactions of the Glasgow University Oriental Society

TPAPA

Transactions & Proceedings of the American Philological Association

UBS

Greek New Testament; United Bible Society (4th Edition)

VC

Vigiliae Christianae

VT

Vetus Testamentum

WdI

Die Welt des Islams

ZDMG

Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft

 

8.1.2       Abbreviations (Ancient Texts)

1 En. 1Th. 2En 2Cor 3Bar 3En ActsJ ApAb ApEl ApIs ApPaul ApZeph BB CantR DeutR DialSav Ezk. GenR GPhil Hag JanJam JosAsen Jub.

First Enoch (Ethiopie)

First Letter to the Thessalonians

Second Enoch (Slavonic)

Second Letter to the Corinthians

Third Baruch

Third Enoch (Hebrew)

Acts of John

Apocalypse of Abraham

Apocalypse of Elijah

Apocalypse of Isaiah

Apocalypse of Paul

Apocalypse of Zephaniah

Baba Bathra

Song of Songs (Qohelet) Rabbah

Deuteronomy Rabbah

Dialogue of the Saviour

Ezekiel

Genesis Rabbah

Gospel of Philip

Hagigah

Jannes and Jambres

Joseph and Aseneth

Book of Jubilees

Ket.

Ketuboth

LadJac

Ladder of Jacob

LAE(V)

Life of Adam and Eve (Vita)

LamR

Lamentations Rabbah

Men.

Menahot

MK

Mo’ed Katan

NumR

Numbers Rabbah

Q.

Qur’an

QuesEzra

Questions of Ezra

San.

Sanhedrin

Shab.

Shabbat

Sib. Or.

Sibylline Oracles

Ta’

Ta’anith

Tob.

Tobit

Yom

Yoma

 

8.2       Primary Sources (Muslim)

Abu Layth Samarqandî (d. 373 / 983), Kitab haqa’iq wa’-l-daqa’iq; MacDonald, John (tr.), Islamic Studies 3 (1964) pp. 285 - 308 & 485 - 519 ; 4 (1965) pp. 55 - 102 & 137 - 179 ; 5 (1966) pp. 129 - 197 & 331 - 383.

Abu Hanîfa, Wasiyyat Abi Hariïfa; Wensinck, A. J., The Muslim Creed: Its Origin and Historical Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1932) pp. 125 - 131.

al-Ashcaiï, Abu ‘l-Hasan Ahmad ibn Ibrahim, Kitab shajarat al-yaqin; Castillo Castillo, Concepcion (ed. & tr.), Kitab Sayarat al-Yaqin: Tratado de eschtologia musulmana - Estudio, ediciôn, traducciôn, notas y indices (Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura, 1987).

al-Ashcaiï, Abu ‘l-Hasan cAli ibn IsirnTTi, Maqalat al-islamiyyin; Watt, W. Montgomery (tr.), Islamic Creeds: A Selection (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994) pp. 41 - 47.

al-Baydawi, cAbd Allah ibn cUmar, Anwar al-tanzilwa-asrar al-ta’wil; Fleischer, H.

O. (ed.), Commentarius in Coranum (Leipzig: Vogel, 1846 - 1848)

al-Bayhaqi, Ahmad ibn al-Husayn, Al-Jamic shucab al-iman (Bombay: Al-Dar al- Salafiyyah, 1986).

al-Bïrüriî, Abu ‘l-Rayhan Muhammad ibn Ahmad, Kitab al-tafhim li-awa’il sinacat al-tanjim; R. Ramsey Wright, The Book of Instruction in the Elements of the Art of Astrology (London: Luzac & Co., 1934).

al-Bukhaiï, Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad ibn Ismacil; Abu Suhayb al-Karmi (ed.), Sahih al-Bukhari (Riyadh: Bayt al-Afkar al-Dawliyya, 1998).

Kitab al-ducafa’ al-saghir (Aleppo: Dar al-Wa^i, 1976).

al-Damiri, Muhammad ibn Musa, Hayat al-hayawan al-kubra (Cairo: s.n., 1963).

al-Dhahabi, Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn cUthman (attr.), Tibb al- Nabbi; Elgood, Cyril (tr.), Tibb-ul-Nabbi or Medicine of the Prophet (Bruges: Ex Officina “De Tempel”, 1962).

al-Fiqh al-akbar I; Wensinck, A. J., TheMuslim Creed: Its Origin and Historical Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1932) pp 103 - 104.

al-Fiqh al-akbar II; Wensinck, A. J., The Muslim Creed: Its Origin and Historical Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1932) pp. 188 - 197.

Watt, W. Montgomery (tr.), Islamic Creeds: A Selection (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994) pp. 62 - 68.

al-Ghayti, Najm al-Din, al-Micraj al-kablr; Jeffrey, A. (tr), A Reader on Islam (‘S- Gravenhage: Mouton & Co., 1962) pp. 621 - 639.

al-Ghazali, Abu Hamid Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Muhammad, Kitab ihya’ culum al-din. (Cairo: Matbacat cIsa al-Babi al-Halabi, 1348/1929-30)

Winter, T. J. (tr.), The Remembrance of Death and the Afterlife (Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society, 1989).

Abul Qaseem, Muhammad (tr.), The Recitation and Interpretation of the Qur’an: Al-Ghazall’s Theory (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1979).

   Al-Durra al-fakhira fl kashf culum al-akhira; Smith, Jane I. (tr.), The Precious Pearl (Missoula: Scholars’ Press, 1979).

al-Hallaj, Abu ‘l-Mughith al-Husayn ibn Mansur, Tawasln; Massignon, Louis (tr. H. Mason), The Passion of al-Hallaj: Mystic and Martyr - Vol. 3. The Teaching of Al-Hallaj (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982) pp. 282 - 326.

Ibn Abi ‘l-Dunya (reconstructed Leah Kinberg), Kitab al-mawt wa-kitab al-qubur (Haifa: University of Haifa, 1983).

Ibn al-cArabi, Muhyi al-Din, Kitab canqa’ mughrib; Gerald T. Elmore, Islamic Sainthood in the Fullness of Time: Ibn al-cArabl’s Book of the Fabulous Gryphon. (Leiden: Brill, 1999).

Ibn ‘Ata’ Allah, Ahmad ibn Muhammad, Kitab al-hikam; Victor Danner (tr.), Ibn cAta ’illah’s Sufi Aphorisms (Leiden: Brill, 1973).

Ibn Ishaq, Muhammad, Slrat Rasul Allah; Guillaume, A. (tr), The Life of Muhammad (Repr. Lahore : Oxford University Press, 2006).

Ibn Khaldun, cAbd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Maghribi (ed. Mustafa Fahmi al- Kutbi), al-Muqaddima min al-kitab al-cibar wa-‘l-diwan wa-‘l-akhbar fl ayyam al-carab wa-‘l-ajam wa-‘l-barbar wa-man casarahum min dhawl al-sultan al- akbar wa-huwa tarlkh wahld casrih (Cairo: Matbacat al-Taqaddam bi-Sharh Muhammad cAli, n.d.).

Rosenthal, Franz (tr.), The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History (Second Edition) (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967).

Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-acyan wa-anbac abna ’ al-zaman; (tr. MacGukin de Slane), Ibn Khallikan’s Biographical Dictionary (London: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1842 - 1871).

Ibn Maj ah, Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad ibn Yazid al-Qazwîriî (ed. Muhammad Fucad cAbd al-Baqi), Sunan ibn Majah (Cairo: Babi al-Halabi, s.d.).

Ibn Manzur, Abu ‘l-Fadl Jamal al-Dina Muhammad ibn Mukarram al-Afriqi, Lisan al-cArab (Bulaq: al-Matbaca al-Kubra al-Miriyya, 1300 - 1308 / 1883 - 1891).

Ibn al-Marzuban, Kitab fadl al-kilab cala kathlr mimman labisa al-thiyab; Smith, G. R. & Abdel Haleem, M. A. S. (eds. & trs.), The Book of the Superiority of Dogs over many of those who wear clothes (Warminster: Aris & Philips Ltd., 1978).

Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyah, Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr, Kitab shifa ’ al-alil fi masa ’il al-qada’ wa’l-qadar wa’l-himah wa-’l-ta’lil (Riyadh : Maktabat al-Riyad al- Haditha, 1323 / 1905).

Kitab al-ruh fi ‘l-kalam cala arwah al-amwat wa-‘l-ahya ’ bi-‘l-dala ’il min al- Kitab wa-‘l-sunnah wa-‘l-athar wa-‘l-aqwal al-culama’ al-akhyar (Hyderabad: Matbacat Majlis Da’irat al-Macarif al-cUthmamyya, 1357 / 1939).

Ibn al-Sabbagh, Muhammad ibn cAli, Durrat al-asrar wa-tuhfat al-abrar; Elmer H. Douglas (tr.), The Mystical Teachings of al-Shadhili (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993).

Ibn al-Salah al-Shahrazuri, Kitab macrifat anwac cilm al-hadith; E. Dickinson (tr.), An Introduction to the Science of the Hadith - Kitab macrifat anwac cilm al-hadith (Reading: Garnet Publishing, 2005).

Ibn Sina, Abu cAli al-Husayn ibn cAbd Allah, Kitab al-shifa ’; Michael E. Marmura (ed. & tr.), Avicenna: The Metaphysics of The Healing (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 2005)

Ibn Taymiyya, Taqi al-Dm Abu ‘l-cAbbas Ahmad ibn cAbd al-Halim ibn cAbd al- Salam, ‘Ma taqulu al-sada al-aclam’ in cAbd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Qasim al-cAsimi and Muhammad ibn cAbd al-Rahman ibn Qasim (eds.), Majmuc fatawa Shaykh al-Islam Ahmad ibn Taymiyya (Mecca & Riyadh: Matabic al-Riyad, 1961 - 1967) Vol. 11, pp. 558 - 586.

Kitab al-sama wa-‘l-raqs; Michot, Jean R., Musique et Danse selon Ibn Taymiyya: Le Livre de Samâ’ et de la Danse (Kitâb al-Samâ’ wa-‘l-Raqs) compile par le Saykh Muhammad al-Manbiji (Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, 1991).

Ibn Tufayl, Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn cAbd al-Malik, Risalat Hayy ibn Yaqzan (Beirut: Al-Matbacat al-Kâthülïkiya, 1963).

Ikhwan al-Safa’, Rasa ’ilIkhwan al-Safa ’ (Beirut: Dar Sadir, n.d.).

al-Jahiz, Abi cUthman cAmr ibn Bahr, Kitab al-hayawan (Cairo: Mustafa al-Bâbî al- Halabi, 1939 - 1945).

al-Jalalayn [al-Mahallî, Jalal al-Dîn ibn Muhammad ibn Ahmad & al-Suyuti, Jalal al- Dîn cAbd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr], Tafsir al-Qur’an (s.i.: Maktabat al- Muthanna, c. 1920).

al-Jawâlïqî, Abu Mansur ibn Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn al-Khidr (ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir), Al-Mucarrab min al-kalam al-acjami cala curuf al-mucjam (Tehran; s.n., 1966).

al-Jazuli, Muhammad ibn Sulayman, Dala’ilal-khayrat (si.: s. n, s.d).

al-Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr Muhamad, Kitab al-Tacarruf li-madhhab ahl al-tasawwuf;

Arberry, A. J. (tr.), The Doctrine of the Siifis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977).

al-Kindi, Yacqub ibn Ishaq, Kitab A kimiya’ al-citr wa-‘l-tascidat (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1948).

al-Kisa’i, Muhammad ibn cAbd Allah, Qisas al-anbiya’; Eisenberg, Isaac (ed.), Qisas al-anbiya’ (Leiden: Brill, 1922 - 1923).

Kitab ahwal al-qiyama; Wolff, M., Muhammedanische Eschatologie (Leipzig: Commissions- verlag von F. A. Brockhaus, 1872).

al-Mahalli, Jalal al-Din ibn Muhammad ibn Ah mad, Tafsir al-Qur’an, see al- Jalalayn.

Malik ibn Anas, al-Muwatta’; Muwatta’ al-imam Mâlik wa-sharhuhu tanwlr al- hawalik (Cairo: Matbacat al-Akhira, 1370 / 1951).

Bewley, Aisha Abdurrahman (tr.), Al-Muwatta of Imam Malik ibn Anas: The First Formulation of Islamic Law (Granada: Madinah Press, 1992).

al-Mascudi, Abu ‘l-Hasan cAli ibn al-Husayn ibn cAli (ed. cAbd al-Amir cAli Muhanna), Muruj al-dhahab wa-macadin al-jawahir, (Beirut: Mu’sassat al- Aclamiyya li-‘l-Mutbucat, 1421/2000).

Micrajnama; de Courteille, Abel Pavet (ed. & tr.), Mirâj-Nâmeh: Récit de l’Ascension de Mahomet au Ciel Composé A.H. 840 (1436/1437) (repr. Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1975).

al-Muhâsibï, al-Harith ibn Asad, Kitab al-tawahhum; Roman, André (ed. & tr.), Une Vision Humaine des Fins Dernières (Paris: Librairie Klincksieck, 1978).

Muslim, Ibn al-Hajjaj al-Qushayri, Sahh Sahih Muslim bi-sharh al-Nawawl (Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-cArabi).

al-Nasafi, Najm al-Din Abu Hafs, 'Aqlda: Watt, W. Montgomery (tr.), Islamic Creeds: A Selection (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994) pp. 80 - 85.

al-Nawawi, Abu Zakariyya Yahya ibn Sharaf, Al-Tibyan fl adab hamalat al-Qur’an; Furber, Musa (tr.), Etiquette of the Qur’an: Al-Tibyan fl adab hamalat al- Qur’an (Illinois: Starlatch, 2003).

Matn al-arbacln; Abdassamad Clarke (tr.), The Complete Forty Hadith (London: Ta-Ha, 1998).

al-Qabïsï, Abu al-Saqr cAbd al-cAziz ibn cUthman cAli al-Mawsili (ed. & tr. Charles Burnett &al.), Kitab al-mudhal ila sinacat ahkam al-nujum (London & Turin: The Warburg Institute & Nino Aragno Editore, 2004).

al-Qadi, cAbd al-Rahim ibn Ahmad, Daqa ’iq ai-akhbarp dhikr al-janna wa-‘l-nar; A’isha cAbd al-Rahman at-Taijumana (sic) (tr.), Islamic Book of the Dead (Norwich: Diwan Press, 1977).

al-Qayrawani, Ibn Abi Zayd, Risala; Watt, W. Montgomery (tr.), Islamic Creeds: A Selection (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994) pp. 69 - 72.

al-Qazwïriî, Zakariya ibn Muhammad ibn Mahmud, Aja ’ib al-makhluqat wa ghara ’ib al-mawjudat (Cairo: Mustafa al-Babi al-Halabi, 1956).

al-Qurtubi, Abi cAbd Allah Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Ansari, Al-Jamic li-ahkam al- Qur’an (Cairo: MatbacatDaral-Kutub al-Misriyya, 1357-1369/1938-1950).

al-Rabghuzi, Nasir al-Din ibn Burhan al-Din; Boeschoten, H. E., O’Kane, J. & Vandamme, M., Al-Rabghuzl: The Stories of the Prophets - Qisas al-anbiya ’ - An Eastern Turkish Version (Leiden: Brill, 1995).

al-Razi, Fakhr al-Din Muhammad ibn cUmar, Mafatlh al-ghayb [Tafslr] (Cairo: s. n., 1889 - 1891).

Kitab al-arbacln fl usül al-dln (Hyderabad: Matbacat Majlis Da’irat al-Macarif al-cUthmâriîyah, 1353 / 1934).

al-Sakhawi, Shams al-Din Muhammad ibn cAbd al-Rahman, Al-Daw’ al-lamic li-ahl al-qarn al-tasic (Beirut: Dar al-Maktaba bi-‘l-hayat, 1966).

al-Shahrastani, Abu ‘l-Fath Muhammad ibn cAbd al-Kanm (ed. M. Tufiq), Al-Milal wa-‘l-nihal (Cario: Matbacat Hijazi bi-‘l-Qahira, 1948).

al-Sulami, Abu cAbd al-Rahman, Mas’ala bayan lata ’if al-micraj; Colby, Frederick S. (ed. & tr.), The Subtleties of the Ascension: Early Mystical Sayings on Muhammad’s Heavnely Journey (Louisville: Fons Vitae, 2006).

al-Suyutî, Jalal al-Dîn cAbd al-Rahman, (ed. Muhammad Abu ‘l-Fadl Ibrâhîm), Kitab ithaf al-khasa bi-fada’il al-masjid al-aqsa; tr. Reynolds, James, The History of the Temple of Jerusalem (London: A. J. Valpy, 1836).

Al-Itqan T culüm al-Qur’an (Cairo: Maktabat wa-Matbacat al-Mashhad al- Husaynî, s.d.) al-Mutawakkilî; Bell, William Y. (ed & tr.), The Mutawakkili of as-Suyuti (Cairo: Nile Mission Press, 1924).

Sunan al-Nasa ’î bi-sharh al-hafiz Jalal al-Dîn al-Suyütî wa-hashiyyat al-imam al-Sindî (Cairo: al-Matbacat al-Misriyya, 1348/1930).

cAmalal-yawm wa-‘l-layla (Cairo: Mustafa al-Babi Halabi, 1946).

Muwatta ’ al-Imam Malik wa-sharhuhu tanwîr al-hawalik (Cairo: Matbacat al- akhîra, 1370 / 1951).

Tarîkh al-khulafa’ (Cairo: Maktabat al-Tajariyya al-Kubrâ, 1389 / 1969).

Tahdhir al-khawass min akadhib al-qussas (Riyadh: al-Maktab al-Islami, 1972).

Al-Iqtirahfîcilm usülal-nahw (Istanbul: Jamicat Istanbul, 1975).

Al-Tahadduth bi-nicmat Allah; Sartain, E. M. (ed.), Jalal al-Dîn al-Suyütî: Biography and Background (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975). Asrar tartîb al-Qur’an (Cairo: Dâr al-Ictisam, 1396 / 1976).

Jarret, H. S. (tr.), History of the Caliphs (repr. Karachi: Krimsons, 1977).

Lubab al-taqül fîasbab al-nuzül (Tunis: Dâr al-Tunisiyya, 1981).

al-Hay’a al-sanîya fî 'l-hay’a al-sunnîya; Heinen, Anton M. (tr. & ed.), Islamic Cosmology: A Study of as-Suyütî’s al-Hay ’a as-sanîya fi l-hay’a as-sunnîya (Beirut: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1982).

Ayat al-kursîmacâmhâ wa-fada ’iluha (Cairo: Dâr al-‘Itisad,1983).

Al-Tacallulwa’l-itfa’ li-nar al-tutfa’ (al-Zarqa’: Maktabat al-Manar, 1987).

Bushra al-ka’îb bi-liqa’ al-habîb (al-Zarqa’: Maktabat al-Manar, 1988).

Al-Haba’ik fî akhbar al-mala’ik; (ed.) Muhammad al-Sacîd ibn Basyûriî Zaghlul (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-cIlmîyya, 1408 / 1988).

Al-Qawl al-jaliyy fîfada ’il cAlî (Beirut: Mu’ssasat Nadir, 1990).

Al-Husn al-maqsid fî camal al-mawlid; Kaplan, N. J. (tr.), Muhammad’s Birthday Festival: Early History in the Central Muslim Lands and the Development in the Muslim West until the 10th / 16th Century (Leiden: Brill, 1993) pp. 48 - 67.

Al-Dibaj cala Sahîh Muslim ibn Hajjaj (al-Khubar: Dar ibn cAffan, 1996). Al-Durr al-manthür fî ‘l-tafsîr bi-‘l-ma’thür (Beirut: Dar al-macrifa, s. d.).

Kitab al-Itqan fî culüm al-Qur’an (Cairo: Maktabat wa-Matbacat al-Mashad al- Husayni, s.d.).

Sawn al-mantiq wa-‘l-kalam canfann al-mantiq wa-‘l-kalam (Beirut: Dar al- Kutub al-cIlmiyya, s.d.).

ATiJabd'ikfi akhbar al-mala’ik; Or. 474(28) fol. 187v - 245r, University of Leiden.

Tafsîr al-Qur’an, see al-Jalalayn.

al-Tabari, Abu Jafar Muhammad ibn Jarir, Jamic al-bayan can ta’wîl al-Qur’an (Cairo: s.n., 1388/1968).

Muhammad Abu ‘l-Fadl Ibrahîm (ed.), Ta’rîkh al-rusul wa-‘l-mulük; (Cairo: Dar al-Macarif bi-Misr, 1960).

Rosenthal, Franz (tr.), The History of Al-Tabari: Volume 1 - From the Creation to the Flood (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989).

Brinner, W. M. (tr.), The History of al-Tabari: Volume III - The Children of Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991).

Poonawala, Ismail K. (tr.), The History of al-Tabari: Vol. IX - The Last Years of the Prophet (New York: State University of New York Press, 1990).

al-Tahawi, cAqida; Watt, W. Montgomery (tr.), Islamic Creeds: A Selection (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994) pp. 48 - 56.

al-Tawhidi, cAli ibn Muhammad Abu Hayyan Kitab al-imla wa-‘l-mu’anasa; Kopf, L. (tr.), ‘The Zoological Chapter of the Kitab of Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi (10th Century)’ Osiris 12 (1956) pp. 390 - 466.

al-Thaclabi, Abi Ishaq Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrahim, cAra’is al-majalis fi qisas al-anbiya’ (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-cIlmiyya, 1985).

William M. Brinner (tr.), cAra’is al-majalis fi qisas al-anbiya’ or “Lives of the Prophets” (Leiden: Brill, 2002).

al-Waqidi, Muhammad ibn cUmar, Kitab al-maghazi; Jones, Marsden (ed.), Al- Waqidi: Kitab al-maghazi (London: Oxford University Press, 1966).

Yahya ibn Adam, Kitab al-kharaj (Cairo: al-Matbacat al-Salafiyya wa-maktabtuma, 1347 / 1928-9).

al-Zabidî, Muhammad ibn Muhammad Murtada, Taj al-carus min jawahir al-qamus (Kuwait: Matbacat Hukuma al-Kuwayt, 1965 - 2001).

al-Zamakhshaiï, Abu ‘l-Qasim Jarr Allah Mahmud cUmar, Al-Kashshaf can haqa’iq al-tanzil wa-cuyun al-aqawilfiwujuh al-ta’wil (Cairo: Matbaca al-Kubra, 1318 - 1319).

8.3       Primary Sources (Non-Muslim)

1     Enoch; Isaac, E., ‘1 (Ethiopic Apocalypse of) Enoch’ in James R. Charlesworth

(ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985) Volume 1, pp. 5 - 89.

2      Enoch; Andersen, F. I., ‘2 (Slavonic Apocalypse of) Enoch’ in James R.

Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985) Volume 1, pp. 91 - 213.

3      Baruch; Gaylord, H. E., Jr., ‘3 (Greek Apocalypse of) Baruch’ in James R.

Charlesworth (ed.). The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985) Volume 1, pp. 653 - 679.

3 Enoch; Alexander, P., ‘3 (Hebrew Apocalypse of) Enoch’ in James R. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985), Volume 1, pp. 223 - 315.

4Q491 (War Scroll); Baillet, M (ed.); Wise, M., Abegg, M. and Cook, E., with Gordon, N. (trs.), ‘4Q491’ in Donald W. Barry and Emmanuel Tov (eds.), The Dead Sea Scrolls Reads: Texts Concerned with Religious Law (Leiden: Brill, 2004)pp.249 - 265.

Acts of John; Schaferdiek, Knut, ‘The Acts of John’ in W. Schneemelcher (ed.) (tr. R. McL. Wilson), New Testament Apocrypha (Cambridge: James Clark, 1992) Volume 2, p. 152 - 212.

Apocalypse of Abraham; Rubinkiewicz, R (tr.) and Lunt, H. G. (rev.) ‘Apocalypse of Abraham’ in James R. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985) Volume 1, pp. 681 - 705.

Apocalypse of Elijah; Wintermute, O. S., ‘Apocalypse of Elijah’ in James R. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985) Volume 1, pp. 721 - 753.

Apocalypse of Paul; Duensing, Hugo and Aurelio de Santos Otero (trs.) ‘The Apocalypse of Paul' in W. Schneemelcher (ed.) (tr. R. McL. Wilson), New Testament Apocrypha (Cambridge: James Clark, 1992) Volume 2, pp. 712 - 748.

Apocalypse of Zephaniah; Wintermute, O. S., ‘The Apocalypse of Zehpaniah’ in James R. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985) Volume 1, pp. 497 - 515.

Berakoth; Simon, Maurice (tr.), Berakoth (London: Soncino Press, 1948); from the series I. Epstein (ed.), The Babylonian Talmud.

Bekoroth; Miller, L. and Simon, Maurice (trs.), Bekoroth (London: Soncino Press, 1948); from the series I. Epstein (ed.), The Babylonian Talmud.

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Mount Sinai Codex 151; Staal, H. (ed.), Mt. Sinai Codex 151 - I:Pauline Epistles (Louvain: E. Peeters, 1983).

Book of Elchasai; Irmshcer, Johannes, ‘Book of Elchasai’ in W. Schneemelcher (ed.) (tr. R. McL. Wilson), New Testament Apocrypha (Cambridge: James Clark, 1992) Volume 2, p. 685 - 690.

Callimachus, Eiç Ano/./.ova; William, F., Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo: A Commentary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978).

Canons of the Council of Laodicea; Pervical, H.enry, R., ‘Synod of Laodicea’ in Henry R. Percival (ed. & tr.), The Seven Ecumencial Councils of the Undivided Church (Repr. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1960), pp. 123 - 160.

Coptic Gospel of Thomas; Blatz, Beate, ‘The Coptic Gospel of Thomas’ in W. Schneemelcher (ed.) (tr. R. McL. Wilson), New Testament Apocrypha (Cambridge: James Clark, 1992) Volume 1, pp. 110 - 113.

Enûma Elish; Heidel, Alexander (tr.), The Babylonian Genesis: The Story of the Creation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942).

Deuteronomy Rabbah; Rabbinowitz, J. (tr.), in H. Freedman & Maurice Simon (eds.), Midrash Rabbah (London: Soncino Press, 1939) Volume 7.

Dialogue of the Saviour; Blatz, Beate & Thomassen, Einar (tr.), ‘The Dialogue of the Savior’ in W. Schneemelcher (ed.) (tr. R. McL. Wilson), New Testament Apocrypha (Cambridge: James Clark, 1992) Volume 1, pp. 300 - 312.

Exodus Rabbah; Lehrman, S. M. (tr.), in H. Freedman & Maurice Simon (eds.), MidrashRabbah (London: Soncino Press, 1939) Volume 3.

Genesis Rabbah; Freedman, H. (tr.), in H. Freedman & Maurice Simon (eds.), Midrash Rabbah (London: Soncino Press, 1939) Volumes 1 & 2.

Gospel of Philip; Schenke, Hans-Martin, ‘The Gospel of Philip’ in W. Schneemelcher (ed.) (tr. R. McL. Wilson), New Testament Apocrypha (Cambridge: James Clark, 1992) Volume 1, pp. 179 - 208.

Hagigah; Abrahams, I. (tr.), Hagigah (London: Soncino Press, 1938); from the series I. Epstein (ed.), The Babylonian Talmud.

Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium; Marcovich, Miroslav (ed.), Hippolytus: Refutatio Ominum Haeresium (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1986).

History of Joseph the Carpenter; Cowper, B. Harris (tr.), The Apocryphal Gospels (London: David Nutt, 1897) pp. 99 - 127.

Jannes and Jambres; Pietersma, A & Lutz, R. T., ‘Jannes and Jambres’ in James R. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985) Volume 2, pp. 427 - 442.

Joseph andAseneth; Burchard, C., ‘Joseph and Aseneth’ in James R. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985) Volume 2, pp. 177 - 247.

Kethboth; Slotki, Israel W. (tr.), Kethboth (Chapters VII - XIII) (London: Soncino Press, 1936); from the series, I. Epstein (ed.), The Babylonian Talmud.

Ladder of Jacob; Lunt, H. G., ‘Ladder of Jacob’ in James R. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985) Volume 2, pp. 401 - 411.

Lamentations Rabbah; Rabbinowitz, J. (tr.), in H. Freedman & Maurice Simon (eds.), Midrash Rabbah (London: Soncino Press, 1939) Volume 7.

Life of Adam and Eve; Johnson, M. D., ‘Life of Adam and Eve’ in James R. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985) Volume 2, pp. 249 - 295.

Niddah; Slotki, Israel W. (tr.). Niddah (London: Soncino Press, 1948); from the series I. Epstein (ed.), The Babylonian Talmud.

Numbers Rabbah; Slotki, Judah J. (tr.), in H. Freedman & Maurice Simon (eds.), Midrash Rabbah (London: Soncino Press, 1939) Volumes 5 & 6.

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Pseudo-Philo; Harrington, D. J., ‘Pseudo-Philo’ in James R. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985), Volume 2, pp. 297 - 377.

Questions of Ezra; Stone, M. E. (tr.), ‘Questions of Ezra’ Enoch’ in James R. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1983 - 1985) Volume 1, pp. 591 - 679.

Sanhedrin; Freedman H. (tr.), Sanhedrin (London: Soncino Press, 1935); from the series I. Epstein (ed.), The Babylonian Talmud.

Sefer ha-Shicur; Cohen, Martin Samuel, The Shicur Qomah: Texts and Recensions (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1995) pp. 27 - 37.

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[I] Zwemer, Samuel M., ‘The Worship of Adam by Angels (With Reference to Hebrews 1.6)’MW 27 (1937) pp. 115 - 127, p. 115.

[II] Eickmann, Walther, Die Angelologie und Damonologie des Korans im Vergleich zu der Engel- und Geisterlehre der Heiligen Schrift (New York & Leipzig: Verlag Paul Eger, 1908); Eichler, Paul Arno, Die Dschinn, Teufel und Engel im Koran (Leipzig: Klein, 1928). These are both focused on the Qur’an rather than than hadïth; there is also a short, but fairly basic, article on Jewish, Christian and Islamic angelology: Bishop, Eric F. F., ‘Angelology in Judaism, Christianity and Islam’ ATR 46 (1964) pp. 142 - 154.

[III]            Murata, Sachiko, ‘The Angels’ in Seyyed Hossein Nasr (ed.), Islamic Spirituality: Foundations (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987) pp. 324 - 344, p. 324.

[IV]            Belief in angels features in many of the credal statements: cf. Al-Ashcan §1 & 24; al-Tahawi §20 & 24; al-Fiqh al-akbar II §1; Al-Qayrawani §28 and al-Nasafi §23; Watt, W. Montgomery, Islamic Creeds (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994) pp. 41, 43, 52 - 54, 62, 72 & 83. In the contemporary world, disbelief in angels is still regarded as leading to kufr; for example, it was cited (fairly or unfairly) in the case of Nasr Abu Zayd; see Najjar, Fauzi M., ‘Islamic Fundamentalism and the Intellectuals: The Case of Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd’ BJMES 27 (2000) pp. 177 - 200, p. 194.

[V] Q 2:97; Arberry, A. J., The Koran Interpreted (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 12; cf. Q 2:161, 177, 285 and 4:136; see also Abdel Haleem, M. A. S., ‘Qur’an and Hadith’ in Tim Winter (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Classical Islamic Theology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008) pp. 19 - 32, p. 27 and Boubakeur, Hamza, Traité moderne de théologie islamqiue (Paris: Editions Maisonneuve & Larose, 1985) pp. 63 - 71.

[VI]            Cf. al-Zabïdï, Muhammad ibn Muhammad Murtada’, Taj al-arus min jawahïr al-qamus. (Kuwait: Matbacat Hukuma al-Kuwayt, 1965 - 2001) vol. 28, pp. 45 - 4; see also Reichmuth, Stefan, ‘Murtada al-Zabïdï (D. 1791) in Biographical and Autobiographical Accounts. Glimpses of Islamic Scholarship in the 18th Century’ Wdl 39 (1999) pp. 64 - 102.

[VII]           Jeffery, Arthur, The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur’an (Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1938).

[VIII]          cf. Noldeke, Theodor with Schwally, Friedrich, Geschichte des Qorans (Repr. Hildescheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1962) pp. 6 - 20; Torrey, C. C., The Jewish Foundation of Islam (New York: Jewish Institute of Religion Press, 1933) and Bell, Richard, The Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment (London: Macmillan, 1926); prior to these, there were a number of more polemic studies, obvious examples include Geiger, Abraham, Was hat Mohammed aus dem Judenthume aufgenommen. (Repr. Leipzig: M. W. Kaufmann, 1902); Tisdal, William St. Clair, The Original Sources of the Qur’ân (London: SPCK, 1905) and Speyer, Heinrich, Die Biblische Erzâhlungen im Qoran (Repr. Hildescheim: Georg Olms, 1988).

[IX]            These polemic works often attributed ‘sources’ to the Qur’an without much analysis. They often made connections between the Qur’an and Jewish or Christian works simply on account of a similar theme. The establishment of parallels in source criticism was also popular in Old Testament Studies, where links were made between the Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern texts. For a discussion of the problems of establishing parallels between two different texts, see Sandmel, Samuel, ‘Parallelomania’ JBL 81 (1962) pp. 1 - 13.

[X]  E.g. Newby, Gordon D., ‘The Drowned Son: Midrash and Midrash Making in the Qur’an and TafsïF in William M. Brinner & Steven D. Ricks (eds.), Studies in Islamic and Judaic Traditions (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986) vol. 1, pp. 19 - 32; Waldman, Marilyn Robinson, ‘New Approaches to “Biblical” Materials in the Qur’an’ in Brinner & Ricks (eds.), Studies in Islamic and Judaic Traditions, vol. 1, pp. 47 - 64; Sachedina, Abdulaziz, ‘Early Muslim Traditionists and their Familiarity with Jewish Sources’ TafslF in Brinner & Ricks (eds.), Islamic and Judaic Traditions, vol. 2, pp. 49 - 59; Halperin, David J., The Faces of the Chariot: Early Jewish Responses to Ezekiel’s Vision (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1988) pp. 467 - 476 and Wagtendonk, Kees, ‘The Stories of David in al-Thaclabï’s Qisas al-anbiya” in Robert Mantran (ed.), La signification du Bas Moyen Age dans l’histoire et la culture du monde musulman: Actes du 8eme Congrès de l’Union Européenne des Arabisants et Islamisants, Aix-en-Provence, 1976 (Aix-en-Provence : Edisud, 1978) pp. 343 - 352.

[XI] Wasserstorm, Steven M., Between Muslim and Jew: The Problem of Symbiosis under Early Islam (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995) and Wassertrom, Steven M., ‘Jewish Pseudepigrapha and Qisas al-Anbiya’’ in Benjamin H. Hary, John L. Hayes and Fred Astern (eds.), Judaism and Islam: Boundaries, Communication and Interactions: Essays in Honor of William M. Brinner (Leiden: Brill, 2000) pp. 237 - 253.

[XII] For example, Brannon Wheeler concludes in his study of Moses in tafsir that early scholars actively used Jewish and Christian material: ‘The Muslim exegetical use of the Torah, Gospel, and other non- Quranic sources does not appear to be a confused or haphazard “borrowing” of Jewish and Christian ideas.’ Wheeler, Brannon M., Moses in the Qur ’an and Islamic Exegesis (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002) p. 123.

[XIII]          Cf. Seligsohn, M., ‘Adam’ EI1 vol. 1, p. 127; Zwemer, ‘The Worship of Adam by Angels’; Pederson, J. ‘Adam’ EI2 vol. 1, pp. 176 - 178; MacDonald, D. B., ‘Malaika’ 189; Husayn, Muhammad Kamil, ‘Story of Adam’ MW 54 (1964) pp. 4 - 13; Jung, Leo, ‘Fallen Angels in Jewish, Christian and Mohammedan Literature’ JQR 15 (1925) pp. 467 - 502; 16 (1926) pp. 45 -88; 171 - 205; 287 - 336; Schimmel, Annemarie, ‘Creation and Judgement in the Koran and in Mystico- Poetical Interpretation’ from Schimmel & Falaturi (eds.), We Believe in One God (London: Burns & Oates, 1979) pp. 148 - 180; Tottoli, Roberto ‘Muslim Attitudes to Prostration (sujud). 1. Arabs and Prostration at the beginning of Islam and in the Qur’an’ SI 88 (1998) 5 - 34 and Mir, Mustansir, ‘Adam in the Qur’an and Islamic Literature’ IC 62 (1998) pp. 1 - 11.

[XIV]          Cf. Vadet, J.-C., ‘La création et 1’investiture de l’homme dans le sunnisme ou la légende d’Adam chez al-Kisâ’ï’SI 42 (1975), pp. 5 - 38, pp. 27-28; Kister, M.J., ‘Adam: A study of some legends in tafsir and hadith literature’ IOS 13 (1993) pp. 113 - 174; Chipman, Leigh N. B., ‘Adam and the Angels: An Examination of Mythic Elements in Islamic Sources’ Arabica 93 (2001) pp. 5 - 25; Chipman, Leigh N. B., ‘Mythic Aspects of the Process of Adam’s creation’ Arabica 49 (2002) pp. 429 - 455 and Wassertrom, ‘Jewish Pseudepigrapha’.

[XV]           Cf. Seligsohn, ‘Adam’ p. 127 and Pederson, ‘Adam’ p. 177.

[XVI]          Tisdall, Sources, p. 196; cf. Speyer, Erzahlungen, pp. 54 - 58 and Katsh, Abraham, Judaism in Islam (New York: New York University Press, 1954) pp. 32 - 33.

[XVII]         Kister, ‘Àdam’, p. 115.

[XVIII]        Schimmel, ‘Creation and Judgement’ pp. 159 - 160.

[XIX] The most notable example is al-Hallaj, Abu ‘l-Mughith al-Husayn ibn Mansur, Tawasin; Massignon, Louis (tr. H. Mason), The Passion of al-Hallaj: Mystic and Martyr - Vol. 3. The Teaching of Al-Hallaj (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982) pp. 282 - 326, especially pp. 306 - 316. See also Awn, Peter, Satan’s Tragedy and Redemption: Iblis in Sufi Psychology (Leiden: Brill, 1983) for a full discussion of this theme.

[XX]           Tottoli, ‘Attitudes to Prostration’.

[XXI]          E.g. Mir, ‘Adam in the Qur’an’ and Chipman, ‘Mythic aspects’.

[XXII]         Islamic eschatology will be dealt with below.

[XXIII]        The Egyptologist Wallis Budge also suggests that Islamic angelology may be related to Egyptian polytheism; see Budge, Wallis E. A., The Gods of the Egyptians (repr. New York: Dover, 1969) vol. 1, p. 6.

[XXIV]        Chelhod, Joseph, Les Structures du Sacré chez les Arabes (Paris: G. P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 1965); Waardenburg, J., ‘Changes of Belief in Spiritual Beings, Prophethood and the Rise of Islam’ in Hans G. Kippenburg (ed.), Struggles of Gods: Papers of the Groningen Work Group for the Study of the History of Religions (Berlin: Mouton, 1984) pp. 259 - 290 and Welch, Alford T., ‘Allah and Other Supernatural Beings: The Emergence of the Qur’anic doctrine of tawhid’ JAAR 47 (1979) pp. 733 - 758; see also Hawting, G. R., The Idea of Idolatry and the Emergence of Islam: From Polemic to History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).

[XXV]         Cf. Q 34:40; 37:149 - 152; 43:19; 45:43 and 53:21.

[XXVI]        Evolutionist views consider societies to be ‘.. .in a process of evolution during which they became more complex and more rational and less simple and “primitive”; but some seemed to have got stuck at lower steps of the escalator.’ Gellner, David N., ‘Anthropological Approaches’ in Peter Connolly and Ninian Smart (eds.), Approaches to the Study of Religion (London: Cassell, 1999) pp. 10 - 41, p. 10.

[XXVII]       Cf. ‘It should be obvious from my summary of Noldeke and Schwally’s work that, plausible as their scheme may seem, it is based on very little hard-and-fast evidence. In fact, many of the surahs are extremely hard to date accurately.’ Robinson, Neal, Discovering the Qur’an: A Contemporary Approach to a Veiled Text (London: SCM Press Ltd., 1996) p. 80; for more on Western dating of the verses see pp. 76 - 96.

[XXVIII]      Welch, ‘Allah and Other Supernatural Beings’ p. 750.

[XXIX]        Welch, ‘Allah and Other Supernatural Beings’ p. 748.

[XXX]         See Section 2.2 for a discussion of these themes.

[XXXI]        Other accounts of the origins and development of Arabian monotheism do not force angelology into a developmental framework; Watt’s ‘High God Theory’ is the most notable; see, Watt, W. Montgomery, ‘Belief in a “High God” in pre-Islamic Arabia’ JSS 16 (1971) pp. 35 - 40, p. 40; see also Watt, W. Montgomery, ‘The Qur’an and belief in a “High God”’ Isl. 56 (1979) pp. 205 - 211 and Fahd, Toufic, Panthéon de l'Arabie centrale à la veille de l'hégire (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1968).

[XXXII]       Hawting, Idea of Idolatry, pp. 130 - 149.

[XXXIII]      Hawting, Idea of Idolatry, pp. 146 - 147.

[XXXIV]      See section 2.1 for a longer discussion of angelic nomenclature.

[XXXV]       Angelolatry was evidently a problem for the Early Church with the Council of Laodicea (343 - 381) explicitly banning the practice; see Canon §35: ‘Christians must not forsake the Church of God, and go away and invoke angels and gather assemblies, which things are forbidden. If, therefore, any one shall be found engaged in this covert idolatry, let him be anathema; for he has forsaken our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and has gone over to idolatry.’ Percival, Henry R., (tr.), ‘Synod of Laodicea’ in Henry R. Percival (ed. & tr.), The Seven Ecumencial Councils of the Undivided Church (Repr. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1960), pp. 123 - 160, p. 151.

[XXXVI]      Cf. Healey, John F., The Religion of the Nabateans: A Conspectus (Leiden: Brill, 2001) pp. 80 - 119 and Ryckmans, Jacques, ‘Le Panthéon de l’Arabie du Sud Pré-Islamique’ RHR 206 (1989) pp. 151 - 170, pp. 155 - 156.

[XXXVII]     For a good overview, see Chittick, William C., ‘Eschatology’ in Nasr (ed.), Islamic Spirituality: Foundations, pp. 378 - 409; Hermansen, Marcia, ‘Eschatology’ in Tim Winter (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Islamic Theology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008) pp. 308 -324 and Danner, Victor, ‘The Last Days in Judaism, Christianity and Islam’ in Arvind Sharma (ed.), Fragments of Infinity: Essays in Religion and Philosophy - A Festschrift in Honour of Professor Huston Smith (Bridport: Prism, 1991) pp. 63 - 86; as well as various articles in encyclopaedias, e.g. Gardet, L., ‘Kiyama’ EI2, vol. 5, pp. 235 - 238; Leemhuis, F., ‘Apocalypse’ EQ vol. 1, pp. 111 - 114; and Lewinstein, Keith, ‘Gog and Magog’ EQ, vol. 2, pp. 331 - 333.

[XXXVIII]    Cf. Makino, Shinya, Creation and Termination: a semantic study of the Structure of the Qur’anic World View (Tokyo: The Keio Institute of Cultural and Linguistic Studies, 1970); Galloway, D., ‘The Resurrection and Judgment in Qur’an’ MW 12 (1922) pp. 348 - 372; Kinberg, L., ‘Interaction between this world and the after world in Islamic tradition’ Oriens 29 (1986) pp. 285 - 308 and Bashear, Suliman, ‘Muslim Apocalypses and the hour: a case-study tradition re-interpretation’ IOS 13 (1993) pp. 75 - 99.

[XXXIX]      O’Shaugnessy, Thomas, Muhammad’s Thoughts on Death (Leiden: Brill, 1964); Smith, Jane I., and Haddad, Y. Y., The Islamic Understanding of Death and Resurrection (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1981); Casanova, Paul, Mohammed et la Fin du Monde: Étude Critique sur l’Islam Primitif (Paris: Librairie Paul Geuthner, 1911); Gardet, Louis, Dieu et la Destinée de l’Homme (Paris: Librairie Philosophique, 1967) pp. 237 - 257; Smith, Jane I., ‘Reflection on aspects of immortality in Islam’ HTR 70 (1977) pp. 85 - 98 and eadem, ‘The understanding of nafs and ruh in contemporary Muslim considerations on the nature of sleep and death’ MW 69 (1979) pp. 151 - 161

[XL] Cf. Vuckovic, Brooke Olson, Heavenly Journey, Earthly Concerns: The Legacy of the Mfraj in the Formation of Islam (London: Routledge, 2005); Nünlist, Tobias, Himmelfahrt und Heiligkeit im Islam: Eine Studie unter besondere Berücksichtigung von Ibn Sïna’s Micraj-nameh (Berlin: Peter Lang, 2002); Asin Palacios, M., La Escatologia Musulmana en la Divina Comedia: Seguida de la Historia y Critica de una Polémica (Madrid: Escuelas de Estudios Arabes de Madrid y Granada, 1943) also available in translation: Sutherland, H. (tr.), Islam and the Divine Comedy (London: John Murray, 1926); El-Azma, N., “Some notes on the impact of the story of the Mi‘raj on Sufi literature”, Muslim World 63 (1973) pp. 93 - 104; Morris, James Winston ‘The Spiritual Ascension of Ibn cArabi and the Micraj - Part I’ JAOS 107 (1987) pp. 629 - 652 & 108 (1988) pp. 63 - 77; van Ess, Josef, ‘Vision and Ascension: Surat al-Najm and Its Relationship with Muhammad’s m'i'raj' JQS 1(1999) pp. 47 - 62 and Halperin, David J., ‘Hekhalot and Micraj: Observations on the Heavenly Journey in Judaism and Islam’ in John J. Collins & Michael A. Fishbane (eds.), Death, Ecstasy, and Other Worldly Journeys (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995) pp. 269 - 288.

[XLI]          Willem Bijlefeld has adapted some of these ideas; see, Biljefeld, Willem A., ‘Eschatology: Some Muslim and Christian Data’ ICMR 15 (2004) pp. 35 - 54.

[XLII]         Olyan, Saul M., A Thousand Thousands Served Him (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1993); Tavard, Georges, with Caquot, André & Michl, Johann, Die Engel (Freiburg: Herder, 1968) and Mach, Michael: Entwicklungsstadien des jüdischen Engelglaubens in vorrabinischer Zeit (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1992).

[XLIII]        Davidson, Maxwell J., Angels at Qumran: A Comparative Study of 1 Enoch 1 - 36, 72 - 108 and Sectarian Writings from Qumran (Sheffield: JSOT, 1992); Sullivan, Kevin P., Wrestling with Angels: A Study of the Relationship Between Angels and Humans in Ancient Jewish Literature and the New Testament (Leiden: Brill, 2004); Schafer, Peter, Rivalitat zwischen Engeln und Menschen: Untersuchungen zur rabbinischen Engelvorstellung (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1975); Tuschling, R. M. M., Angels and Orthodoxy: A Study of their Development in Syria and Palestine from the Qumran Texts to Ephrem the Syrian (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007); Rowland, Christopher, The Open Heaven: A Study of Apocalyptic in Judaism and Early Christianity (London: SPCK, 1982) and Elior, Rachel, ‘Mysticism, Magic and Angelology: The Perception of Angels in Hekhalot Literature’ JSQ 1 (1993) pp. 3 - 53.

[XLIV]        Gruenwald, Ithamar, Apocalyptic and Merkevah Mysticism (Leiden: Brill, 1980); Himmelfarb, Marthta, Tours of hell: An Apocalyptic Form in Jewish and Christian Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1983); Himmelfarb, Martha, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993); Collins, John J., The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to Jewish Apocalyptic Literature (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1998); there also a number of collections of articles, which are very useful, particularly, Collins & Fishbane (eds.), Other Worldly Journeys; Collins, John J. (ed.), Apocalypse: The Morphology of a Genre in Semeia 14 (1979) and Bauckham, Richard, The Fate of the Dead: Studies on the Jewish and Christian Apocalypses (Leiden: Brill, 1998). From a philosophy of religion perspecitive, see Culianu, Ioan P., Psychanodia I: A Survey of the Evidence Concerning the Ascenion of the Soul and Its Relevance (Leiden: Brill, 1983).

[XLV]         Jadaane, Fehmi, ‘La place des Anges dans la théologie musulmane’ SI 41 (1975) pp. 23 - 62; Lupti, Ibrahim, ‘The Questions of the Superiority of Angels and Prophets between Az-Zamakhshan and al- Baydawf Arabica 28 (1981) pp. 65 - 75; Stern, S. M., Studies in Early Ismacïlism (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1983) and Webb, Gisela, ‘Hierarchy, Angels, and the Human Condition in the Sufism of Ibn ‘Arabi’ MW 81 (1991) pp. 245 - 253.

[XLVI]        Cf. Netton, Ian R., Allah Transcendent: Studies in the Structure and Semiotics of Islamic Philosophy (Richmond: Curzon, 1994) and Sweetman, J. Windrow, Islam and Christian Theology: A Study of the Interpretation of Theological Ideas in the Two Religions (London: Lutterworth Press, 1947) Part I, vol. 2, pp. 75 - 79 and Burge, Stephen R., ‘The Provenance of Suhrawardian Angelology’ ArOr 76 (2008) pp. 435 - 457.

[XLVII]       To see a discussion of these two themes, see Burge, S. R., Qur’anic Angelology. MSc. Dissertation, University of Edinburgh, 2004.

[XLVIII]      E.g. Goldziher, Ignaz, (tr. S. M. Stern), Muslim Studies (repr. London: Aldine Transaction, 2006); Schacht, Joseph, On the Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1950); Horovitz, Josef, ‘The Antiquity and Origin of the Isnad’ in Harald Motzki (ed.), Hadith: Origins and Development (Ashgate: Variorum, 2004), pp. 151 - 158 and Robson, James, ‘The isnad in Muslim tradition’ TGUOS 15 (1953) pp. 15 - 26.

[XLIX]        Motzki, Harald, Die Anfânge der islamischen Jurisprudenz (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1991); Melchert, Christopher, The Formation of the Sunni Schools of Law (Leiden: Brill, 1997), Dickinson, Eerik, The Development of Early Sunnite Hadith Criticism (Leiden: Brill, 2002) and Dutton, Yasin, The Origins of Islamic Law (Richmond: Curzon, 1999); Brown, Jonathan, The Canonization of al- Bukhari and Muslim (Leiden: Brill, 2007).

[L]  There has, however, been structural analysis of narrative hadith considered independently; e.g. Speight, R. Marston, ‘Narrative Structures in the Hadith’ JNES 59 (2000) pp. 265 - 271.

[LI] Newman, Andrew, The Formative Period of Twelver Shi’ism: Hadith as Discourse Between Qum and Baghdad (Richmond: Curzon, 2000). Newman argues that the three main early Shi’i hadith collections (of al-Kulayni, al-Saffar and al-Barqi) differed in content and arrangement, suggesting differing or competing statements about theological truth in Twelver Shi’ism; see pp. 193 - 201. A similar structuralist approach has been made by Hilary Kilpatrick in her study of the composition of the Kitab al-aghani; see Kilpatrick, Hilary, Making the Great Book of Songs: Compilation and the author’s craft in Abû l-Faraj al-I.sbahânî's Kitâb al-aghânî (London, 2003).

[LII] For a biography of al-Suyuti (including his own autobiography Al-Tahadduth bi-nicmat Allah), see Sartain, E. M., Jalal al-Dïn al-Suyütï: Biography and Background (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975) and Saleh, Marlis J., ‘Al-Suyuti and His Works: Their Place in Islamic Scholarship from Mamluk Times to the Present’ MSR 5 (2001) pp. 73 - 89.

[LIII]          The number of works of al-Suyuti (including short tracts and fatwas) is not agreed, with estimates ranging from 550 - 980; see Jackson, Roy, Fifty Key Figures in Islam (London: Routledge, 2006) pp. 137 - 141; Geoffroy, E., ‘Al-Suyuti’ EI2 vol. 9, pp. 913 - 916 and Goldziher, Ignaz, ‘Zur Charakteristik Gelâl ud-dîn us-Sujûtî’s und seiner literarischen Thatigkeit’ GS vol. 1, pp. 52 - 73 (available in translation, see Hunwick, J. O (ed.) and Barry, Michael (tr.), ‘Ignaz Goldziher on Al- Suyuti’ MW 68 (1978) pp. 79 - 99).

[LIV]          Marlis Saleh comments: ‘It appears that this recognition was more readily granted by those who were separated from al-Suyuti by either time or distance.’ Saleh, ‘Al-Suyuti’ p. 78 and Irwin, R., ‘Al- Suyuti (849 - 911 / 1445 - 1505)’ EAL vol. 2, p. 746. For a contemporary and negative assessment of his work see, al-Sakhawi, Shams al-Din Muhammad ibn cAbd al-Rahman, Al-Daw ’ al-lamic li-ahl al- qarn al-tasic (Beirut: Dar al-Maktaba bi-‘l-hayat, 1966) vol. 4, pp. 65 - 71.

[LV] For example, al-Suyuti is known to have had frequent dealings with scholars in East Africa; cf. Sartain, E. M., ‘Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti’s Relations with the People of Takrur’ JSS 16 (1971) pp. 193 - 198; John Voll also comments that almost all isnads during the eighteenth century in the area around the Mediterranean were attributed to al-Suyuti, Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani (from whom al-Suyuti received his ijaza) and Zakariya al-Ansari; see Voll, John O., ‘Hadith Scholars and Tariqahs: An Ulama Group in 18th Century Haramayn and their Impact on the Islamic World’ AAS 15 (1980) pp. 264 - 273, p. 265.

[LVI]          Cf. Musa, Sulaiman, ‘The Influence of Tafsir al-Jalalayn on Some Notable Nigerian Mufassirun in the Twentieth-Century Nigeria’ JMMA 20 (2000) pp. 323 - 328. Works of al-Suyuti are commonly cited in both Muslim and non-Muslim scholarly works on almost any subject. For an assessment of his reception in modern Islamic thought, see Saleh, ‘Al-Suyuti’ pp. 80 - 82.

[LVII]         Cf. Ibrahim, ‘The questions of the superiority of angels’ and Jadaane, ‘La place des anges’.

[LVIII]        See Brockelmann, Carl, Geschichte der arabischen Literatur (Berlin: Emil Feber, 1898 - 1902 and (Supplement) Leiden: Brill, 1937 - 1942), vol. 2, p. 147, §51 and Khazinda, Ahmad & Shaybani, Muhammad, Dalil makhtutat al-Suyuti wa-amakin wujudiha (Kuwait: Maktabat ibn Taymiyya, 1403 / 1983) p. 144; in addition to the MSS detailed by these two catalogues, there are two other MSS held in (i) the Mingana Collection, Birmingham, MS 651 and (ii) The British Library, Or. 9026/1 fol. 1r - 76v.

[LIX]          For the use of books in the Mamluk period, see Berkey, Jonathan, The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo: A Social History of Islamic Education (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992) pp. 24 - 30.

[LX] Details of the the authors and their works can be found in the Appendix.

[LXI]          Nemoy, Leon, ‘The Treatise on the Egyptian Pyramids (Tuhfat al-kiram fï khabar al-ahram)’ Isis 30 (1939) pp. 17 - 37, pp. 17 - 18; because of his compositional style some of al-Suyuti’s contemporaries accused him of plagiarism; see Saleh, ‘Al-Suyuti’ p. 79.

[LXII]         The section on the noble watching Scribes (al-hafizan al-katiban) could not be included because of its length.

[LXIII]        E.g. Kitab ithaf al-khasa bi-fada ’il al-masjid al-aqsa; al-Hay ’a al-saniyafi ’l-hay ’a al-sunniya; Al- carf al-wardifi akhbar al-Mahdi; Laqt al-marjanfi akhbar al-jann etc.

[LXIV]        Although Brockelmann’s entry for al-Haba’ik suggests that the word is not always found in the manuscripts; see Brockelmann, GAL vol. 2, p. 147, §51.

[LXV]         Al-SuyUti, Jalal al-Dîn, (ed. Abu Hajir Muhammad al-Sacîd ibn Basyünî Zaghlül), Al-Habaik fi akhbar al-mala ’ik (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-cIlmiyyah, 1408/1988).

[LXVI]        A note on the manuscript can be found below.

[LXVII]       See Holt, P. M., ‘Mamluks’ EI2, vol. 7, pp. 321 - 331, especially pp. 323 - 325; Ayalon, David, ‘The Circassians in the Mamlük Period’ JAOS 69 (1949) pp. 135 - 147; Garcin, Jean-Claude, ‘The Regime of the Circassian Mamluks’ in C. F. Petry (ed.), The Cambridge History of Egypt - vol. 1: Islamic Egypt, 640 - 1517 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) pp. 290 - 317; Lapidus, Ira M., Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967) pp. 32 - 43 and Staffa, Susan Jane, Conquest and Fusion: The Social Evolution of Cairo. A.D. 642 - 1850 (Leiden: Brill, 1977), pp. 101 - 226.

[LXVIII]      Schimmel, Annemarie, ‘Some Glimpses of the Religious Life of Egypt During the Late Mamluk Period’ IS 4 (1965) pp. 353 - 392; Little, Donald P., ‘Religion under the Mamluks’ MW 73 (1983) pp. 165 - 181; Winter, Michael, ‘Popular Religion in Egypt Since the Mamluks’ The Arabist 9 - 10 (1994) pp. 103 - 118 and Frenkel, Yehoshua, ‘Popular Culture (Islam, Early and Middle Periods)’ RC 2 (2008) pp. 195 - 225.

[LXIX]        See Little, Donald P., ‘Communal Strife in Late Mamluk Jerusalem’ ILS 6 (1999) pp. 69 - 96; Shoshan, Boaz, ‘Exchange-Rate Policies in Fifteenth Century Egypt’ JESHO 29 (1986) pp. 28 - 51; idem, ‘Money Supply and Grain Prices in Fifteenth Century Egypt’ EHR 36 (1983) pp. 47 - 67; idem, ‘Grain Riots and the Moral Economy’ JIH 10 (1980) pp. 459 - 478

[LXX]         Jonathan Berkey comments: ‘... the immense number of manuscripts that survive from, say, the fifteenth century, testify to the important role of the book in a highly literate academic world that ... [was] vibrant throughout the Middle Ages.’ Berkey, Transmission of Knowledge, p. 24; see also Petry, Carl F., ‘Scholastic Stasis in Medieval Islam Reconsidered: Mamluk Patronage in Cairo’ PT 14 (1993) pp. 323 - 348.

[LXXI]        Petry, Carl, ‘Geographical Origins of Academicians in Cairo during the fifteenth Century’ JESHO 23 (1980) pp. 119 - 141, p. 140.

[LXXII]       For more on Islamic higher education, see Makdisi, George, The Rise of the Colleges: Institutions of Learning in Islam in the West (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1981).

[LXXIII]      See Petry, ‘Geographic Origins of Academicians’ p. 119; Jonathan Berkey comments: ‘The person connection - the education model relying not simply on close study of a text, but on intensive, personal interaction with a shaykh - has always been central to Islamic education, not simply in Mamluk Egypt.’ Berkey, Transmission of Knowledge, p. 21.

[LXXIV]      Petry, Carl F., The Civilian Elite of Cairo in the Late Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981) p. 50; see also Waardenburg, Jacques, ‘Official and Popular Religion as a Problem in Islamic Studies’ in Pieter H. Vrijhof and Jacques Waardenburg (eds.), Official and Popular Religion: Analysis of a Theme for Religious Studies (The Hague: Mouton, 1979) pp. 340 - 346, pp. 361 - 362.

[LXXV]       Maribel Fierro has used scholarly literature written against innovations (bida’) to attempt to understand Muslim society in medieval Spain; likewise, through the output of the Egyptian scholars, it is possible to gain an understanding of contemporary practices, as well as the preoccupations and concerns of the scholarly élite; see Fierro, Maribel, ‘The treatises against innovations (kutub al-bidac)’ Isl. 67 (1992) pp. 204 - 246, especially pp. 238 - 240.

[LXXVI]      For more on these disputes, see Perlmann, M., ‘Notes on Anti-Christian Propaganda in the Mamluk Empire’ BSOAS 10 (1939 - 1942) pp. 843 - 861; Little, ‘Communal Strife’; idem., ‘Coptic Conversion to Islam Under the Bahn Mamluks, 625 - 755 / 1293 - 1354)’ BSOAS 39 (1976) pp. 552 - 569 and idem., ‘Religion Under the Mamluks’. For the place of Jews in Mamluk society, see Cohen, Mark R., ‘Jews in the Mamluk Environment: The Crisis of 1442 (A Geniza Study)’ BSOAS 47 (1984) pp. 425 - 448.

[LXXVII]     Cf. Wiederhold, Lutz, ‘Blasphemy Against the Prophet Muhammad and his Companions (Sabb al- rasul, sabb al-sahabah): The Introduction of the Topic into Shafici Legal Literature and its Relevance for Legal Practice under Mamluk Rule’ JSS 42 (1997) pp. 39 - 70.

[LXXVIII]    Little comments: ‘In Egypt, for example, the Copts from time to time during the Mamluk period incurred the wrath of the populace and consequently the government in Egypt, either by displays of conspicuous consumption in violation of Muslim sumptuary laws, by playing too prominent a role in the financial bureaux, or by acts of blasphemy or terrorism. Because such acts disrupted the political and social stability that the Mamluks were so keen to maintain, they attracted the interest of Muslim historians, both Egyptian and Syrian.’ Little, ‘Communal Strife’ p. 70; see also Little, ‘Coptic Conversion’ and O’Sullivan, Shaun, ‘Coptic Conversion and the Islamization of Egypt’ MSR 10:2 (2006) pp. 65 - 79.

[LXXIX]      Little, ‘Religion under the Mamluks’ p. 179.

[LXXX]       See Huda, Lutfi, ‘Coptic Festivals of the Nile: Aberrations of the Past?’ in Thomas Philipp and Ulrich Haarmann (eds.), The Mamluks in Egyptian Politics and Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) pp. 254 - 282.

[LXXXI]      For a comprehensive list of different popular practices and brief analyses of them, see Frenkel, ‘Popular Culture’, especially pp. 198 - 204. There are articles available on specific practices such as tahnïk, e.g. Gilcadi, Avner, ‘Some notes on Tahnïk in Medieval Islam’ JNES47 (1988) pp. 175 - 179.

[LXXXII]     Cf. Memon, Muhammad Umar, Ibn Taymiyya’s Struggle Against Popular Religion: with an Annotated Translation of his Kitab iqtida ’ as-sirat al-mustaqïm mukhalafat ashab al-jahïm (The Hague: Mouton, 1976), especially pp. 2 - 7.

[LXXXIII]    The most extensive study is of the Mawlid is Kaplan, N. J., Muhammad’s Birthday Festival: Early History in the Central Muslim Lands and the Development in the Muslim West until the 10th / 16th Century (Leiden: Brill, 1993); see also Kaptein, Nico, ‘Materials for the History of the Prophet’s Birthday Celebration in Mecca’ Isl. 67 (1992) pp. 193 - 203 and Katz, Marion Holmes, The Birth of the Prophet Muhammad: Devotional Piety in Sunnï Islam (London: Routledge, 2007). On tomb visitation see Meri, Josef W., The Cult of Saints Among Muslims and Jews in Medieval Syria (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) and Taylor, Christopher S., ‘Saints, Ziyara, Qissa, and the Social Construction of Moral Imagination in Late Medieval Egypt) SI 88 (1998) pp. 103 - 120.

[LXXXIV]    Shaun Marmon comments: ‘In opposition to Ibn Taymiyya, the vast majority of the mamluk ulama valorized the petitioning of the holy dead and the visiting of their tombs. The ulama also set forth a careful etiquette for these activities, an etiquette which, judginig (sic) by the learned complaints, ordinary people, especially women, often ignored.’ Marmon, Shaun E., ‘The Quality of Mercy in Mamluk Society’ SI 87 (1998) pp. 125 - 139, p. 129.

[LXXXV]     See al-Suyuti, Jalal al-Din, Al-Husn al-maqsid f camal al-mawlid; translated in Kaplan, Muhammad’s Birthday Festival, pp. 48 - 67.

[LXXXVI]    Winter, ‘Popular Religion’ p. 115; for a more extensive discussion of these ideas, see Shoshan, Boaz, ‘High Culture and Popular Culture in Medieval Islam’ SI 73 (1991) pp. 67 - 107.

[LXXXVII]   Pellat, Ch., ‘Kass’ EI2 vol. 4, pp. 733 - 734; Radtke, B., and Jansen, J. J. G., ‘Wa’iz’ EI2 vol. 11, pp. 56 - 57; Berkey, Jonathan P., Popular Preaching and Religious Authority in the Medieval Middle East (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001), idem., ‘Tradition, Innovation and the Social Construction of Knowledge in the Medieval Islamic Near East’ PP 146 (1995) pp. 38 - 65; idem., ‘Storytelling, Preaching, and Power in Mamluk Cairo’ MSR 4 (2000) pp. 53 - 74 and Shoshan, Boaz, ‘On Popular Literature in Medieval Cairo’ PT 14 (1993) pp. 349 - 365.

[LXXXVIII]  See al-Suyûtï, Tahdhir al-khawass min akadhib al-qussas (Riyadh: al-Maktab al-Islamï, 1972).

[LXXXIX]    Geoffroy, Éric, Le Soufisme en Égypte et en Syrie Sous les Derniers Mamelouks et les Premiers Ottomans: Orientations Spirituelles et Enjeux Culturels (Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1995) p. 49.

[XC] Waardenburg, ‘Official and Popular Religion’ pp. 363 - 371.

[XCI]          See Dols, Michael W., ‘The Second Plague Pandemic and its Recurrences in the Middle East: 1347 - 1894’ JESHO 22 (1979) pp. 162 - 189.

[XCII]         See various articles by Avner Gilcadi; ‘Islamic Consolation Treatises for Bereaved Parents: Some Bibliographical Notes’ SI 81 (1995) pp. 197 - 202; ‘Sabr (Steadfastness) of Bereaved Parents: A Motif in Medieval Muslim Consolation Treatises and Some Parallels in Jewish Writings’ JQR 80 (1989) pp. 35 - 48 and ‘ “The Child was small...Not so the Grief for Him”: Sources, Structure and Content of al-Sakhawi’s Consolation Treatise for Bereaved Parents’ PT 14 (1993) pp. 367 - 386. Al- Suyuti wrote in this genre, e.g Bushra al-ka’ïb bi-liqa’ al-habïb (al-Zarqa’: Maktabat al-Manar, 1988) and al-Tacallul wa’l-itfa’ li-nar al-tutfa ’ (al-Zarqa’: Maktabat al-Manar, 1987).

[XCIII]        Al-Suyuti, Al-qawl al-jaliyy fï fada’il cAlï (Beirut: Mu’ssasat Nadir, 1990); the brevity of the work implies that it was for popular consumption, cf. al-Nawawi, Yahya ibn Sharaf, Matn al-arbacïn; Abdassamad Clarke (tr.), The Complete Forty Hadith (London: Ta-Ha, 1998).

[XCIV]        Al-Suyuti, cAmal al-yawm wa- ‘l-layla (Cairo: Mustafa al-Babi Halabi, 1946); this is a collection of prayers and devotions.

[XCV]         For al-Sakhawi, see Petry, C. F., ‘al-Sakhawi’ EI2 vol. 8, pp. 881 - 882.

[XCVI]        See Eche, Youssef, Les Bibliothèques Arabes: Publiques et Semi-Publiques en Mésopotamie, En Syrie et en Egypte au Moyen Age (Damas: Institut Français de Damas, 1967) pp. 249 - 264; and Arberry, A. J., Sakhawiana: A Study Based on the Chester Beatty Ms. Arab. 773 (London: Emery Walker Ltd., 1951).

[XCVII]       Jonathan Berkey comments: ‘Intellectual activity in the civilizations on both sides of the Mediterranean... consisted largely of replicated, and commenting upon, the literary productions of previous generations.’ Berkey, Transmission of Knowledge, p. 25

[XCVIII]      Arberry, Sakhawiana, p. 32.

[XCIX]        Al-Suyuti’s Al-Haba ’ik does include a ‘postscript’ (khatima) concerning angels in Islamic theology (kalam), and the function and purpose of this will be discussed below.

[C]    Not achieving wide acknowledgement in Cairo itself, al-Suyuti became extremely well known outside Egypt; Nehemia Levtzion comments: ‘Al-Suyuti’s eminence was not universally acknowledged by the ulama’ of Cairo, with some of those he was in conflict. He must have been gratified by his reputation in Takrur.’ Levtzion, Nehemia, ‘Mamluk Egypt and Takrur (West Africa)’ in M. Sharon (ed.), Studies in Islamic History and Civilization (Jerusalem: Cana & Leiden: Brill, 1986) pp. 183 - 207, p. 200.

[CI]   E.g. Al-Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthurfi ‘l-tafsir bi-‘l-ma’thur (Beirut: Dar al-macrifa, s. d.); Kitab al- Itqan f culum al-Qur ’an (Cairo: Maktabat wa-Matbacat al-Mashhad al-Husayni, s.d.); Asrar tartib al- Qur’an (Cairo: Dar al-Ictisam, 1396 / 1976); Lubab al-taqul fi asbab al-nuzul (Tunis: Dar al- Tunisiyya, 1981); as well as exegeses of specific verses, such as his Ayat al-kursi macaniha wa- fada’iluha (Cairo: Dar al-‘Itisad, s.d.).

[CII]  al-Mutawakkili; Bell, William Y. (ed & tr.), The Mutawakkili of as-Suyuti (Cairo: Nile Mission Press, 1924) and al-Iqtirah ficilm usul al-nahw (Istanbul: Jamicat Istanbul, 1975).

[CIII] His most famous work is his Tarikh al-khulafa’ (Cairo: Maktabat al-Tajariyya al-Kubra, 1389 / 1969).

[CIV] Most of his works on philosophy were concerned with logic, e.g. Sawn al-mantiq wa-‘l-kalam can fann al-mantiq wa-‘l-kalam (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-cIlmiyya, s.d.).

[CV] Landau-Tasseron, Ella, ‘The “Cyclical Reform”: A Study of the Mujaddid Tradition’ SI (1989) pp. 79 - 117, especially pp. 87 - 88; Jansen, J. J. G., ‘Tadjdid’ EI2 vol. 10, pp. 61 - 62 and Van Donzel, E., ‘Mudjaddid’ EI2 vol. 7, p. 290.

[CVI] Ibn Taymiyya frequently found himself in prison for his beliefs; cf Laoust, H., ‘Ibn Taymiyya, Taki al-Din Ahmad ibn Taymiyya’ EI2 vol. 3, pp. 951 - 955; Little, Donald P., ‘Did Ibn Taymiyya Have a Screw Loose?’ SI 41 (1975) pp. 93 - 111 and Little, Donald P., ‘The Historical and Historiographical Significance of the Detention of Ibn Taymiyya’ IJMES 4 (1973) pp. 311 - 327.

[CVII]         Al-Suyuti was a member of the Shadhill order; cf. Ibn al-Sabbagh, Durrat al-asrar wa-tuhfat al- abrar; Elmer H. Douglas (tr.), The Mystical Teachings of al-Shadhill (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993) and Lory comments that it was successful because its ‘...strictly orthodox Sunnism and the respect for all exoteric tradition which it professed, its social discreetness (absence of distinctive garb or of spectacular public festivals or of begging), all of these aroused confidence and fervour.’ Lory, P., ‘Shâdhiliyya' EI2 vol. 9, pp. 172 - 174, p. 173. For an analysis of al-Suyuti as a sufl, see Sartain, Jalal al-Dln al-Suyutl, pp. 33 - 37 and Geoffroy, Soufisme en Égypte, p. 49.

[CVIII]        viz. Heinen, Anton M., Islamic Cosmology: A Study of as-Suyutï’s al-Hay ’a as-sanïya f l-hay’a as- sunnïya (Beirut: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1982); the MS of Al-Haba’ik held in the British Library is bound with his Al-carf al-wardï fï akhbar al-Mahdï and al-Suyuti’s abridgment of a compilation by Muhammad ibn cAbd Allah al-Shibli, entitled, Laqt al-marjan fï akhbar al-jann; see Vassie, R. (ed.), A Classified Handlist of Arabic Manuscripts Acquired Since 1912: Volume 2 - Qur’anic Sciences and Hadïth (London: The BritishLibrary, 1995) §416 - 418, p. 63.

[CIX] Al-Suyütï, al-Hay’a VII:27; see Heinen, Islamic Cosmology, p. 163.

[CX] Al-Suyütï, al-Haba ’ik §19.

[CXI] Saleh,‘Al-Suyuti’ p. 85.

[CXII]         This does not include the authors and hadïth found in the khâtima; this is because it is difficult to ascertain whether al-Suyuti or another author is making the citation.

[CXIII]        This is the number of authors mentioned, rather than the number of works explicitly cited.

[CXIV]        See Burton, John, An Introduction to the Hadith (repr. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2005) pp. 119 - 147.

[CXV]         Al-Suyuti made many such commentaries on earlier works: Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti, Muwatta’ al- Imam Malik wa-sharhuhu tanwir al-hawalik (Cairo: Matbacat al-Akhira, 1370/1951); idem, Sunan al- Nasa’i bi-sharh al-hafiz Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti wa-hashiyyat al-imam al-Sindi (Cairo: al-Matbacat al- Misriyya, 1348/1930); idem, al-Dibaj cala Sahih Muslim ibn Hajjaj (al-Khubar: Dar ibn cAffan, 1996). For more on commentaries, see Cf. Tokatly, Vardit, ‘The A’lam al-hadith of al-Khattabi: A Commentary on al-Bukhari’s Sahih or a polemical treatise?’ SI 92 (2001) pp. 53-91, pp. 53 - 55.

[CXVI]        123 in total: 83 in the hadith and 32 in the khatima, with two featuring in both sections (al-Bayhaqi and al-Hakim).

[CXVII]       However, it should be noted that the two authors are not responsible for 38.3% of the hadith, as some hadith cite both authors as sources.

[CXVIII]      Ibn al-Harith, Ibn Abi Zamil, al-Qurtubi and Abu cUbayd.

[CXIX]        A future area of research would be an analysis of al-Suyuti’s sources in a much larger sample.

[CXX]         Cf Al-Suyuti, Al-Haba’ik, p. 240 and Arberry, A. J. (tr.), The Doctrine of the Sufis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977) p. 53.

[CXXI]        Cf. Al-Suyuti, Al-Haba ’ik, pp. 207 - 226; al-Razi, Fakhr al-Din Muhammad ibn cUmar, Kitab al- arba'ï.nff. usul al-dïn (Hyderabad: Matbacat Majlis Da’irat al-Macarif al-cUthmaniyyah, 1353 / 1934) pp. 368 - 384.

[CXXII]       Petry, ‘Scholastic Stasis’ p. 324; see also Berkey, Transmission of Knowledge, pp. 24 - 25.

[CXXIII]      In his autobiography, al-Suyuti highlights eighteen of his works as being particularly important, none of these are in the field of kalam; see Sartain, Jalal al-Dïn al-Suyutï, vol. 2, p. 105 and Saleh, ‘al-Suyuti’ pp. 86 - 87.

[CXXIV]      Sharaf, Muhammad Jalal Abu ‘l-Futuh, Jalal al-Dïn al-Suyutï: manhajuhu wa-ara’uhu al- kalamiyya (Beirut: Dar al-Nahda al-cArabiyya, 1981) p. 73 [tr. Burge].

[CXXV]       Cf. Sharaf, al-Suyuti, pp. 113-116.

[CXXVI]      Mabda’ khalq al-mala’ik wa-‘l-dalala cala anhum ajsam khalafan li-‘l-falasifa’; al-Suyütî, al- Haba’ik,pp. 10-11, §2-4.

[CXXVII]See Goldziher, Ignaz, ‘Die Stellung der alten Orthodoxie zu den antiken Wissenschaften’ GS vol. 5, pp. 357 - 400 and Watt, W. M., Islamic Philosophy and Theology (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1985) pp. 133 - 148.

[CXXVIII]    See Ali, Mufti, ‘A Statistical Portrait of the Resistance to Logic by Sunni Muslim Scholars Based on the Works of Jalal al-Dîn al-Suyütî (849-909/1448-1505)’ ILS 15 (2008) pp. 250 - 267 and Ali, Mufti, Muslim Opposition to Logic and Theology in the Light of the Works of Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti (d. 911/1505), PhD. Thesis, University of Leiden, 2008.

[CXXIX]      See Corbin, Henry (tr. W. R. Trask), Avicenna and the Visionary Recital (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1961) pp. 46 - 122 and Netton, Allah Transcendent, pp. 162 - 172.

[CXXX]       Ibn Sina refers to ‘al-mala’ika al-rühaniyya al-mujarrada allatï tasmiyya caqülan’ [‘...spiritual angels denuded [of matter] that are called “intellects”.’ Michael E. Marmura (ed. & tr.), Avicenna: The Metaphysics of The Healing (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 2005) p. 358.

[CXXXI]      Shihab al-Din al-Suhrawardi combines Islamic peripateticism and traditional notions of angels in Islam in his illuminationist philosophy; see Burge, ‘Suhrawardian Angeology’ for a discussion of these ideas.

[CXXXII]     See Cooper, John, ‘From al-Tusi to the School of Isfahan’ in Seyyed Hossein Nasr and Oliver Leaman (eds.), History of Islamic Philosophy (London: Routledge, 1996) pp. 585 - 596.

[CXXXIII]    Daiber, H., and Ragep, F. J., ‘Al-Tusi, Nasir al-Din, Abu Djacfar Muhammad’ EI2 vol. 10 pp. 746 - 752.

[CXXXIV]    For more on the Isfahan School, see Dabashi, Hamad, ‘Mir Damad and the founding of the “School of Isfahan”’ in Nasr and Leaman (eds.), History of Islamic Philosophy, pp. 597 - 634.

[CXXXV]     Jafri, S. H. M., ‘al-Hilli, (1) Djamal al-Din’ EI2 vol. 3, p. 390; see also Schmidtke, Sabine, The Theology of al-cAllama al-Hillï (d. 726 /1325) (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1991).

[CXXXVI]    See Madelung, W., ‘Ibn Abi Djumhur al-Ahsa’i’ EI2 vol. 12, p. 380; Madelung, W., ‘Ibn Abi Gumhur al-Ahsâ’is synthesis of kalam, philosophy and Shi’ism’ in Mantran (ed.), La signification du Bas Moyen Age, pp. 147 - 156 and Schmidtke, Sabine, Theologie, Philosophie und Mystik in zwôlferschiitischen Islam des 9./15/ Jahrhunderts: Die Gedankenwelten des Ibn Abï Gumhür al- Ahsa ’ï (um 838-1434-35 - nach 906/1501) (Leiden: Brill, 2000).

[CXXXVII]   See Tirosh-Samuelson, Hava, ‘Philosophy and Kabbalah: 1200 - 1600’ in Daniel H. Frank and Oliver Leaman (eds.), The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Jewish Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003) pp. 218 - 257, p. 227.

[CXXXVIII]  Geoffroy, ‘al-Suyuti’ p. 914.

[CXXXIX]    cf. Bauer, Thomas, ‘Islamische Totenbücher. Entwicklug einer Textgattung im Schatten al-Gazalis’ from S. Leder (ed.), Studies in Arabic and Islam (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2002) pp. 421 - 436, p. 424.

[CXL]         There has been much secondary literature written on popular Islamic literature: e.g. Abdel-Malek, Kamal, ‘Popular Religious Narratives’ CHAL vol. 6, pp. 330 - 346; Reynolds, Dwight F., ‘Popular Prose in the Post-Classical Period’ CHAL vol. 6, pp. 245 - 269; Knappert, Jan, Islamic Legends: Histories of the Heroes, Saints and Prophets of Islam (Leiden: Brill, 1985) and Brinner, William M., ‘Popular Literature in Medieval Jewish Arabic’ in Norman Golb (ed.), Judeo-Arabic Studies: Proceedings of the Founding Conference of the Society for Judeo-Arabic Studies (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1997) pp. 59 - 71.

[CXLI]        See Berkey, Jonathan P., ‘Tradition, Innovation and the Social Construction of Knowledge in the Medieval Islamic Near East’ PP 146 (1995) pp. 38 -65, pp. 61 - 65 and Berkey, ‘Storytelling, Preaching, and Power’.

[CXLII]       Saleh, ‘Al-Suyuti’ p. 76.

[CXLIII]      Shoshan, ‘High Culture’, p. 85.

[CXLIV]      Bauer, ‘Mamluk Literature’, p. 130.

[CXLV]       Al-Suyuti,Al-Haba’ik, p. 9.

[CXLVI]      Nicholson, R. A., A Literary History of the Arabs (repr. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1953) p. 455.

[CXLVII]     Cf. Rosenthal, F., ‘Ibn Hadjar al-Askalani’ EI2 vol. 3, pp. 776 - 778 and Petry, ‘al-Sakhawi’.

[CXLVIII]    Gardet commented: ‘Elle semble avoir marqué l’entrée de la pensée religieuse musulmane en une longue période de stagnation.on peut situer au cours de ce IXe siècle de l’hégire le début effectif de l’ankylose qui se prolognera plus de quatre siècles.’ Gardet, Louis, ‘De quelle manière s’est ankylosée la pensée religieuse de l’Islam’ in R. Brunschwig and G. E. von Grunebaum (eds.), Classicisme et Déclin Culturel dans l’Histoire de l’Islam (Paris: Editions Besson, 1957), pp. 93 - 105, p. 95. Such a position is now being questioned, see Bauer, Thomas, ‘Mamluk Literature: Misunderstandings and New Approaches’ MSR 9:2 (2005) pp. 105 - 132.

[CXLIX]      See Nagel, T., ‘Kisas al-anbiya’’ EI2 vol. 5, pp. 180 - 181 and Vajda, G., ‘Israiliyyat’ EI2 vol. 4, pp. 211 - 212; for a discussion of the term Israiliyyat, see Tottoli, Roberto, ‘Origin and Use of the Term Isra ’iliyyat in Muslim Literature’ Arabica 46 (1999) pp. 193 - 210.

[CL]   Steven Wasserstrom comments: ‘Rarely if ever will it be certain that an ancient Jewish pseudepigraph was taken over into Muslim narrative without such Christian intermediation.’ Wasserstrom, Steven M., ‘Jewish Pseudepigrapha in Muslim Literature: A Bibliographical and Methodological Sketch’ in John C. Reeves (ed.), Tracing the Threads: Studies in the Vitality of Jewish Pseudepigrapha (Atlanta: Scholars’ Press, 1994) pp. 87 - 114, p. 99.

[CLI] Rabbinic texts are often collections of the sayings of the sages, but they are almost always placed within a wider legal or exegetical context (halakha and haggadah); see Maccoby, Hyam, Early Rabbinic Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988) pp. 1 - 48. Some Christian texts, such as the Coptic Gospel of Thomas and the Gospel of Philip are also collections of the sayings of Jesus, but this form is relatively rare in Christian texts.

[CLII]         Eg. §146 & 248 - 255; cf. El Calamawy, Sahair, ‘Narrative Elements in the Hadith Literature’ CHAL vol. 1, pp. 308 - 316.

[CLIII]        Wagtendonk, ‘Stories of David’ p. 344; see also Wasserstrom, ‘Jewish Psuedepigrapha and Qisas al-Anbiya ’’.

[CLIV]        After a period in Biblical Studies where many studies were untaken drawing parallels between the Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern literature, Sandmel highlighted the problems that can be encountered when undertaking such work; see Sandmel, ‘Parallelomania’.

[CLV] For example, Gaudefroy-Demombynes comments: ‘From Judaism and Christianity, Islam learned the names of spirits not known before, and it gave them definite forms...' Gaudefroy-Demombynes, M., ‘Demons and Spirits (Muslim)’ in ERE vol. 4, pp. 615 - 619, p. 615.

[CLVI] See Stetkevych, Jaroslav, ‘Name and Epithet: The Philology and Semiotics of Animal Nomenclature in Early Arabic Poetry’ JNES 45 (1986) pp. 89 - 124.

[CLVII]       For a comprehensive survey of angelic names see Michl, J., ‘Engel V (Katalog der Engelnamen) RAC vol. 5, coll. 200 - 239; Petersen, Erik, ‘Engel- und Damonennamen. Nomina Barbara.’ RMP 75 (1926) pp. 393 - 421 and Davidson, Gustav, Dictionary of Angels (London: Collier-Macmillan, 1967). Julia Creswell’s recent popular The Watkins’s Dictionary of Angels (London: Watkins, 2006) contains many angelic names and some details about them, but has little information regarding sources.

[CLVIII]      See Winston, David, ‘The Iranian Component in the Bible, Apocrypha, and Qumran: A Review of the Evidence’ HR 5 (1966) pp. 183 - 216, pp. 189 - 192. Some early commentators argued that Jewish angelology developed during the period of exile in Persia; e.g. Kohut, A, ‘Was hat die Talmudische Eschatologie aus dem Parsismus aufgenommen?’ ZDMG 21 (1867) pp. 552-91 and Kohut, A., Ueber die jüdische Angelologie und Daemonologie in ihrer Abhanigkeit vom Parsismus (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1866). However, this influence is no longer seen to have been as strong as nineteenth century scholars, such as Kohut, suggested; cf. Barr, James, ‘The Question of Religious Influence: The Case of Zoroastrianism, Judaism and Christianity’ JAAR 53 (1985) pp. 201 - 236.

[CLIX]        E.g. l Enoch contains a great number of angelic names formed in this way.

[CLX]         Nickelsburg, George E., 1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001) p. 45.

[CLXI]        Cf. Olyan, A Thousand Thousands. Olyan, however, does have a tendency to overstate the role of exegesis in the development of Jewish angelology, as C. R. A. Morray-Jones comments: ‘Beliefs about angels were not simply generated, within a religious and social vacuum, by anomalies in the text of Scripture.’ Morray-Jones, C. R. A., ‘Review of Saul M. Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Served Him: Exegesis and the Naming of Angels in Ancient Judaism" JSS 42 (1997) pp. 154 - 159, p. 159.

[CLXII]       See Olyan, A Thousand Thousands, pp. 34 - 41 and Halperin, David J., 'The Exegetical Character of Ezek. X 9 - 17' VT 26 (1976) pp. 129 - 141.

[CLXIII]      Cf. Brandon, S. G. F., ‘The Personification of Death in some Ancient Religions’ JJRL 43 (1960 - 1961) pp. 317 - 335 and Ringgren, Helmar, Word and Wisdom: Studies in the Hypostasation of Divine Qualities and Functions in the Ancient Near East (Lund: H. Ohlsson, 1947).

[CLXIV]      See Jeffrey, Foreign Vocabulary pp. 100 - 101 & 275 - 276. Variants of the Gabirel can be found in the Codices of Ubai ibn Kacb, cAlï, Ibn cAbbâs, cAlqama, cIkrima and al-Acmash on Q 2:97 - 98; see Jeffery, A., Materials for the History of the Text of the Qur’an (Leiden, Brill, 1937) pp. 119, 189, 195, 242, 269 & 315; see also al-Suyutï, Jalal al-Dïn (ed. Muhammad Abu ‘l-Fadl Ibrâhîm), Al-Itqan f culum al-Qur’an (Cairo: Maktabat wa-Matbacat al-Mashad al-Husaynï, s.d.) vol. 4, p. 68 and al- Jawâlïqï, Abu Mansur ibn Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn al-Khidr (ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shakir), Al- Mucarrab min al-kalam al-acjami cala curuf al-mucjam (Tehran; s.n., 1966) pp. 113 - 115 & 327.

[CLXV]       See al-Zabïdï, TA, vol. 28, pp. 45 - 46; Jeffrey suggests Syriac as the vocalisation (Gabri’ël) is closer to the Arabic; Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary, p. 100; cf. Payne-Smith, Robert, Thesaurus Syriacus (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879) vol. 1, p. 648.

[CLXVI]      §89; cf. §36 - 38 & §78; these translations are also found in Al-Zabïdï, TA, vol. 28, pp. 45 - 46.

[CLXVII]     Rabbinic texts do, however, still stress that angels are ‘lower’ than humans, because of their inability to do other than that which God has commanded them to do; cf. Schechter, S., ‘Some Aspects of Rabbinic Theology’ JQR 7 (1895) pp. 195 - 215.

[CLXVIII]    Some Arabic texts do not attempt to give a precise meaning for the name, for example in one text about the micraj, Michael says to Muhammad, ‘I am called Mika’il simply because I am appointed over the rain and the plants.’ McKane, W., ‘A Manuscript on the Micraj in the Bodleian’ JSS 2 (1947), pp. 366 - 379, p. 370.

[CLXIX]      §37; §36 also has a similar statement.

[CLXX]       Al-Zabïdï, TA, vol. 28, p. 45 ; see also al-Suyutï, Itqan, vol. 4, p. 68 and al-Tabarï, Tafsir, vol. 1, pp. 436 - 438.

[CLXXI]      See Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary, pp. 100 - 101 and 275 - 276; Pedersen, J., ‘Djibra’il’ EI2 vol. 2, pp. 362 - 364 and Wensinck, A. J., ‘Mïkal’ EI2 Vol 7, pp. 24 - 25.

[CLXXII]     Viz: Jibril = Gabri’ël; Mika’il = Mïka’ël; Ismacil = Samacël; Israfïl = Sarapi’ël; Ramya’ïl = Rami’ël; Sharahïl = Sarahi’ël.

[CLXXIII]    In the Pseudepigraphical text the Life of Adam and Eve, Uriel is involved in the burials of Adam and Abel, although it should be noted that the text does not directly associate Uriel with comforting the grieving: cf. LAE(V) 48:3, OTP, vol. 2, p. 290.

[CLXXIV]    A similar hadïth appears in al-Suyutï’s Al-Haya’ al-saniya, VIII: 11 where the name is given as Rufa ’ll; see Heinen, Islamic Cosmology, p. 31 [Ar.]; Heinen suggests that this is Raphiel, see p. 232.

[CLXXV]     See Barton, George A., ‘The Origin of the Names of Angels and Demons in the Extra-Canonical Apocalyptic Literature to 100 A.D.’ JBL 31 (1912) pp. 156 - 167, p. 158; 1En 10:4; 13:1.

[CLXXVI]    For a survey of the role of Raphael see Barker, Margaret ‘The Archangel Raphael in the Book of Tobit’ in Mark Bredin (ed.), Studies in the Book of Tobit (London: T&T Clark, 2006) pp. 118 - 128.

[CLXXVII]   §275 - 276; Riyafil is the angel that accompanies Dhu ‘l-Qarnayn, in much the same that Raphael is Tobit’s guide; cf. Tob. 5:16, NRSV p. 6.

[CLXXVIII]  Cf. NumR II:10, p. 39; 1 En. 75:3, OTP vol. 1, p. 54

[CLXXIX]    1 En 8:3, OTP vol. 1, p. 16.

[CLXXX]     The two demons are also linked to a Mandaic incantation bowl, see Bhayro, Siam ‘Noah’s Library: Sources for 1 Enoch 6 - 11’ JSP 15 (2006) pp. 163 - 177; pp. 172 - 173.

[CLXXXI]    See Kuhn, Harold B., ‘The Angelology of the Non-Canonical Jewish Apocalypses’ JBL 67 (1948) pp. 217 - 232, p. 226. These two demons bear some resemblance to the story of Harut and Marut, [Q 2:102; Arberry, Koran, pp. 12 - 13] in which the angels are said to have taught humans magic; cf. Bauckham, Richard, ‘The Fall of the Angels as the Source of Philosophy in Hermias and Clement of Alexandria’ VC 39 (1985) pp. 313 - 330.

[CLXXXII]   For the relationship between s, s and s in the Semitic language group, see Moscati, Sabatino et. al., An Introduction to the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Lanaguages (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1964) §8; pp. 33 - 37.

[CLXXXIII]  Cf. al-Zabidi, TA, vol. 13, p. 27 and Lane AELex, p. 2035.

[CLXXXIV]  See Wensinck, A. J. ‘cIzra’il’ EI2 vol. 4, pp. 292-293; El-Shamy, Hasan M., Folk Traditions of the Arab World: A Guide to Motif Classification (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995) vol. 2, p.2:36 and Nov, Doy, ‘Angel of Death’ EJ vol. 1, coll. 952 - 956, col. 955.

[CLXXXV]   Wensinck, A. J., ‘cIzra’il’ EI1 vol. 2, pp. 570 - 571 (however, this derivation is not found in EI2); see also Bowman, John, ‘A British Museum Arabic Eschatological Fragment’ MW 38 (1948) pp. 198 - 217, pp. 206 - 207.

[CLXXXVI]  Cf. Péréz Fernandez, Miguel (tr. John Elwolde), An Introductory Grammar of Rabbinic Hebrew (Leiden: Brill, 1997) p. 13.

[CLXXXVII] Isbell, Charles D., Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation Bowls (Missoula: Scholars Press. 1975) §12:14 & 41:7, pp. 44 & 98 and Naveh, Joseph and Shaked, Shaul, Amulets and Magic Bowls: Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1985) §1:13; 2:16; 7:3, pp. 40 - 41, pp. 46 - 47 & 68 - 69. The name also appears in a much later amulet on parchment; see Casanowitz, I. M., ‘Two Jewish Amulets in the United States National Museum’ JAOS 37 (1917) pp. 43 - 56, p. 55.

[CLXXXVIII] See Isbell, Aramaic Incantation Bowls, pp. 3 - 12 and Yamuchi, Edwin M., ‘Aramaic Incantation Bowls’ JAOS 85 (1965) pp. 511 - 523, p. 511.

[CLXXXIX]  Concerning Naveh & Shaked §2 & 3, they comment: ‘It seems likely to us that the two amulets belong to the later part of the occupation of the Building 300, i.e. late 6th or early 7th century C.E.’ Naveh & Shaked, Amulets, p. 46.

[CXC]         Although the name usually reflects the function of the angel; e.g. Baraqiel = ‘Lightning of God’ and is the angel responsible for lightning.

[CXCI]        Joshua Trachtenberg comments: ‘...the personality of the angels was more clearly delineated through an effort to describe them, to name the more important ones, and to accord them peculiar spheres of influence, so that we have “princes” of fire, of hail, of rain, of night, of the sea, of healing and so on.’ Trachtenberg, Joshua, Jewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion (New York: Atheneum, 1982) pp. 71 - 72.

[CXCII]       Jadaane, ‘La place des Anges’ p. 43.

[CXCIII]      See §27 - 35; the other two are Israfrl and the Angel of Death.

[CXCIV]      Cf. GenR 50:1, p. 434.

[CXCV]       The Zoroastrian Amasa Spantas are personifications of abstract ideas; see Geiger, Bernhard, Die Amasa Spantas - Ihr Wesen und ihre ursprüngliche Bedeutung (Vienna: Hof- und Universitâts- Buchhândler, 1916) and Clark, Peter, Zoroastrianism: An Introduction to an Ancient Faith (Brighton : Sussex Academic Press, 1998) pp. 27 - 58.

[CXCVI]      Wisdom is the most common example, which is personified in the wisdom literature of the Hebrew Bible (e.g. Proverbs); see Camp, Claudia V., Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book of Proverbs (Sheffield: Almond, 1985).

[CXCVII]     Cf. Downey, Glanville, ‘Personifications of Abstract Ideas in the Antioch Mosaics’ TPAPA 69 (1938) pp. 349 - 363.

[CXCVIII]    See Fahd, Panthéon, pp. 123 - 126. In early twentieth century scholarship, it was thought that many beliefs in angels and spirits were rooted in early animistic beliefs; cf. Langton, Edward, Good and Evil Spirits: A Study of the Jewish and Christian Doctrine, Its Origin and Development (London: SPCK, 1942) and Zwemer, Samuel S., ‘Animism in Islam’ MW 7 (1917) pp. 245 - 255.

[CXCIX]      §172 - 177 (rain and clouds); §298 - 299 (mountains); §407 - 408 (leaves); §257 - 268 (thunder and lightning); §409 - 410; 430 - 434 (sun); §435 (shadow); §485 (plants) and §486 - 487 (sea / tide).

[CC]    E.g. Angels of fire (Gabriel), hail (Baradiel), wind (Ruhi’el), lightning (Baraqiel), whirlwind

_c__"_i\                               _c_                                                          ryc'î-lz;--                           r7_c_"5_izi                                  i-»_c_

(Za amiel), thunder (Ra ami el), Ziqi el (comets), Zi i el (tremors), Za api el (hurricanes), Ra asi el (earthquakes), snow (Salgi’el), rain (Matari’el), day (SimSi’el); night (Laili’el), sun (Galgalli’el), moon (‘Opanni’el), stars (Kokabi’el) and constellations (Rahati’el) can be found in 3 En. 14:3 - 4, OTP vol. 1, p. 266 - 7.

[CCI]   Kuhn, ‘Angelology’ p. 226.

[CCII]   There are a number of meteorological gods in Semitic and pre-Islamic Arabian religion, but these divinities have individual power over the phenomenon, whereas the meteorological angels in Jewish and Muslim thought have none. Cf. Green, A. R. W., The Storm God in the Ancient Near East (Winona Lake: Eisenbaums, 2003) and Brown, David Allan, The Deities Worshipped in Central and North-West Arabia at the Advent of Islam, their temples and rituals. (PhD. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1968.) pp. 529 - 549.

[CCIII]  §458 - 460.

[CCIV]        §488 - 489.

[CCV]         In Samaritanism, the heavenly temple is surrounded by an angel that is later associated with the Angel of the Lord; see Fossum, Jarl, ‘The Angel of the Lord in Samaritanism’ JSS 46 (2001) pp. 51 - 75.

[CCVI]        This will be discussed in more detail in Part 3.

[CCVII]       §415 - 422.

[CCVIII]      §448

[CCIX]        §471

[CCX]         See Scholem, G., ‘Sandalfon’ EJ vol. 14, coll. 827 - 828.

[CCXI]        Exegesis played a similar important role in Judaism, as Olyan argues: ‘The interpretation of texts of the Hebrew Bible by ancient and medieval exegetes is certainly responsible for the vast majority of angelic brigade designations, and many angelic personal names.’ Olyan, A Thousand Thousands, p. 118.

[CCXII]       See Arberry, Koran, pp. 481 & 604; the Qur’an also refers to angels surrounding the Throne of God in Q 39:75; Arberry, Koran, p. 479.

[CCXIII]      For a discussion of the imagery of the Throne and the Throne Bearers see O’Shaughnessy, T., ‘God’s Throne and the Biblical Symbolism of the Qur’an’ Numen 20 (1973) 202 - 221, particularly 206 - 207; for a discussion of various traditions about the hamlat al-carsh and Jewish material, see Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, pp. 467 - 476.

[CCXIV]      See O’Shaugnessy, T., The Development of the Meaning of Spirit in the Koran (Roma: Pont. Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1953); MacDonald, D. B., ‘The development of the idea of Spirit in Islam’ AO 9 (1931) 307 - 351; Calverley, E. E., ‘Doctrines of the soul (Nafs and Ruh) in Islam’ MW 33 (1943) pp. 254 - 265 and Sells, Michael A., ‘Sound, Spirit and Gender in Surat al-Qadr’ JAOS 111 (1991) pp. 239 - 259.

[CCXV]       Al-Tabari refers to three main interpretations of al-ruh al-qudus: (i) Gabriel; (ii) the Injil (Gospel) or (iii) God. Al-Tabari argues that it refers to Gabriel; al-Tabari, Tafsir, vol. 1, pp. 403 - 406 [Q 2:87]. The idea that the Spirit (of God) is an angel began to become popular in Hellenic Judaism, see Levinson, John R., The Spirit in First Century Judaism (Leiden: Brill, 1997).

[CCXVI]      E.g. §216: ‘The Spirit is in the Fourth Heaven, and he is greater than the heavens and the mountains and the angels. He praises God every day by saying ‘I praise you’ ten thousand times; God, Most High, creates an angel from every saying of ‘I praise you’. He will come in a rank by himself on the Day of Resurrection.’

[CCXVII]     E.g. §225: ‘.. .concerning His Word: ‘Upon the day when the Spirit and the angels stand in ranks.’ [Q 78:38] He said: Both of them are ranks of the Lord of the two worlds; on the Day of Judgement there will be a rank of the Spirit and a rank of angels.’

[CCXVIII]    See O’Shaughnessy, Meaning of Spirit, pp. 16 - 24.

[CCXIX]      Arwah is normally used to refer to a human’s spirit, but it is used of a species of angelic being in some traditions; see Wensinck, A. J., CTMvol. 2, pp. 317 - 318.

[CCXX]       The sakina is mentioned in the Qur’an: 2:248; 9:26, 40; 48:4, 18; see Arberry, Koran, pp. 35, 182, 184, 531 & 533. There have been a number of studies on this word: e.g., Goldziher, Ignaz, ‘La notion de la Sakina chez les Mohamétans’ GS vol. 2, pp. 296 - 308. In the Qur’an the sakina is usually associated with the invisible help which came to the Muslims’ aid in battle; however in Q 2:248, the sakina carries the Jewish association with the Ark of the Covenant. See Patai, Raphael, ‘The Shekina’ JR 44 (1964) pp. 275 - 288 and Rubin, Uri, ‘Traditions in transformation: The Ark of the Covenant and the Golden Calf in Biblical and Islamic Historiography’ Oriens 36 (2001) pp. 196 - 214.

[CCXXI]      See Tottoli, Robert, ‘At Cock-Crow: Some Muslim Traditions About the Rooster’ Der Islam 76 (1999) pp. 139 - 147; and for the cosmic cockerel see, pp. 142 - 143. This article is a survey of another hadith collection of Al-Suyûtï, Kitab al-wadik f fadl al-dik.

[CCXXII]     Cf. ‘This is what wakens the cocks on earth, for just as articulate beings do, thus also the cock informs those on the earth according to its own tongue. For the sun is being prepared by the angels and the cock is crowing.’ 3Bar. 6:16; OTP, vol. 1, p. 671.

[CCXXIII]    Olyan, A Thousand Thousands Serve Him.

[CCXXIV]    ‘And they follow what the Satans recited over Solomon’s kingdom. Solomon disbelieved not, but the Satans disbelieved, teaching the people sorcery, and that which was sent down upon Babylon’s two angels, Harut and Marut, they taught not any man, without they said, “We are but a temptation; do not disbelieve.’ Q 2:102; Arberry, Koran, pp. 12 - 13.

[CCXXV]     E.g. al-Thaclabï, QA, pp. 50 - 54; William M. Brinner (tr.), cAra ’is al-majalis fi qisas al-anbiya ’ or “Lives of the Prophets” (Leiden: Brill, 2002), pp. 86 - 91; cf. al-Tabarï, Tafsir, vol. 1, pp. 454 - 459; see also Margoliouth, ‘Harut and Marut’ MW 18 (1918) pp. 73 - 79.

[CCXXVI]    There are a few personal names that follow this pattern found in the Qur’an: viz. Jalut (Saul), Yajuj (Gog), Majuj (Magog), Talut (Saul), Da ’ud / Dawud (David). Some of the names have origins in Hebrew or Aramaic (Jalut, Da ’ud), but the derivation of the others remains unclear. For a longer discussion of these names, see Carter, Michael, ‘Foreign Vocabulary’ in Andrew Rippin (ed.), The Blackwell Companion to the Qur’an (Oxford: Blackwell, 2006) pp. 120 - 139, pp. 134 - 137.

[CCXXVII]   See Wensinck, A. J., ‘Harut and Marut’ EI1 vol. 2, pp. 272 - 273; Vajda, G., ‘Harut wa-Marut’ EI2 vol. 3, pp. 236 - 237 and Brinner, Willam M., ‘Harut and Marut’ EQ vol. 2, pp. 404 - 405. For a fuller analysis of the etymology of the names see de Menasce, P-J., ‘Une légende indo-iranienne dans l’angélologie judéo-musulmanne: a propos de Harut et Marut’ EA 1 (1947) pp. 10 - 18; Uhl, Patrice, ‘Guillaume IX d’Aquitaine et le Sorcellerie de Babel - à Propos des Vers Arabes de la Chanson V (MS. C) -’ Arabica 38 (1991) pp. 19 - 39, pp. 19 - 20; Henning, W. B., Sogdica (London: s.n., 1940) pp. 16 & 19 and Jeffrey, Arthur, Foreign Vocabulary, pp. 282 - 283 and Shabazi, Shapur A., ‘Harut and Marut’ Elr. vol. 12, pp. 20 - 22. Al-Jawalïqï states that the names are foreign, al-Mucarrab, pp. 317 & 349.

[CCXXVIII]  For more on Anahïd, see Choksy, Jamsheed K, ‘Ancient Religions’ IrS 31 (1998) pp. 661 - 679, p. 663 and Boyce, M., Chaumont M. L. & Bier, C., ‘Anahïd’ Elr. vol. 1, pp. 1003 - 1011.

[CCXXIX]    §255.

[CCXXX]     See Jung, ‘Fallen Angels’ JQR 16 (1926) pp. 287 - 295. Georges Dumézil argues that the Harut and Marut story has a close parallel with a story found in the Mahabharata, but this seems less likely; see Dumézil, G., Naissance d’Archanges (Jupiter Mars Quirinus III) (Paris: Librairie Gallimard, 1945) pp. 158 - 170.

[CCXXXI]    Wensinck, A. J., ‘Munkar wa-Nakir’ EI2 vol. 7, p. 577; for more on the angels, see also Gardet, Destinée de l’Homme, pp. 247 - 253.

[CCXXXII]   Wensinck, ‘Munkar wa-Nakir’, p. 577.

[CCXXXIII]  See Raven, W., ‘Ridwan’ EI2 vol. 8, p. 519. The name is usually associated with Q 3:15.

[CCXXXIV]  See Southgate, Minoo S., ‘Portrait of Alexander in Persian Alexander-Romances of the Islamic Era’ JAOS 97 (1977) 278 - 284 and Stoneman, Richard, ‘Alexander the Great in the Arabic Tradition’ in Stelios Panayotakis, Maaike Zimmermann and Wyste Keulen, The Ancient Novel and Beyond (Leiden: Brill, 2003) pp. 3 - 22.

[CCXXXV]   ‘Dhu ‘l-Qarnayn was one of the angels, whom God sent down to earth...’; see also al-Suyutï, Itqan, vol. 4, p. 69.

[CCXXXVI]  Southgate, ‘Portrait of Alexander’ p. 284.

[CCXXXVII] Schimmel, Annemarie, Islamic Names (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1989) p. 33.

[CCXXXVIII] Tritton, A. S., ‘Popular Shi’ism’ BSOAS 13 (1951) pp. 829 - 839, p. 829.

[CCXXXIX]  The only possible example is found in Ibn al-cArabï’s Kitab canqa’ mughrib, and Gerald Elmore suggests that the reference is to Ibn al-cArabï himself (Gerald T. Elmore, Islamic Sainthood in the Fullness of Time: Ibn al-cArabï’s Book of the Fabulous Gryphon. (Leiden: Brill, 1999) p. 590 n.10). The particular reference in question reads: ‘On his precious Right was the “Faithful One” (al-Siddlq [sci. Abu Bakr]); on his most-holy Left was the “Discriminator” (al-Faruq [sci. cUmar ibn al-

Khattab]); and before him knelt the Seal [sci. Jesus], recounting to him the story of the Female (hadlth al-untha) as cAlï [b. Abï Talib] (May God bless him and keep him!) was translating the seal’s [words] into his own language, while “He of the Two Lights" (dhu l-nurayn), wrapped in the mantle of his modesty (rida’ haya’ihi), for his part [also] faced the Prophet Muhammad.’ Elmore (tr.), Islamic Sainthood, p. 590.

779. Cf. Hag 5a and San. 94a.

[CCXLII]      For more on the name see, Scholem, G., ‘Metatron’ EJ vol. 11, coll. 1443 - 1446 and Black,

Matthew, ‘The Origin of the Name Metatron’ VT 1 (1951) pp. 217 - 219.

[CCXLIII]     See Scholem, ‘Sandalfon’; Davidson, Dictionary of Angels, p. 257 and Schafer, Peter, Der verborgene und offenbare Gott (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1991) pp. 99 - 101.

[CCXLIV]     cf. Hag 13b, p. 78

[CCXLV]      Scholem, G., ‘Sandalfon’ col. 828.

[CCXLVI]     Cf. Southern, Mark and Vaughn, Andrew G., ‘Where have all the nasals gone? nC > CC in North Semitic’ JSS 42 (1997) pp. 264 - 282.

[CCXLVII]    Jastrow, Marcus, Dictionary of the Targumim, Talmud Balbi and Yerushalmi and the Midrashic Literature (repr. Peabody: Hendrickson, 2005) vol. 2, p. 1005.

[CCXLVIII]   See Wansbrough, John, Quranic Studies: Studies and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation (Repr. Amherst: Prometheus Books, 2004) p. 30 - 31.

[CCXLIX]     E.g. Pinero, A., ‘Angels and Demons in the Greek Life of Adam and Eve’ JSJ 14 (1993) pp. 191 - 214; Brooke, G. J., ‘Men and Women as Angels in Joseph and Aseneth JSP 14 (2005) pp. 159 - 177 and Ruffatto, Kristine J., ‘Raguel as Interpreter of Moses’ Throne Vision: The Transcendent Identity of Raguel in the Exagoge of Ezekiel the Tragedian’ JSP 17 (2008) pp. 121 - 139.

[CCL] Ithamar Gruenwald highlights six key elements found in Throne Visions, two of which are the presence of angels around God’s throne and the singing of hymns by angels; see Gruenwald, Mysticism, p. 31. Gruenwald, also, gives the Apocalypse of Isaiah 6:10 - 12 as an example of the importance of angels in attesting to the veracity of a vision: ‘Isaiah goes into some detail when he describes the glory of that angel....Obviously, this remark is directed to distinguish between this vision - which entailed a heavenly ascent - and the one in Isaiah vi, which the writer apparently believed to entail no such experience.’ Gruenwald, Mysticism, p. 58.

[CCLI]         In some texts, humans are given angelic attributes or are described as being like angels to illustrate their righteousness, in these cases the individuals are not angels, but iconographic details associated with angels are used to describe them. This is seen particularly strongly in the Qumran community; cf. Davidson, Angels at Qumran, pp. 316 - 319.

[CCLII]        Whilst discussing the opening of the Throne-Vision in the Testament of Levi, Paulo Augusto de Souza Nougeira comments that the vision of heaven ‘.. .shows too that the seer has special access to hidden secrets and the knowledge of these secrets is crucial, and should have immediate consequences for the everyday lives of his readers.’ See de Souza Nougeira, Paulo Augusto, ‘Celestial Worship and the Ecstatic-Visionary Experience’ JSNT 25 (2002) pp. 165 - 184, p. 166.

[CCLIII]       Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, p. 40.

[CCLIV]       Cf. Kuhn, ‘Angelology’, pp. 217 - 232; Kasher, Rimmon, ‘Angelology and the Supernatural Worlds in the Aramaic Targums to the Prophets’ JSJ 27 (1996) pp. 168 - 191 and Shinan, A., ‘The Angelology of the Palestinian Targums on the Pentateuch’ Sefarad 43 (1983) pp. 181 - 198.

[CCLV]        Cf. Gruenwald, Mysticism, p. 31.

[CCLVI]       Segal, Alan F., ‘Heavenly Ascent in Hellenic Judaism, Early Christianity and their Environment’ in Hildegard Temporini, Wolfgang Haase and Joseph Vogt (eds.), Aufstieg und Niedergand der romischen Welt (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1972) pp. 1333 - 1394, p. 1361; see also and Charlesworth, James H., ‘The Portrayal of the Righteous as an Angel’ in George W. E. Nickelsburg & John J. Collins (eds.), Ideal Figures in Ancient Judaism (Chico: Scholars Press, 1980) pp. 135 - 151.

[CCLVII]      See Cook, David, ‘Moral Apocalyptic in Islam’ SI 86 (1997) 37 - 69, pp. 37 - 38.

[CCLVIII]     Vockovic, Heavenly Journeys, p. 97; cf. Alan Segal on 1En: ‘Though the workings of the physical universe are described, the most important message of Enoch is that the unrighteous will be punished and that the suffering of the righteous has meaning.’ Segal, ‘Heavenly Ascent’ p. 1360. See also Porter, J. R., ‘Muhammad’s Journey to Heaven’ Numen 21 (1974) pp. 64 - 80, p. 75 and Martha Himmelfarb’s two key studies, Tours of Hell and Ascent to Heaven.

[CCLIX]       Cf. al-Bel’ami MS [Freer Gallery of Art 57.16] foll. 182a & 184a; see Soucek, Priscilla P., ‘The Life of the Prophet: Illustrated Versions’ in Soucek, Priscilla P. (ed.), Content and Context of Visual Arts in the Islamic World (London : Pennsylvania State University Press, 1988) pp. 193 - 217, and the Saray-Album (Topkapi Museum) MS Hazine 1221, fol. 223b; Hazine 2152, fol. 60b; Hazine 2154, foll. 61b, 121a; see Ipsiroglu. M. §, Das Bild im Islam (Vienna: Schroll, 1971) pl. 23, 38, 39 and 104; and BNPer. 174, foll. 69r, 113r, 121v; Barrucand, Marianne, ‘The Miniatures of the Daqa’iq al- haqa’iq (Bibliothèque Nationale Pers. 174): A Testimony to the Cultural Diversity of Medieval Anatolia’ IA 4 (1990 - 1991) pp. 113 - 142. For brief analysis of angels in Islamic art, see Milstein, R., ‘Angels in Islamic Art and Architecture’ EI3.

[CCLX]        Some of the hadith, albeit very few, do refer to angels wearing turbans (§626 - 628 & (yellow turbans) 630), and these are also found in Islamic Art (cf. FGA 57.16 fol. 138a, 170b; see Soucek, ‘Life of the Prophet’). However, whether the angels’ wearing of turbans is related to Islamic tradition or other external infuences is difficult to ascertain.

[CCLXI]       Cf. Esin, Emel, ‘An Angel Figure in the Miscellany Album H. 2152 of Topkapi’ in Oktay Aslanapa (ed.) Beitrage zur Kunstgeschichte Asiens: in Memoriam Ernst Diez (Istanbul: Istanbul Universitesi Edebiyat Fakultesiu, 1963) pp. 264 - 282. Esin also includes other information on other motifs used for angels in Islamic and their influence from East-Asian culture.

[CCLXII]      For example, in the miniatures of the Daqa ’iq al-haqa ’iq, a number of the angels are depicted carrying different objects, representing the objects or seasons over which the angels have influence; see Barrucand, ‘Miniatures of the Daqa ’iq\ Also, in one version of the Micraj-nama (Tokapi, Hazine 2154, fol. 61b), a miniature depicting Muhammad’s encounter with the Cockerel (al-Dik) includes an angelic choir, a motif that is not found in any available text of the Micraj-nama remaining extant; see Ettingahusen, Richard, ‘Persian Ascension Miniatures of the Fourteenth Century’ in Richard Ettinghausen, Islamic Art and Archaeology: Collected Papers (Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1984) pp. 244 - 267, pp. 246 - 248.

[CCLXIII]     Blue and black are often ‘negative’ colours in folklore; cf. Ugochukwu, Françoise ‘The Devil’s Colors: A Comparative Study of French and Nigerian Folktales’ OTr 21 (2006) pp. 250 - 268, p. 260.

[CCLXIV]     ‘Divine messengers are usually depicted as indistinguishable from human beings...’ Meier, S. A., ‘Angel I’ p. 48.

[CCLXV]      See also VanderKam, James C., ‘The Angel of the Presence in the Book of Jubilees’ DSD 7 (2000) pp. 378 - 393 and Quispel, Gilles ‘Ezekiel 1:26 in Jewish Mysticism and Gnosis’ VC 34 (1980) pp. 1 - 13.

[CCLXVI]     JosAsen 15:9, OTP vol. 2, p. 225.

[CCLXVII]    See Meier, ‘Angel I’ pp. 45 - 50 and van Henten, J. W., ‘Angel II’ DDD vol. 1, pp. 50 - 53. The two forms (celestial and anthropomorphic) are also found in Gnositc and Hermetic texts, see Stroumsa, Gedaliahu G., ‘Form(s) of God: Some Notes on Metatron and Christ’ HTR 76 (1983) pp. 269 - 288.

[CCLXVIII]   See Sullivan, Wrestling with Angels, p. 83.

[CCLXIX]     Peers, Glen, Subtle Bodies: Representing Angels in Byzantium (London: University of California Press, 2001) p. 23. See, also, Bussagli, M., ‘Angelo’ EdAM vol. 1, pp. 629 - 638 and Pallas, D. I., ‘Himmelsmachte, Erzengel und Engel’ RZBK, vol. 3, coll. 13 - 119, coll. 43 - 56. For depictions of angels with wings in Jewish art, see Landsberger, Franz, ‘The Origin of the Winged Angel in Jewish Art’ HUCA 20 (1947) pp. 227 - 254.

[CCLXX]      Cf. Stoumsa, ‘Form(s) of God’ p. 274f.

[CCLXXI]     Cf. Q 19:16 - 19 & 35:1; Arberry, Koran, pp. 303 & 444.

[CCLXXII]    §46, 54, 56, 120 - 124, 151, 160, 167, 175, 218, 220 & 223.

[CCLXXIII]   §46, 120 & 122 (Gabriel and the Angel of Death).

[CCLXXIV]   Dihya al-Kalbi is said to have been of ‘such outstanding beauty that the Angel Gabriel took his features.’ Lammens, H. [-Pellat, Ch.], ‘Dihya’ EI2 vol. 2, p. 274.

[CCLXXV]    head: §50, 54, 55, 92, 96, 104, ,122, 184, 190, 195, 197, 219, 222, 243, 234, 494, 498, 499 & 684; feet: §29, 44a, 44b, 50, 52, 54, 96, 180, 181, 184, 195, 202, 205, 219, 222, 223, 274, 415, 485 & 486; legs: §180, 544 & 625; hands: §29, 166, 219, 222, 229, 234, 257, 269, 306, 487, 653 & 684; andface: §122, 189, 212 & 214.

[CCLXXVI]   mouth: §211, 233, 303, 305, 306, 493, 498 & 500; nose: §180; forehead: §54, 94, 104 & 105; teeth: §50; hair: §54, 120, 122, 233, 305 & 306; ears: §99, 122, 181, 270, 490 & 545 and eyes: §87, 95, 120, 123, 146, 183, 197, 199, 233, 303, 305, 306 & 499.

[CCLXXVII]  Neck: §53, 94, 96, 99, 195 & 233; shoulders: §48, 51, 181, 231, 494 & 499; collarbone: §490 & 499 and heart: 549.

[CCLXXVIII] §20, 43, 45, 49, 50, 53, 54, 92 - 95, 99, 104, 149, 189, 213, 214, 284 - 287, 294, 416, 499, 511, 622, 623, 743 & 744.

[CCLXXIX]   See Burge, S. R., ‘Angels in Sürat al-Mala’ika: Exegeses of Q 35:1’ JQS 10 (2009) pp. 50 - 70. This is, also, reflected in Jewish and Christian literature, where there are only a few references to angels having wings: cf. 2En 12:2 & 72:9, OTP vol. 1, pp. 122 - 123 & 210 - 211; 3En 9, OTP vol. 1, p. 263; ApAbr 18:6, OTP vol. 1, p. 698; QuesEzra 27 - 30, OTP vol. 1, p. 598 and LadJac 2:15, OTP vol. 2, p. 408.

[CCLXXX]    Eg. §20, 94, 99,149, 416, 622, 623, 690 & 744.

[CCLXXXI]   §744; some modern commentators have argued against conceiving angels as being like birds, e.g. ‘We need not suppose that angelic “wings” have muscles and feathers, like the wings of birds.’ Ali, Y. H., The Holy Qur’an (Lahore: Sheikh Muhammad Ashraf, 1938, p. 1152, n. 3871.

[CCLXXXII]  §94; see also §43, 92 - 95, 213, 214 & 499.

[CCLXXXIII] Q 35:1; Arberry, Koran, p. 444.

[CCLXXXIV] E.g. During the micraj, Muhammad sees Gabriel with six hundred wings; see, al-Bukhan, Sahîh (Riyadh: Bayt al-Afkar al-Dawliyya, 1998), §4856, p. 593; al-Qurtubi, Al-Jamic, vol. 14, pp. 319 - 320 and al-Baydawi, cAbd Allah ibn cUmar, Anwar al-tanzîl wa-asrar al-ta’wîl; Fleischer, H. O. (ed.), Commentarius in Coranum (Leipzig: Vogel, 1846 - 1848) vol. 2, p. 148. The increase in wings is justified through the exegesis of the phrase ‘yazîdu fî’l-khalqi ma yasha ’U in Q 35:1; cf. al-Tabari’s exegesis of this phrase: ‘.He increases what He wills for his creation, whatever He wills for it; and he decreases as He wills, what ever He wills for a creation; His is the creation, and the power, His is the ability and the authority.’ Al-Tabari, Tafsîr, vol. 22, p. 114.

[CCLXXXV]  See below for a discussion of the significance and symbolism of the colour green in Arabic.

[CCLXXXVI] Ezk. 1:5 - 14; Rev. 4:6 - 8; Apoc. Abr. 18:3 - 7, OTP, vol. 1, p. 698.

[CCLXXXVII]              Cf. Eggler, Jürg, Influences and Traditions Underlying the Vision of Daniel 7:2 - 14 (Fribourg: University Press / Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2000) pp. 42 - 54.

[CCLXXXVIII]             Bauckham, Richard, The Theology of the Book of Revelation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993) pp. 33 - 34.

[CCLXXXIX] §189 - 193 & 198; the Angel of the Thunder is, also, described like this, see §267.

[CCXC]        Single form: §192 & 193; (four faces): §189 - 191; 198.

§191.

goats: §179; horns: §180, 181, 184, 197 & 209

Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, p. 470.

Cook, Stanley A., The Religion of Ancient Palestine in the Light of Archaeology (London: Oxford University Press, 1930) p. 29; see also Obhink, H. Th., ‘The Horns of the Altar in the Semitic World, Especially in Jahwism’ JBL 56 (1937) pp. 43 - 49; see, also, Coudert, Allison, ‘Horns’ ER2 vol. 6, pp. 4130 - 4131 and Litvinski, B. A. (tr. Sylvia Juan), ‘Sheep and Goats’ ER2 vol. 12, pp. 8309 - 8312.

[CCXCV]      The altar is called the keratinos bumos; see Brureau, Philippe, Recherches sur les cultes de Délos à l'époque hellénistique et à l'époque impériale (Paris: Editions E. de Boccard, 1970) pp. 22 - 29. The altar was destroyed, but is referred to by the poet Callimachus; see Callimachus, EigAnoXXcova, l. 61; William, F., Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo: A Commentary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978) pp. 59 - 60. The altar of the Jerusalem temple, also, had stone ‘horns’, see Milgrom, Jacob & Lerner, Blalik Myron, ‘Altar', EJ vol. 1, coll. 760 - 771.

[CCXCVI]     See Cornelius, Izak, The Iconography of the Canaanite Gods Reshef and Bacal: Late Bronze Age and Iron Age Periods (c. 1500 - 1000 BCE) (Fribourg: University Press & Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994) pp. 245 - 253 and Metzger, Martin, Konigsthron und Gottesthron: Thronformen und Throndarstellungen in Àgypten und in Vorderen Orient im dritten und zweiten Jahrtausend vor Christus und deren Bedeutung für das Verstandnis von Aussagen über den Thron im Alten Testament (Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Berkcer; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1985) p. 253.

§53.

§280 - 294.

One other hadïth state that the angel IsrafTl can be both huge and incredibly small (the size of a

[CCC]          Alexander, P.,‘3 (Hebrew Apocalypse of) Enoch’ OTP vol. 1, p. 293 n. 9c.

[CCCI]         3En 9:2 - 3, p. 263.

[CCCII]        20,51,180 (three times), 181, 183, 197, 202, 209, 231 (bis), 485, 490, 494, 499 (four times) & 545.

[CCCIII]       See, also, §181 (bird); §231 (100 autumns); §490 (quick-flying bird going downwards); §494 (angel flying) and §545 (quick-flying bird).

[CCCIV]       The scales are enormous; for example R. Ishmael b. Elosha is said to have remarked that ‘...the entire measurement (of the Creator) is 2,000,000,000,000,000,000 (i. e. 2 x 1018) parasangs in height, and 10,000,000,000 parasangs in width.’ Sefer Hashicür, ll. 5 - 6; Cohen, Martin Samuel, The Shicür Qomah:Texts and Recensions (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1995) p. 29. The date of these texts is unclear [cf. Stemberger, Günter (tr. Markus Bockmuehl), Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (Repr. Edinburgh: T. &. T. Clark, 1997), pp. 348 - 349], the tradition appears to have its origins in the period after the Babylonian Talmud (5th Century), but, significantly, before the time of the philosopher Saadia Gaon (d. 942); see Cohen, Shicur Qomah, pp. 1 - 2 and Cohen, Martin Samuel, The Shicur Qomah: Liturgy and Theurgy in Pre-Kabbalistic Jewish Mysticism (London: University Press of America, 1983) pp. 51ff

[CCCV]        Some commentators believe the Shicur Qomah texts may, actually, be an unusual attempt to de- anthropomorphise God. Gedaliahu Stroumsa argues that the texts appear to be referring to an archangelic divine hypostasis, rather than the actual essence of God (see Stroumsa, ‘Form(s) of God’ p. 277/.); Joseph Dan argues that the measurements are so exceptionally incomprehensible, they become meaningless; see Dan, Joseph, ‘Concept of Knowledge in the Shicur Qomah in Siegfried Stein and Raphael Loewe (eds.) Studies in Jewish Religious and Intellectual History Presented to Alexander Altmann, (Alabama: University of Alabama Press 1979) pp. 67-73.

[CCCVI]       Cohen, Shicur Qomah (1985), pp. 38 - 53.

[CCCVII]      In Siddur Rabbah ‘years’ are not used, but in another text, Sefer ha-Shicur, there is one distance given in ‘years’ amongst many measurements taken inparasangs: ‘The distance that a man can walk in a (single) day is ten parasangs, which is to say that, in a year consisting of 365 parasangs, (he can) walk 3,656 parasangs (!). In ten years, the sum totals 36,400 parasangs, and (therefore,) in one hundred years, it reaches, 365,000 parasangs, and in five hundred years, it reaches 1,825,000 parasangs - this is the span of the Creator, may He be blessed”.’ Siddur Rabbah ll: 9 - 12; Cohen, Shicur Qomah (1985) pp. 28 - 29.

[CCCVIII]     The distance ‘shoulder to shoulder’ does, however, appear in the Book of Elchasai: an angel is said to be 96 miles high (24 schoinoi) and the distance from shoulder to shoulder to be 6 schoinoi (14 miles): NTA, vol. 2, p. 687; this fragment is taken from Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, IX:13.2; Marcovich, Miroslav (ed.), Hipplytus: Refutatio Ominum Haeresium (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1986) p. 357.

[CCCIX]       Although year-measurements can be found, usually in relation the size of the earth. In addition to the use in Sefer ha-Shicur (see above), it can, also, be found in DeutR 2:10, p. 29 and CantR 6:9 §2 - 3, p. 266. See, also, Gandz, Solomon, ‘The Distribution of Land and Sea on the Earth’s Surface According to Hebrew Sources’ PAAJR 22 (1953) pp. 23 - 53; especially p. 33. This use can be found in al-Mascudï, Abï al-Hassan cAlï ibn al-Husayn ibn cAlï (ed. cAbd al-Amrr cAlï Muhanna), Muruj al- dhahab wa-macadin al-jawahir (Beirut: Mu’sassa al-Aclamï li-‘l-Matbucât, 1321 / 2000) §I:16; vol. 1, p. 172

[CCCX]        Cf. Stroumsa, ‘Form(s) of God’ p. 269; see also Jackson, Howard M., ‘The Origins and Development of Shicur Qomah Revelation in Jewish Mysticism’ JSJ 31 (2000) pp. 373 - 415. Jackson looks at representations of the divine in other, non-Jewish, religious traditions.

[CCCXI]       §42, 53, 92 - 95, 158 - 159, 201, 202, 213, 214, 285, 286 & 294.

§53, 92 - 95, 201, 202, 213, 214, 285, 286 and 294.

§41, 96, 180, 181, 184, 190, 195, 201, 205, 284, 286, 287, 294 & 544.

Cf. §190

§96, 180, 181, 184, 195, 201, 205, 284, 286, 287, 294 & 544.

[CCCXVI]     For a short discussion of this see: De Conick, April D., ‘The “Dialogue of the Savior” and the Mystical Sayings of Jesus’ VC 50 (1996) pp. 178 - 199, pp. 190 - 193.

[CCCXVII]    GPhil 26a; NTA, vol. 1, p. 191. Cf. DialSav 42 & 67; NTA, vol. 1, pp. 4 - 11

[CCCXVIII]   Cf. Swartz, M. D., ‘The Semiotics of the Priestly Vestments in Ancient Judaism’ in Albert I Baumgarten (ed.), Sacrifices in Religious Experience (Leiden: Brill, 2002) pp. 57 - 80. Garments were, also, used to distinguish gods from mortals in Semitic religion: see Oppenheim, A. Leo, ‘Golden Garments of the Gods’ JNES 8 (1949) pp. 172 - 193.

[CCCXIX]     For a comprehensive list of various iconographic details associated with angels, see Pallas, ‘Himmelsmachte’ RZBK vol. 3, coll. 34 - 43. Another interesting article by Catherine Jolivet-Lévy discusses the semiotics of dress in Byzantine art and particularly the way in which the Imperial costume of the angels was also used to stress the worldly power of the Emperor; see Jolivet-Lévy, Catherine, ‘Note sur la representation des archanges en costume impérial dans l’iconographie byzantine’ CA 46 (1998) pp. 121 - 128.

[CCCXX]      For a discussion of the place of clothing in Judaism and Christianity, see Kim, Jung Hoon, The Significance of Clothing Imagery in the Pauline Corpus (London: Continuum, 2004). For an important work on the semiotics of clothing and dress (in general), see Rubinstein, Ruth P., Dress Codes: Meaning and Messages in American Culture (Oxford: Westview Press, 1995).

[CCCXXI]     Rubin, Nissan & Kosman, Admiel, ‘The Clothing of the Primordial Man: Adam as a Symbol of Apocalyptic Time in the Midrashic Sources’ HTR 90 (1997) pp. 155 - 174, p. 163.

[CCCXXII]    Emel Esin includes a discussion of angelic dress in Islamic art and its East-Asian influences, see Esin, ‘Angel Figure’ p. 269f.

[CCCXXIII]   For a discussion of angelic clothing in Byzantine art, see Parani, Maria G., Reconstructing the Reality of Images: Byzantine Material Culture and Religious Iconography (11th - 15th Centuries) (Leiden: Brill, 2003) pp. 42 - 50.

[CCCXXIV]   ‘As I watched, thrones were set in place, and an Ancient One took his throne; his clothing was white as snow and the hair of his head like pure wool.’ NRSV p.843 Cf. 20:12; ‘and he saw two angels in white.’ NRSV p.111, Martha Himmelfarb discusses the use and symbolism of God’s white gown and argues that there are two main ideas: (i) judgement and (ii) purity; she, also, alludes to the wearing of a plain white robe by the Jewish High Priest on the Day of Atonement; see Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven, pp. 16 - 18; see also Rowland, Christopher, ‘A Man Clothed in Linen: Daniel 10.6ff and Jewish Angelology’ JSNT 24 (1985) pp. 99 - 110.

[CCCXXV]    Cf: JanJam 25a, OTP vol. 2, p. 437 and ApEl 5:5 - 6 ‘Then Gabriel and Uriel will become a pillar of light leading them into the holy land. It will be granted to them to east form the tree of life. They will wear white garments..and angels will watch over them.’ OTP, vol. 1, p. 750. This text is referring to the righteous, rather than angels, but the intention of the white garments is to signify their righteousness and their place in heaven.

[CCCXXVI]   §54; see also §122 (Angel of Death)

[CCCXXVII]  ‘[WeiB] bezeichnet jede Art von Helligkeit, darunter auch die Helligkeit des WeiB, aber ebenso des Strahlen und Leuchten des Lichts und das Funkeln und Schillern reflektierender Gegenstânde.’ Fischer, Wolfdietrich, Farb- und Formbezeichnungen in der Sprache der altarabischen Dichtung: Untersuchungen zur Wortbedeutung und zur Wortbildung (Wiesbaden: Otto Harassowitz, 1965) p. 244.

[CCCXXVIII] cAthamina, Khalil, ‘The Black Banners and the Socio-Political Significance of Flags and Slogans in Medieval Islam’ Arabica 36 (1989) p. 311.

[CCCXXIX]   Akhdar can, also, refer to blue (see Fischer, Farb- und Formbezeichungen, p. 306), but, in these texts, ‘green’ is clearly intended.

§54, see also §50 & 52.

§690.

Alexander, David: ‘The Black Flag of the cAbbasids’ Gladius 20 (2000) p. 224.

For a discussion of the symbolism of colours in Near Eastern cultures, see Carbo, Antoni Gonzalo, pp. 65 - 90.

[CCCXXXIV] §42, 44b, 45 & 54; Green robes are, also, said to be worn by those in paradise: e.g. Q 18:31 ‘...and they shall be robed in green garments of silk and brocade. ’ Arberry, Koran, p. 292; see also Q 55:76 & 76:21; Arberry, Koran, pp. 559 and 622; see also cAthamina, ‘Black Banners’ pp. 325 - 326.

[CCCXXXV]  ‘The color green is symbolic of the beginning of the things, of the creation, of the physical order and also of the fundamental wisdom which underlies creation.’ Bokser, Ben Zion, ‘The Thread of Blue’ PAAJR 31 (1963) p. 11

[CCCXXXVI] ‘Moreover, the faces of the intermediate were a greenish colour, on account of their deeds, for they are tainted until purified of their iniquity by fire.’ 3En 44:5; OTP, vol. 1, p. 295.

[CCCXXXVII]              §281, 285, 286 & 294.

[CCCXXXVIII]             See Royalty, Robert M., The Streets of Heaven: The Ideology of Wealth in the Apocalypse of John (Macon: Mercer University Press, 1998) pp. 45 - 58. For the use of precious stones in a whole range of different religions, see Kunz, George Frederick, The Curious Lore of Precious Stones (London: s.i., 1913) pp. 225 - 274.

[CCCXXXIX] Let Aris 96, OTP vol. 2, p. 19; cf. Ex 28:4, 27 - 31.

[CCCXL]      Let Aris 88, OTP vol. 2, p. 18; see also Let Aris, 52 - 82, OTP vol. 2 pp. 16 - 18.

[CCCXLI]     Cf. 1En 14:11 & 24:2, OTP vol. 1, pp. 20 & 26; 3En 12, OTP Vol 1, p. 265 ; 2Bar 5:7 OTP Vol 2, p. 623; ApAb 11:1 - 3, OTP vol. 1, p. 694 and Ps.-Phil. 26:9 - 10 OTP vol. 2, p. 338.

[CCCXLII]    §626 - 628 & 630. cf. Q3:123 - 124; Arberry, Koran, p. 61; Ibn Ishaq, Sïra, pp. 303ff.; Al-Wâqidï, Muhammad ibn cUmar (ed. Marsden Jones), Kitab al-maghazï (London: Oxford University Press, 1966) vol. 1, pp. 56 - 57, 79, 113 and Malik ibn Anas, al-Muwatta; Muwatta’ al-Imam Malik wa- sharhuhu tanwïr al-hawalik (Cairo: Matbacat al-akhira, 1370 / 1951) vol. 1 pp. 291 - 292; Bewley, Aisha Abdurrahman (tr.), Al-Muwatta of Imam Malik ibn Anas: The First Formulation ofIslamic Law (Granada: Madinah Press, 1992) §20.81.254, p. 171; for more on the significance of turbans, see Kister, M. J., ‘“The Crowns of this Community”.. .Some Notes on the Turban in Muslim Tradition’ JSAI 24 (2000) pp. 217 - 245.

[CCCXLIII]   This is also found in Western art, as Stephen Prickett comments early renaissance art: ‘Biblical characters (once clothed) always wore contemporary dress and appeared in the local context.’ Prickett, Stephen, ‘The Bible in Literature and Art’ in John Barton (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Biblical Interpretation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) pp. 160 - 178, p. 165.

[CCCXLIV]Cf. Kaiser, Otto (tr. R. A. Wilson), Isaiah 1 - 12 (London: SCM Press, 1972) p. 76 and Oswalt, John, The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 1 - 39 (Grand Rapids: W. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1986) p. 179.

[CCCXLV]    §93, 99 & 744.

[CCCXLVI]   §85 - 88, 91, 92 & 99; see also Wensinck, A. J., ‘Israfil’ EI2 vol. 4, p. 211.

[CCCXLVII]  §234 & 234.

[CCCXLVIII] §257, 258, 261 & 263.

[CCCXLIX]   See §85 - 106.

[CCCL]        For example, in Byzantine art different kinds of holy people (martyrs, monks, warrior saints, bishops etc.) are dressed in different clothing to differentiate them; cf. Walter, Christopher, Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003) pp. 270 - 274, 285 - 290 and Maguire, Henry, The Icons of Their Bodies: Saints and Their Images in Byzantium (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).

[CCCLI]       George Kunz looks at a wide range of different religions’ uses of precious stones, ranging from Egyptian to Chinese; see Kunz, Curious Lore, pp. 225 - 274.

[CCCLII]      For a discussion of the influence of Zoroastrianism on on Islam, see Stepaniants Marietta, ‘The Encounter of Zoroastrianism with Islam’ PEW 52 (2002) pp. 159 - 172.

[CCCLIII]     §1, 9, 25, 26, 44, 56, 74, 75, 128, 129, 141, 187, 198, 207, 208, 222, 225, 234, 237, 243, 247, 248, 249, 313 - 321, 324, 325, 333, 389, 391 - 393, 397, 399 - 401, 417, 422, 425 (bis), 426 (bis), 458 - 460, 537, 437, 549, 555 (bis), 617, 619, 678, 679, 743 & 744.

[CCCLIV]     Parts of this chapter will be published in 2009: Burge, S. R., ‘The Angels’ Roles in Death and Judgement’ in Amanda Philips, Richard Radcliffe & Refqa Abu-Remaileh (eds.), New Voices, New Visions: The Work of Young Scholars in British Middle East Studies (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, forthcoming).

[CCCLV]      Al-Ghazali, Durra al-fakhira fi kashf culüm al-akhira; Smith, Jane I. (tr.), The Precious Pearl (Missoula: Scholars Press, 1979).

[CCCLVI]     Al-Qadi, cAbd al-Rahim ibn Ahmad, Daqa ’iq al-akhbar fi dhikr al-janna wa- ‘l-nar; A’isha cAbd al-Rahman at-Tarjumana (sic) (tr.), Islamic Book of the Dead (Norwich: Diwan Press, 1977).

[CCCLVII]    Anon., Kitab ahwal al-qiyama; Wolff, M., Muhammedanische Eschatologie (Leipzig: Commissionsverlag von F. A. Brockhaus, 1872); al-Muhasibi, al-Harith ibn Asad, Kitab al- tawahhum; Roman, André (ed. & tr.), Une Vision Humaine des Fins Dernières (Paris: Librairie Klincksieck, 1978) and al-Ashcari, Abu ‘l-Hasan Ahmad ibn Ibrahim, Kitab al-shajarat al-yaqin; Castillo Castillo, Concepcion (ed. & tr.), Kitab Sayarat al-Yaqin: Tratado de eschtologia musulmana - Estudio, edicion, traduccion, notas y indices (Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura, 1987) [this work is also attributed to Abu ‘l-Hasan cAli ibn Ismacil al-Ashcan].

[CCCLVIII]   Ibn Ishaq, Sira; Guillaume, Life of Muhammad, pp. 181 - 187; cf. al-Ghayti, Najm al-Din, al- Micraj al-kabir; Jeffrey, A. (tr), A Reader on Islam (‘S-Gravenhage: Mouton & Co., 1962) pp. 621 - 639. Versions of the the micraj were important in Sufism, cf. al-Sulami, Abu cAbd al-Rahman, Mas’ala bayan lata ’if al-micraj; Colby, Frederick S. (ed. & tr.), The Subtleties of the Ascension: Early Mystical Sayings on Muhammad’s Heavenly Journey (Louisville: Fons Vitae, 2006) and Morris, James Winston, ‘The Spiritual Ascension: Ibn cArabi asnd the Micraj’ JAOS 107 (1987) pp. 629 - 652 & 108 (1988) pp. 63 - 77; it also appears in a number of different Islamate languages, e.g. Anon., Mirajnama; de Courteille, Abel Pavet (ed. & tr.), Mirâj-Nâmeh: Récit de l’Ascension de Mahomet au Ciel Composé A.H. 840 (1436/1437) (repr. Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1975).

[CCCLIX]     Vockovic, Heavenly Journeys, p. 97; see also Lange, Christian, Justice, Punishment, and the Medieval Muslim Imagination (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008) pp. 101 - 175.

[CCCLX]      Other larger works occasionally include sections on the angels, which bear a resemblance to al- Suyuti’s Al-Haba’ik, such as al-Bayhaqi, Ahmad ibn al-Husayn, Al-Jamic shucab al-iman (Bombay: Al-Dar al-Salfiyyah. 1986) vol. 1, pp. 407 - 446. However, to my knowledge, al-Haba’ik is the only hadith collection devoted to angels.

[CCCLXI]     E.g. §85.

[CCCLXII]    For example, there is an angel that records the names of those that say ‘sala allah calayhi wa- sallam’ - which is a role similar to, but separate from, that of the scribes (al-hafizan). See §445 - 447 & 449 - 457; for more on this, see Malik, Muwatta’ vol. 1, pp. 137 - 138; Bewley, al-Muwatta’ §9.22.69 - 71, p. 62; Padwick, Constance E., ‘The Language of Muslim Devotion I’ MW 47 (1957) pp. 5 - 21 and de la Puente, Christina, ‘The Prayer Upon the Prophet Muhammad (Tasliya): A Manifestation of Islamic Religiosity’ ME 5 (1999) pp. 121 - 129.

[CCCLXIII]   40 Days: §437,440 & 442; 42 Days: §439; 72 Days: §441. Forty days is also an important time period in Greek Medicine (cf. Hippocratic Treatises, On the Nature of the Child, §18 - 19; see Lonie, Iain M., (tr. & commentary), The Hippocratic Treatises “On Generation”, “On the Nature of the Child, “Diseases IV” (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1981) pp. 9 - 11 & 190 - 194); forty days is also important in rabbinic law (probably a result of the influence of Greek medicine); for example, a woman who miscarries before forty days have passed does not have to perform the rites of ritual purity associated with miscarriages and birth, as it is not considered an embryo before forty days; see Bek. §21b, p. 140.

[CCCLXIV]   §437 - 443.

[CCCLXV]    §437, 439, 440, 441 & 443; cf. Nid. §31a, p. 214 & Yom. §95a, p. 420; for more on embryogenesis in Greek and Jewish thought Kottek, Samuel S., ‘Embryology in Talmudic and Midrashic Literature’ JHB 14 (1981) pp. 299 - 315; Needham, Joseph, A History of Embryology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1934) pp. 13 - 65 and Jones, David Albert, The Soul of the Embryo: Enquiry into the Status of the Human Embryo in the Christian Tradition (London: Continuum, 2004) pp. 6 - 42.

[CCCLXVI]   ‘We created man of an extraction of clay, then We set him, a drop, in a receptacle secure, then We created of the drop a clot, the We created of the clot a tissue, then We created of the tissue bones, then We garmented the bones in flesh.’ Arberry, Koran, p. 343; for other accounts of embryogenesis, cf. al-Râzï, Fakhr al-Dïn Muhammad ibn cUmar, Mafatih al-gahib [Tafsir al-kabir] (Cairo: s. n., 1889 - 1891) vol. 6, pp. 188 - 190 and Ikhwan al-Safa’, Rasa ’il Ikhwan al-Safa ’ (Beirut: Dar Sadir, n.d.) vol. 2, pp. 203 - 208. The accounts of the development of the embryo in the Qur’an and the hadïth has been discussed frequently, see O’Shaugnessy, T., Creation and the Teaching of the Qur’an (Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1965) pp. 10 - 29; Bakker, D., Man in the Qur’an (Amsterdam: Drukkerij Holland N.V., 1965) pp. 9 - 19; Haas, Samuel S., ‘The “Creation of Man” in the Qur’an’ MW 31 (1941) pp. 268 - 273; Arnaldez, R., ‘Insan’ EI2 vol. 3, pp. 1237 - 1239 and Ebrahim, Abul Fadl Mohsin, ‘Biology as the Creation and Stages of Life’ EQ vol. 1, pp. 229 - 232.

[CCCLXVII]  Ringgren, Helmer, Studies in Arabian Fatalism (Uppsala: A.-B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln, 1955) p. 119

[CCCLXVIII] §439; Cf. Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn cUthman al-Dhahabï (attr.), Tibb al-Nabbi §23; see Elgood, Cyril (tr.), Tibb-ul-Nabbi or Medicine of the Prophet (Bruges: Ex Officina “De Tempel”, 1962) pp. 165 - 175. This work has been attributed incorrectly to al-Suyutï, and it is believed to have been compiled by al-Dhabahï; see Savage-Smith, Emilie, ‘Attitudes to Dissection in Medieval Islam’ JHMAS 50 (1995) pp. 67 - 110, p. 73, n. 14.

[CCCLXIX]   See Katz, Marion Holmes, ‘The Problem of Abortion in Classical Sunni fiqtf in Brockopp, Jonathan E. (ed.), Islamic Ethics of Life:Abortion, War and Euthanasia (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2003) pp. 25 - 50; see especially pp. 30 - 34; for a modern Islamic perspective on these issues see, Bowen, Donna Lee, ‘Abortion, Islam and the 1994 Cairo Population Conference’ IJMES 29 (1997) pp. 161 - 184.

[CCCLXX]    Bakker, Man in the Qur’an, p. 18; the importance of birth and death is also reflected in Jewish literature, in which it is said that: ‘Three keys are in the hands of the Holy One, Blessed be He! - the Keys of burial [i.e. resurrection], rain and the womb.’ GenR. 73:4, p. 670, cf. DeutR 7:6, p. 137.

[CCCLXXI]   Edward Salisbury’s early article on predestination and freewill in Islam contains a useful survey of these themes in pre-Islamic poetry, the Qur’an, hadith and kalam; see Salisbury, Edward E., ‘Materials for the History of the Muhammadan Doctrine of Predestination and Free Will; compiled from original sources’ JAOS 8 (1866) pp. 105 - 182; for hadith, see pp. 122 - 147.

[CCCLXXII]  §439.

or Hell), but rather to the type of life that the individual will have.

[CCCLXXIV] Watt, W. M., ‘Free Will and Predestination in Early Islam’ MW 36 (1946) pp. 124 - 152, p. 131; see also Smith and Haddad, Death and Resurrection, p. 5; Ringgren, Arabian Fatalism, pp. 117 - 121 and Watt, W. Montgomery, Islamic Philosophy and Theology (Second Edition) (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1995) pp. 25 - 31.

[CCCLXXV]  William Thomson argues that Muslim tradition appropriated pre-Islamic ideas into its belief system, and he concludes: ‘The characteristics of Time became in due season the characteristics of God as the Lord of Time and the Controller of History...’ Thomson, William, ‘The Concept of Human

Destiny in Islam’ MW 35 (1945) pp. 281 - 299, p. 299; for more on pre-Islamic concepts of dahr, see Bravmann, M. M., The Spiritual Background of Early Islam (Leiden: Brill, 1972) pp. 288 - 295 Goldziher, Ignaz (tr. S. M. Stern), Muslim Studies (repr. London: Aldine Transaction, 2006) vol. 1, pp.

[CCCLXXVII]               ‘It is hardly conceivable that the words “whether he is to be miserable or happy” were originally interpreted in the way in which a Muslim would normally interpret them, as referring to Hell and Paradise.’ Watt, W. Montgomery., Free Will and Predestination in Islam (London: Luzac, 1948) p. 25

[CCCLXXVIII]              Cf. van Ess, Josef, Zwischen Hadlt und Theologie: Studien zum Entstehen pradestinatianischer Uberlieferung (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1975), pp. 16 & 24 - 25.

[CCCLXXIX] E.g. al-Bukharï, Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad ibn Ismacïl; Abu Suhayb al-Karmï (ed.), Sahih al- Bukhari (Riyadh: Bayt al-Afkar al-Dawliyya, 1998) Kitab al-qadar, §6594 - 6620, pp. 1261 - 1265; for a collection of different hadïth on the subject, see de Vlieger, A., Kitab al-qadr: Materiaux pour servir à l’étude de la doctrine de la prédestination dans la théologie musulman (Leiden : Brill, 1902).

[CCCLXXX]  E.g. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, Muhammad ibn Abï Bakr, Kitab shifa ’ al-calil fi masa ’il al-qada ’ wa’l-qadarwa ’l-himahwa ’l-ta’lil (Riyadh : Maktabat al-Riyad al-Hadïtha, 1323 / 1905).

[CCCLXXXI] Similar ‘recording angels’ can be found in Jewish and Christian texts: e.g. 2En. 19:5, OTP vol. 1, pp. 132 - 133; ApZeph. 3:1 - 9 & 7:1 - 8, OTP vol. 1, pp. 510 - 511 & 513; ApPaul 7, NTA vol. 1, p. 718.

[CCCLXXXII]               Cf. Al-Tabari, Abu Jacfar Muhammad ibn Jarïr, Jamic al-bayan can ta’wil al-Qur’an (Cairo: s.n., 1388/1968) vol. 7, pp. 216 - 218; vol. 13, pp. 114 - 123; vol. 26, pp. 157 - 160 and vol. 30, p. 88 and

on the left-right distinctions in Islam and religion generally, see Hertz, R., ‘La prééminence de la main driote: étude sur la polarité religieuse’ RP 68 (1909) pp. 553 - 558 and Chelhod, J., ‘Contribution au problème de la prééminence de la droite, d’après le témoignage arabe’ Anthropos 59 (1964) pp. 529 -

[CCCLXXXVI]

17, p. 10 [on Q 50:17].

[CCCLXXXVII]             §349.

[CCCLXXXVIII]            For a discussion of the concept of smell in religious thought, see Evans, Suzanne, ‘The Scent of Martyr’ Numen 49 (2002) pp. 193 - 211.

[CCCLXXXIX]              There are further hadith that give different details but the same concepts: e.g ‘.. .when a man goes to bed virtuously, the angel anoints him.’ §373; p. 101.

[CCCXC]      Peters, Rudolph, Crime and Punishment in Islamic Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005) p. 20; see also Dols, Michael W., Majnun: The Madman in Medieval Islamic Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992) p. 442ff. and Powers, Paul R., Intent in Islamic Law: Motive and Meaning in Medieval SunnïFiqh (Leiden: Brill, 2006).

[CCCXCI]     §371; Yedida Stillman highlights the differences in attitude to nakedness between the pre-Islamic and Islamic societies: ‘The new Islamic sensibilities which were in marked contrast to Jahili society’s easygoing attitude to nudity and very much in line with the biblical notions of propriety (cf. Exodus 20:23) would not permit the exposure of a man’s genitalia.’ Stillman, Yedida Kalfon, Arab Dress: A Short History (Leiden: Brill, 2000) p. 11.

[CCCXCII]    Arberry, Koran, p. 240.

[CCCXCIII]   Arberry, Koran, p. 540.

[CCCXCIV]   Arberry, Koran, p. 343.

[CCCXCV]    The tafsirs on Q 23:1 - 5 are chiefly concerned with the question of nudity and marriage; see al- Tabari, Abu Jacfar Muhammad ibn Muhammad, Jamic al-bayan can ta’wil al-Qur’an [Tafsir] (Cairo: Mustafa al-Babi al-Halabi, 1968), vol. 18, p. 4 and Al-Qurtubi, Muhammad ibn Ahmad, Al-Jamic li- ahkam al-Qur’an (Cairo: Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya, 1948), vol. 12, pp. 102 - 111.

[CCCXCVI]   Al-Qurtubi, al-Jamic, vol. 19, p. 246.

[CCCXCVII]  See Brandon, ‘Personifications of Death’ and Lonetto, Richard, ‘Personifications of Death’ ED pp. 205 - 206.

[CCCXCVIII] See O’Shaughnessy, Muhammad’s Thoughts on Death; Muhammad Abdul Haleem also comments: ‘The after-life is not treated in the Qur’an in a separate chapter at the end of the book, or as something on its own, for its own sake, but always in relations to life in this world.’ Abdel Haleem, Muhammad, ‘Life and Beyond in the Qur’an’ in Dan Cohn-Sherbok and Christopher Lewis (eds.), Beyond Death: Theological and Philosophical Reflections on Life After Death (London: MacMillan, 1995) pp. 66 - 79, p. 66.

[CCCXCIX]   Q 32:11; ‘Say: “Death’s angel, who has been charged with you, shall gather you, then to your Lord you shall be returned.”’ Arberry, Koran, p. 424.

[CD] For a basic survey see Wensinck, A. J., ‘cIzra’tl’ EI2 vol. 4, pp. 292 - 293.

[CDI] §107 - 171.

[CDII]         §111; the number of times varies, cf. §109 - 113, 115 - 119. Other hadith in this section make similar statements, but in less explicit terms.

[CDIII]        §123; p. 42; another hadith states that the angel has multiple eyes in the back and front of his head, see §120.

[CDIV]        E.g. §126, 131 - 133 & 135.

§122.

Cf. Wolff, M., Muhammedanische Eschatologie, p. 20ff. and al-Qâdï, Daqa ’iq, pp. 32 - 35.

§118.

§112; notice that these are the components of Watt’s ‘modified fatalism’, and are written down by the Angel of the Womb; see above.

§123; cf. §126, 132, 133, 158 & 159.

§123.

§135.

Aberry, Koran, p. 132.

E.g. §152.

§158 - 159.

Cf. Al-Ghazalï, Abu Hamid Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Muhammad, Kitab ihya ’ culüm al-dln

Remembrance of Death and the Afterlife (Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society, 1989) pp. 121 - 132.

[CDXVI]      E.g. ‘.the Angel of Death does not know when the appointed time of a person’s death is going to happen until he is ordered to take it.’§139.

[CDXVII]     E.g. ‘.On the middle night of Shacban, God reveals to the Angel of Death regarding the taking of every soul that he wants to be taken during that year.’ §144.

[CDXVIII]    Smith and Haddad, Death and Resurrection, p. 35.

[CDXIX]      Arberry, Koran, p. 476.

[CDXX]       In Islam the obedience of angels presented a problem for understanding the failure of Iblis to bow to Adam. If all angels obey God by their nature, why did Iblis not bow down? These issues are discussed in Awn, Satan’s Tragedy, pp. 24 - 33.

[CDXXI]      Awn, Satan’s Tragedy, p. 27.

[CDXXII]     Brandon, ‘Personification of Death’ p. 325.

[CDXXV]

angel says: ‘Be of good cheer and feel consoled, for I am friend to every believer.’ See §119.

[CDXXVI]    See §300 & 301; Duma is a Jewish angel (meaning ‘silence’); in Hag 5a, the Angel of Death states: ‘I, have charge over them till they have completed the generation [i.e. their life] and then I hand them over to Dumah' Hag 5a, p. 18; see also San 94a, Shab. 152b and Ber. 18b.

[CDXXVII]   Creation: §107 - 108; Prophets: Enoch (§149), Abraham (§120 - 123; 150), Moses (§146), Solomon (§ 137 - 138, 167 - 168), David (§151) and Muhammad (169 - 170).

[CDXXVIII]  For more on the interaction between hadith and rabbinic literature, see Rosenblatt, Samuel, ‘Rabbinic Legends in Hadith’ MW 35 (1945) pp. 237 - 252.

[CDXXIX]    §107 - 108; Al-Thaclabi includes a version of this hadith, but begins the chapter acknowledging that: ‘qala al-mufassiruna bi-alfazi mukhtalafati wa-macanin mutafaqati (‘The commentators have said in different words but similar meanings’); Al-Thaclabi, Qisas al-anbiya ’ p. 26; Brinner, Lives, p. 43. The narrative was a popular one and is frequently included in Islamic histories; e.g. al-Tabari, Abu Jacfar Muhammad ibn Jarir (ed. Muhammad Abu ‘l-Fadl Ibrahim), Ta’rikh al-rusul wa-maluk (Cairo: Dar al-Macarif bi-Misr, 1960) vol. 1, pp. 89 - 90; Rosenthal, Franz (tr.), The History of Al-Tabari: Volume 1 - From the Creation to the Flood (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) pp. 258 - 259 and al-Mascudi, Muruj al-dhahab, vol. 1, pp. 35 - 36. For a fuller list of references to this narrative in Arabic literature see Jeffery, A., ‘Ibn al-’Arabi’s Shajarat al-Kawn (Continued)’ SI 11 (1959) pp. 113 - 160, p. 113, n. 1; and for references in Jewish and Christian literature see Chipman, ‘Mythic aspects’ pp. 10 - 13.

[CDXXX]     Schwarzbaum, Haim, ‘The overcrowded earth’ Numen 4 (1957) pp. 59 - 74, p. 65.

[CDXXXI]    See Schwarzbaum, Haim, ‘Jewish and Moslem Sources of a Falasha Creation Myth’ in Raphael Patai (ed.) et. al., Studies in Biblical and Jewish Folklore (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1960) pp. 41 - 58 and Ullendorf, Edward, ‘The “Death of Moses” in the Literature of the Falashas’ BSOAS 24 (1961) pp. 419 - 443.

[CDXXXII]   TestAbr., OTP, vol. 1, pp. 871 - 902; for a commentary on the text see Allison, Dale, C., The Testament of Abraham (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2003). See Allison, Testament, pp. 53 - 54 for

[CDXXXIII]  Other pseudepigraphical, apocryphal and hagiographical works also treat death with great emotion: e.g. The History of Joseph the Carpenter §14ff; Cowper, B. Harris (tr.), TheApocryphal Gospels (London: David Nutt, 1897) pp. 99 - 127, pp. 111 ff.

[CDXXXIV]  §170.

[CDXXXV]   §151; In Jewish and Muslim tradition, David is believed to have been very pious and devout, see Pomykala, Kenneth E., The Davidic Dynasty Tradition: Its History and Significance for Messianism (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995) and Xeravits, Géza, ‘The Figure of David in the Book of Ben Sira’ Henoch 23 (2001) pp. 27 - 38, especially pp. 30 - 32.

[CDXXXVI]  Al-Ghazali, Ihya ’, vol.4, p. 399; Winter, Remembrance of Death, p. 58.

[CDXXXVII] For a basic summary, see Halevi, Leor, Muhammad’s Grave: Death Rites and the Making of Islamic Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007) pp. 197 - 233 and Wensinck, A. J., ‘Adhab al-kabr’ EI2 vol. 1, pp. 186 - 187.

[CDXXXVIII] Peters, F. E., Islam: A Guide for Jews and Christians (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003) pp. 256 - 257.

[CDXXXIX]  Cf. §309: ‘Abu Nucaym from Damra ibn Habib; he said: There are three Angels of the Grave: Ankar, Nakur and Ruman.’ And §310: ‘Abu ‘l-Hassan al-Qattan in al-Tawalat from Damra ibn Habib; he said: There are four Angels of the Grave: Munkar, Nakir, Nakur and their master, Ruman.’ It should be noted that these other names appear to be very rare, and that both §309 & §310 are attributed to the same source, Damra ibn Habib.

[CDXL]       Cf. Al-Fiqh al-akbar II §23: ‘The interrogation of the dead in the tomb by Munkar and Nakir is a reality and the reunion of the body witht the spirit is a reality. The pressure and punishment in the tomb are a relity that will take place in the case of all infidels and a reality that may take place in the case of some sinners belonging to the faithful’ Wensinck, A. J., The Muslim Creed: Its Origin and Historical Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1932) pp. 195 - 196. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya also devotes much of his Kitab al-ruh to a discussion of the trial of the grave, possibly in reaction to groups (such as the Kharijites and some Mu’tazilites) who denied the existence of Munkar and Nakir; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr, Kitab al-ruh (Haydarabad: Matbacat Majlis Da’irat al-Macarif al-cUthmaniya, 1357 / 1939). Birgit Krawietz comments that: ‘[Kitab al-ruh] was written in response to requests for clarification, since the question of the createdness and essence of the soul, etc., had always stirred discussions.’ Krawietz, Birgit, ‘Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyah: His Life and Works’ MSR 10 (2006) pp. 19 - 64, p. 35.

[CDXLI]      §307; cf. §303 & 305 where there are similar images.

[CDXLII] See Saritopak, Z., ‘The Legend of Al-Dajjal (Anti-Christ): The Personification of Evil in the Islamic Tradition’ MW 93 (2003) pp. 291 - 307 and Halperin, D. J., ‘The Ibn Sayyad Traditions and the Legend of al-Dajjal’ JAOS 96 (1976) pp. 213 - 225.

[CDXLIII]    Malik: Q 43:77; Arberry, Koran, p. 511; Ridwan: Q 3:15; Arberry, Koran, p. 47.

[CDXLIV]    Cf. Wolff, Muhammedanische Eschatologie, p. 134ff. Vockovic comments: ‘...Malik is a character that Muhammad meets occasionally, and he is the one, when asked who shows Muhammad hell.’ Vuckovic, Heavenly Journeys, p. 37.

[CDXLV]     See Himmelfarb, Tours of Hell, pp. 68 - 105.

[CDXLVI]    E.g. al-Ghazali, Ihya’, vol. 4, pp. 426 - 430; Winter, Remembrance of Death, pp. 135 - 147; see also Smith and Haddad, Death and Resurrection, pp. 41 - 49.

[CDXLVII]   Rowland, C., ‘The Visions of God in Apocalyptic Literature’ JSJ 10 (1979) pp. 138 - 154, p. 138.

[CDXLVIII]  E.g. Enûma Elish VI:107 - 122; Heidel, Alexander (tr.), The Babylonian Genesis: The Story of the Creation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942) p. 39.

[CDXLIX]    Wyatt, Nicholas, Space and Time in the Religious Life of the Near East (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001) p. 161; see also Wensinck, A. J., ‘The Significance of Ritual in the Religion of Israel’ in H. Kraemer, P. A. H. de Boer and W. C. van Unnik (eds.), Semietische Studiën uit de Nalatenschap van Prof. Dr. A. J. Wensinck (Leiden: A. W. Sijthoff’s Uitgeversmaatschappil NV, 1941) pp. 51 - 60.

[CDL]         See Stone, Michael E., ‘Reactions to the Destructions of the Second Temple: Theology, Perception and Conversion’ JSJ 12 (1981) pp. 195 - 204.

[CDLI]        For a discussion of these themes, see Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven.

[CDLII]       ExodR 21:4, pp. 262 - 263.

[CDLIII]      E.g. Katz, Marion Holmes, Body of Text: The Emergence of the Sunni Law of Ritual Purity (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002).

[CDLIV]      Cf. Malik, Muwatta; vol. 1, pp. 72, 82 - 85, 134, 141 - 142, 165 - 166 and vol. 2 p. 241; Bewley, Al-Muwatta §3.2.14; 3.11.47 - 50; 9.18.54; 9.24.85; 15.7.25; 54.3.6; 54.3.8; pp. 11, 26, 47 - 50, 60, 64, 80 & 407.

[CDLV]       62 hadith: §7, 21, 22, 24, 34, 39, 83, 100, 101, 102, 196, 212, 275, 282, 289 - 290, 458 - 470, 475 - 477, 486, 489; 518 - 528, 549, 566, 567, 575, 609, 625, 683 - 685, 687 - 690, 708 & 736.

[CDLVI]      69 hadith: §58, 60 - 63, 84, 120 - 122, 145, 171, 229, 248 - 255, 302, 312, 319,349, 355 - 361, 364 - 368, 371,372, 386, 387,391, 503, 512,574, 582 - 597, 624, 650, 658, 691, 693 - 695, 698 & 715.

[CDLVII]     124 hadith: §59 - 62, 65, 119 - 122, 212, 302, 312, 319, 329,330, 333 - 336, 341, 344 - 347, 351 - 354, 369, 370,373, 375, 376, 382, 387, 391, 430, 445 - 470, 474 - 477, 503, 568 - 573, 576, 578 - 580, 598, 599, 604, 609, 614, 615, 617, 618, 621 - 623, 628, 634, 644, 645, 653, 665, 666, 671, 673, 676, 682, 695, 696, 698 - 701, 708, 710 - 722, 738 - 730, 732.

[CDLVIII]    4Q400 - 4Q407 and Maslk; for a translation of these texts with a commentary, see Davila, James R., Liturgical Works (Grand Rapids & Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2000) pp. 83 - 167.

[CDLIX]      Himmelfarb, Ascents to Heaven, p. 49; see also Gzella, H., ‘Beobachtungen zur Angelologie der Sabbatopferlieder im Spiegel ihrer theologiegeschichtlichen Voraussetzungen’ EphThL 78 (2002) pp. 468 - 481.

[CDLX]       See also Roff, William R., ‘Pilgrimage and the History of Religions: Theoretical Approaches to the Hajj’ in Martin (ed.), Approaches to Islam, pp. 78 - 86.

[CDLXI]      §7; cf. §8 - 12, 18, 21 and 22 - 25.

[CDLXII]     In 1En 60:1, there are said to be ‘ten thousand times a million and ten million times ten million’ angels; cf. 1En 71:8, 13; OTP vol. 1, pp. 40 & 50; 2En. 18 - 19 OTP vol. 1, pp. 130 - 134 ; 3En. 17 - 40 OTP vol. 1, pp. 269 - 292 QuesEzra. 27 - 30, OTP vol. 1, p. 598 and LamR 3:23, §8, p. 201

[CDLXIII]    E.g. Andrea Pires defines angels in this way: ‘...the word “angel” applies to ranks of spiritual or heavenly beings which serve as intermediaries between the earthly and divine worlds.’ Pires, Andrea (tr. Paul Ellis), ‘Angels’ ER2 vol. 1, pp. 343 - 349, p. 343.

[CDLXIV]    Q 21:20; Arberry, Koran, p. 324.

[CDLXV]     For example, ‘3 Enoch represents the celebration of God’s holiness through the recitation of the Qedussah (the Sanctus) as the central act of heavenly worship. 3 Enoch 35-40 is devoted entirely to this subject.’ Alexander, P., ‘3 (Hebrew Apocalypse of) Enoch: Introduction’ OTP vol. 1, p. 245.

[CDLXVI]    Tasbih normally refers to the phrase: ‘subhan allah' (cf. Muslim, Sahih, K. al-dhikr; B. 18 (Subhan allah) §6575 - 6580) but according to S. M. Zwemer in relation to the Muslim ‘rosary’, ‘[The tasbih] generally consists in saying subhan Allah thirty-three times, al-hamdu-lillahi thirty-three times, and Allahu akbar thirty-three times.’ Zwemer, S. M., ‘The Rosary in Islam’ MW21 (1931) pp. 329 - 343, p. 330 and Goldziher, I., ‘Le roasaire dans l’Islam’ GS vol. 2, 374 - 379. For more on its use during the ritual prayers see Padwick, Constance E., Muslim Devotions: A Study of Prayer-Manuals in Common Use (London: SPCK, 1961) pp. 65 - 74.

[CDLXVII]   Padwick, Muslim Devotions, p. 67.

[CDLXVIII]  §212; see also §213 - 216.

[CDLXIX]    Ibn Tufayl, Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn cAbd al-Malik, Risalat Hayy ibn Yaqzan (Beirut: Al- Matbacat al-Kâthûlïkïya, 1963) p. 85.

[CDLXX]     See al-Zamakhsharï, Abu ‘l-Qasim Jarr Allah Mahmud cUmar, Al-Kashshaf can haqa’iq al-tanzïl wa-cuyun al-aqawïl fï wujuh al-ta’wïl (Cairo: Matbaca al-Kubra, 1318 - 1319) vol. 3, p. 18 and al- Baydawï, cAbd Allah ibn Umar (ed. W. Fell), Commentarius in Coranum (Leizig: Vogel, 1878), vol. 2, pp. 191 - 192 [both on Q 38:75] and the discussion of these themes by Ibrahim, ‘Superiority of Angels’.

[CDLXXI]    McKane, ‘Manuscript on the Micraj’ p. 375; for more on the history of the Kacba, see Rubin, Uri, ‘The Kacba: Aspects of its ritual function asnd position in pre-Islamic and early Islamic times’ JSAI 8 (1986) pp. 97 - 131.

[CDLXXII]   §21; see also §498 & 522. §685 states that there are fifteen ‘houses’, one for each of the seven heavens and earths, and one for God and that if one of the houses were to fall, ‘. then it would fall one of them on top of the other until the borders to the lowest earth.’

[CDLXXIII]  See Wyatt, Space and Time, pp. 159 - 182.

[CDLXXIV]  As James Davila has commented on the heavenly temple in the Dead Sea Scrolls: ‘The Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice envisions a macrocosmic Temple conceived on the model of the earthly Tabernacle and the Temple in Jerusalem. (Of course, the composers of the work would see it the other way around: the cosmic Temple is the archetype and model for the earthly sanctuaries.)’ Davila, James R., ‘The Macrocosmic Temple, Scriptural Exegesis and the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrfice’ DSD 9 (2002) pp. 1 - 19, p. 1.

[CDLXXV]   §489; cf. §21, 519 - 521.

[CDLXXVI]  Gustave von Grunebaum comments: ‘The cosmological sanctity of Muhammad’s birth-place is underpinned, as it were, by its soteriological sanctity as the cradle of Islam.’ Von Grunebaum, Gustave E., ‘The Sacred Character of Islamic Cities’ in Dunning S. Wilson (ed.), Islam and Medieval Hellenism: Social and Cultural Perpsectives (London: Variorum Imprints, 1976) §5, p. 34. However, it should also be noted that Jerusalem still remained an important site in Islam, with many fada ’il works written about it; cf. al-Suyuti, Kitab ithaf al-khasa bi-fada ’il al-masjid al-aqsa; tr. Reynolds, James, The History of the Temple of Jerusalem (London: A. J. Valpy, 1836).

[CDLXXVII] Neuwirth, A., ‘Face of God - Face of Man: The Significance of the Direction of Prayer in Islam’ in A. I. Baumgarten, J. Assmann and G. G. Stroumsa (eds.), Self, Soul and Body in Religious Experience (Leiden: Brill, 1998) pp. 298 - 312, p. 302; see also Ashraf, Syed Ali, ‘The Inner Meaning of the Islamic Rites: Prayer, Pilgrimage, Fasting, Jihad’ in Nasr (ed.), Islamic Spirituality, pp. 111 - 130 and Wensinck, A. J., ‘Kibla: Ritual and Legal Aspects ’ EI2 vol. 5, pp. 82 - 83.

[CDLXXVIII] There are a number of works about Mecca and its merits, see Wüstenfeld, Ferdinand, Geschichte der Stadt Mekka (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1861); Wüstenfeld’s work includes an edition of Al- Azraqi, Abu Walid Muhammad ibn cAbd Allah, Kitab akhbar Makka; Rudi Paret comments: ‘Die Gebetsrichtung nach Mekka, die Qibla, symbolisiert seither die Eigengesetzlichkeit des Islam. Mekka mit seinen Heiligtümern ist das geistige Zentrum, der Richtpunkt der betenden Gemeinde.’ Paret, Rudi, Symbolik des Islam (Stuttgary: Anton Hiersemann, 1958) pp. 16 - 17.

[CDLXXIX]  See also §523 & 524; for this and other stories associated with the Kacba, see Alexander, Grant, ‘The Story of the Kacba’ MW 28 (1938) pp. 43 - 53; Zwemer, Samuel S. M., ‘Al-Haramain: Mecca and Medina’ MW 37 (1947) pp. 7 - 15; Wheeler, Brandon M., Mecca and Eden: Ritual, Relics and Territory in Islam (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006) pp. 82 - 87; Campo, Juan Eduardo, ‘Authority, Ritual and Spatial Order in Islam’ JRS 5 (1991) pp. 65 - 91; Lazarus-Yafeh, Hava, ‘The Religious Dialectics of the Hadjdj’ in Hava Lazarus-Yafeh, Some Religious Aspects of Islam (Leiden: Brill, 1981) pp. 17 - 37 and Pavlovitch, Pavel, ‘Qad kunna la nacbudu ’llaha wa-la nacrifuhu. On the Problem of the Pre-Islamic Lord of the Kacba’ JAIS 2 (1998 - 1999) pp. 49 - 74.

[CDLXXX]   Wheeler, Mecca and Eden, p. 85; Marion Katz argues that the association of Adam with the Kacba, gives the pilgrimage a role in the Islamic notion of salvation history, Katz, Marion, ‘The Hajj and Islamic Studies of Ritual’ SI 98/99 (2004) pp. 95 - 129, pp. 111 - 112. In Judaism myths associated

with early prophets are also used to explain rituals, for a discussion of this theme see, Weitzman, Steven, ‘Revising Myth and Ritual in Early Judaism’ DSD 4 (1997) pp. 21 - 54.

[CDLXXXI]  §609; see also §683, 684 & 688.

[CDLXXXII] Note that this hadith uses ‘throne’: in this case the Kacba is a representation of God’s Throne, rather than the bayt al-macmur. However, in §684 it is said that ‘God, may he be praised, placed a House under the Throne, on four pillars made of green jewels, and he covered them in rubies, and he called the House “The Remote Place” (al-dirah). Then God said the angels: “Circumambulate around this House and pray to the Throne.” The angels circumambulated the House, and they left the Throne...’

[CDLXXXIII] For early hadith on angelic support in prayer, cf. Malik, Muwatta ’, pp. 72, 82 - 85, 134, 141 - 142; Bewley, Al-Muwatta, 3.12.14; 3.11.47 - 50; 9.18.54; 9.24.85, pp. 11, 26, 47 - 50, 60, 64, 80 & 407.

[CDLXXXIV] Q3:123 - 124; Arberry, Koran, p. 61; cf. Ibn Ishaq, Sira, pp. 303ff.; for a discussion of the historiographical issues, see Booth, Newell S., ‘The Historical and Non-Historical In Islam’ MW 60 (1970) pp. 109 - 122, pp. 110 - 113.

[CDLXXXV] E.g. 4Q491 (War Scroll) l. 10: ‘Each man who is not [clean in regard to his genitals] that [nig]ht [shall] no[t g]o out with them to battle. For the holy angels are with their battle lines to[gether ].’ See also Davidson, Angels at Qumran pp. 212 - 234 and Gleason, Randall G., ‘Angels and the Eschatology in Heb 1 - 2’ NTS 49 (2003) pp. 99 - 107.

[CDLXXXVI] For a discussion of the role of angels in Qumran liturgical works, see Davidson, Angels at Qumran, pp. 235 - 254; Fletcher-Lewis, Crispin H. T., All the Glory of Adam: Liturgical Anthropology in the Dead Sea Scrolls (Brill: Leiden, 2002); Chazon, Esther G., ‘Liturgical Communion with the Angels at Qumran’ in Daniel K. Falk et. al. (eds.), Sapiential, Liturgical and Poetical Texts from Qumran: Proceedings of the Third Meeting of the International Organization for Qumran Studies, Oslo 1998 (Leiden: Brill, 2000) pp. 95 - 105 and Chazon, Esther G., ‘Human and Angelic Prayer in the Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls’ in Esther G. Chazon (ed.), Liturgical Perspectives: Prayer and Poetry in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium of the Orion Center for the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature, 19 - 23 January 2000 (Leiden: Brill, 2003) pp. 35 - 47. For similar ideas in the Hekhalot literature, see Elior, Rachel, ‘From Earthly Temple to Heavenly Shrines: Prayer and Sacred Song in the Hekhalot Literature and Its Relation to Temple Traditions’ JSQ 4 (1997) pp. 217 - 267.

[CDLXXXVII]              §100; see also §101 & 102 which contain the same idea.

[CDLXXXVIII]             There are a number of hadith that describe the angelic adhan, usually witnessed by Muhammad during his micraj; these are often used in the arguments between different Muslim groups, especially Twelver and Sunni fiqh, concerning the wording of the adhan; cf. Howard, I. K. A., ‘The Development of the Adhan and Iqama of the Salat in Early Islam’ JSS 26 (1981) pp. 219 - 228, especially pp. 226 - 227. For the role of an angel leading the heavenly worship of God in Judaism, see Orlov, Andrei A., ‘Celestial Choirmaster: The Liturgical Role of Enoch-Metatron in 2 Enoch and the Merkebah Tradition’ JSP 14 (2004) pp. 3 - 29.

[CDLXXXIX] Cf. ‘He is God; there is no god but He. He is the King, the All-holy, the All-peaceable...’ Q 59:23; Arberry, Koran, p. 576. The words of the angels are the basic form of the tasbih and ‘The last two nouns are a Qur’anic couplet, and the quddus is one of the Ninety-nine Names, but no one has traced the origin of this constantly recurring and haunting phrase.’ Padwick, Muslim Devotions, p. 66

[CDXC]       Chazon, ‘Human and Angelic Prayer’ pp. 46 - 47. Esther Chazon implies that these three positions are discrete, but it would seem feasible for a community to hold these positions simultaneously.

[CDXCI]      There have been a number of works on Islamic ethics (both philosophical and Qur’anic), e.g. Fakhry, Majid, Ethical Theories in Islam (Second Edition) (Leiden: Brill, 1994); Izutsu, Toshihko, Ethico-Religious Concepts in the Quran (Montreal: McGill University Press, 1966) and Cook, Michael, Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in Islamic Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

[CDXCII]     See any commentary on Leviticus for a discussion of these issues, e.g. Porter, J. R., Leviticus: A Commentary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971) and Noth, Martin, Leviticus: A Commentary (London: SCM Press Ltd., 1965); see also Neusner, Jacob, Purity in Rabbinic Judaism: A Systematic Account (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994) pp. 27 - 50.

[CDXCIII]    See Regev, Eyal, ‘Pure Individualism: The Idea of Non-Priestly Purity in Ancient Judaism’ JSJ 31 (2000) pp. 176 - 202, p. 187.

[CDXCIV]    Neusner, Purity, pp. 53 - 82 and Harrington, Hannah K., The Impurity Systems of Qumran and the Rabbis (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993).

[CDXCV]     For a discussion of these terms in relation to the Qur’an, see Burton, John, ‘The Qur’an and the Islamic Practice of Wudü” BSOAS 51 (1988) pp. 21 - 58 and Maghen, Ze’ev, ‘Close Encounters: Some Preliminary Observations on the Transmission of Impurity in Early Sunnï Jurisprudence’ ILS 6 (1999) pp. 348 - 392.

[CDXCVI]    Cf. Wensinck, A. J., ‘Die Entstehung der muslimischen Reinheitsgesetzgebung’ Der Islam 5 (1914) pp. 62 - 80; Goldziher, Ignaz, ‘Islamisme et Parsisme’ GS vol. 4, pp. 232 - 260 and Katz, Body of Text, pp. 3 - 13.

[CDXCVII]   ‘Sunnï Islam has in fact constructed what may be the only religious purity code extant which does not recognize - let alone emphasize - the category of ceremonially contagious or contaminating human beings... ’ Maghen, ‘Close Encounters’ p. 350.

[CDXCVIII]  Safran, Janina M., ‘Rules of Purity and Confession Boundaries: Maliki Debates about the Pollution of the Christian’ HR 42 (2002) pp. 197 - 212.

[CDXCIX]    The idea that ritual purity laws were based on hygiene regulations was popular in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but this has largely been discredited; see Douglas Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concept of Pollution and Taboo (Repr. London: Routledge, 2002) pp. 36 - 50; Reinhart, ‘Impurity / No Danger’ HR 30 (1990) pp. 1 - 24, p. 6; Wheeler, Brandon, ‘Touching the Penis in Islamic Law’ HR 44 (2004) pp. 89 - 119; Reinhart, Kevin A., ‘Tahara’ EI2 vol. 10, p. 99 and Maghen, Z. ‘Ablution’ EI3; for an analysis of some modern approaches to Islamic purity, see Gauvain, Richard, ‘Ritual Rewards: A Consideration of Three Recent Approaches to Sunni Purity Law’ ILS 12 (2005) pp. 333 - 393.

[D]    §592.

[DI]   §365: ‘.One of your angels which is with you gets embarrassed, just as someone gets embarrassed in front of two virtuous neighbours, who are both with him night and day.’

[DII] Wheeler, ‘Touching the Penis’ p. 119.

[DIII] See Reinhart, ‘Purity / No Danger’ pp. 5 - 6.

[DIV]  In both Judaism and Zoroastrianism pollution can occur around a pollutant and through intermediaries. For example, in both religions, to remain ritually clean a set distance must be kept from a menstruating woman; cf. Shayast la-Shayast, III:1 - 35 (especially v. 13), in West, E. W., Pahlavi Tests: The Bundahisn-Bahman Yast and Shâyast lâ-Shâyast (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1860) pp. 217 - 221. For a thorough discussion of these issues in Judaism, see Neusner, Jacob, A History of the Mishnaic Law of Purities: Part 22 - The Mishnaic System of Uncleanness (Leiden: Brill, 1977).

[DV]  Cf. Miller, Geoffrey David, ‘Attitudes to Dogs in Ancient Israel: A Reassessment’ JSOT 32 (2008) pp. 487 - 500 and Moazami, Mahnaz, ‘The dog in Zoroastrian religion: Vidëvdad Chapter XIII’ IIJ 49 (2006) pp. 127 - 149. However, there are Arabic works that praise the dog, e.g. al-Jahiz, Abl cUthman cAmr ibn Bahr, Kitab al-hayawan (Cairo: Mustafa al-Babï al-Halabï, 1939 - 1945) and Ibn al- Marzûbân, Kitab fadl al-kilab calâ kathïr mimman labisa ‘l-thiyab; Smith, G. R. & Abdel Haleem, M. A. S. (eds. & trs.), The Book of the Superiority of Dogs over many of those who wear clothes (Warminster: Aris & Philips Ltd., 1978).

[DVI] Cf. Malik, Muwatta’ vol. 2, p. 241; Bewley, al-Muwatta’ §54.3.6 - 8, p. 407.

[DVII]         Ibn Taymiyya is one scholar to prohibit men playing the tambourine: ‘...rakhasa li-'l-nisa’ an yudrabna bi-‘l-daff fl al- ’acras wa-‘l-afrah wa-amma al-rijal cala cahdihi, fa-lam bakan ahad minhum bi-darab bi-daff wa-la yasfaqu bi-kaff [... it was permitted for women to beat a tambourine at weddings and parties, but as for men during [the Prophet’s] time, they did not beat a tambourine or clap their hands]. Ibn Taymiyya, Taqï al-Dïn Abu ‘l-cAbbas Ahmad ibn cAbd al-Halïm ibn cAbd al- Salam, ‘Ma taqulu al-sada al-aclam’ in Majmuc fatawa Shaykh al-Islam Ahmad ibn Taymiyya (Mecca & Riyadh: Matabic al-Riyad, 1961 - 1967) vol. 11, pp. 558 - 586, p. 565. This is also found in his Kitab al-sama wa-‘l-raqs; see Michot, Jean R., Musique et Danse selon Ibn Taymiyya: Le Livre de Samâ ’ et de la Danse (Kitâb al-Samâ’ wa-‘l-Raqs) compilé par le Shaykh Muhammad al-Manbiji (Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, 1991) pp. 62 - 63. See also Shehadi, Fadlou, Philosophies of Music in Medieval Islam (Leiden: Brill, 1995) pp. 100 - 101; Cook, Commanding Right, pp. 90 - 91 and Lewisohn, Leonard, ‘The Sacred Music of Islam: Samc in the Persian Sufi Tradition’ Ethnomusicology Forum 6 (2007) pp. 1 - 33.

[DVIII]        Choksy, Jamsheed K., ‘Funerary Practices: Iran and Afghanistan’ EWIC, pp. 119 - 122, p. 119; see also Halevi, Muhammad’s Grave, pp. 85 - 100.

[DIX] Lane, AELex, p. 409.

[DX] Wheeler, ‘Touching the Penis’ p. 103; the idea that the Garden was ritually clean can be seen in al- Tabari’s Ta’rikh in which it is stated that: ‘It was a tree which made whoever ate from it defecate. He continued. But there must be no faeces in Paradise.’ Rosenthal (tr.), From the Creation to the Flood, p. 279; al-Tabari, Ta’rikh, vol. 1, p. 110.

[DXI] Himmelfarb, Martha, ‘Sexual Relations and Purity in the Temple Scroll and the Book of Jubilees’ DSD 6 (1999) pp. 11 - 36, p. 27.

[DXII]         Stones: §359 & 361; Sandals: §356; Spitting: §355, 357, 358 & 360; Qibla: §574.

[DXIII]        Cf. Bauckham, ‘Fall of the Angels’.

[DXIV]        Schimmel, Annemarie, ‘“I take off the dress of the body”: Eros is Sufi Literature’ in Sarah Coakley (ed.), Religion and the Body (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) pp. 262 - 288, p. 265.

[DXV]         ‘Among the angels only Harut and Marut (S. 2:102), because of their action in Babel, are bad...’; Waardenburg, ‘Changes of Belief’ p. 280.

[DXVI]        i.e. if an individual enters a house in which there is a man in the state of junub, his angel would depart, but the individual remains clean when he has left the presence of the other person.

[DXVII]       See §312, 319, 333 - 336, 341, 369, 382, 387, 391 & 445, as well as the discussion of this theme above; cf. §59 - 63, 503. §445 shows that it is not just the scribes that give preference to good actions, e.g. the angel that is responsible for noting who blesses Muhammad: ‘Gabriel came to me and said: ‘Muhammad, whoever blesses you from your community, God, Most High, writes a blessing for him, in it are ten good deeds, and it cancels out ten misdeeds....’

[DXVIII]      §692, 695, 696, 698 - 701, 708 & 713; there is also an angel that is responsible for correcting an individual who mispronounces something in the Qur’an, §462 - 465.

[DXIX]        Cf. al-Nawawï, Abu Zakanyya Yahya ibn Sharaf, Al-Tibyan f adab hamalat al-Qur’an; Furber, Musa (tr.), Etiquette of the Qur’an: Al-Tibyan f adab hamalat al-Qur’an (Illinois: Starlatch, 2003) and al-Ghazalï, Abu Hamïd Muhammad ibn Muhammad, Ihya culum al-dln (Cairo: Matbacat cIsa al- Babï al-Halabï, 1348/1929-30) vol. 1, pp. 244 - 247; Abul Qaseem, Muhammad, The Recitation and Interpretation of the Qur’an: Al-Ghazali’s Theory (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1979). See also Juynboll, G. H. A., ‘The Position of Qur’an Recitation in Early Islam’ JSS 19 (1974) pp. 240 - 251 and Afsarrudin, Asma, ‘The Excellences of the Qur’an: Textual Sacrality and the Organisation of Early Islamic Society’ JAOS 122 (2002) pp. 1 - 24. Qur’an recitation remains an important part of Muslim devotional piety and is encouraged by the religious community through events such as Qur’anic recitation competitions; cf. Gade, Anna M., ‘Motivating Qur’anic Practice in Indonesia by “Competing in Goodness”’ JRS 18 (2004) pp. 24 - 42.

[DXX]         Denny, Frederick M., ‘Islamic Ritual: Perspectives and Theories’ in Martin (ed.), Approaches to Islam pp. 63 - 77, p. 76; the story of Usayd ibn Hudayr and his experience of the Sakina is an extreme example of this; see §297 and Muslim, Sahih, vol. 5, pp. 82 - 83 for a fuller account.

[DXXI]        §708; cf. §692 & 698.

[DXXII]       See also §700 & 701, which say much the same about Q6 (Cattle).

[DXXIII]      Ayoub, Mahmoud, ‘Thanksgiving and Praise in the Qur’an and in Muslim Piety’ Islamochristiana 15 (1989) pp. 1 - 10, p. 2.

[DXXIV]      See §568 - 573, 576, 578 - 580, 598, 599, 614, 615, 617, 618, 716 & 717.

[DXXV] §568; see also §569 - 572; although the number of angels differs from four thousand (§571) to seventy thousand (§569), or just ‘many’ (§570).

§576, 578 - 580, 598.

§614, §615, 617 & 618.

§716.

§446, 447, 449 - 457; e.g. §447 ‘...Gabriel came to me and said: ‘God said: “Whoever blesses you,

I will bless him, I and my angels tenfold; whoever wishes you peace, I and my angels will wish him peace tenfold.”’ See also Robson, J., ‘Blessings on the Prophet’ MW 26 (1936) pp. 365 - 371.

[DXXX]       Nakamura, Kojiro, Ghazali on Prayer (Tokyo: University of Tokyo, 1973) p. 11.

[DXXXI]      Rowland, ‘Visions of God’.

[DXXXII]     Biljefeld, ‘Eschatology’, p. 36.

[DXXXIII]    Cf. ‘That in the Qur’an, and in general in Islam, the emphasis lies on individual or personal eschatology is undeniable.’ Bijlefeld, ‘Eschatology’ p. 36.

[DXXXIV]    Vockovic, Heavenly Journeys, p. 120.

[DXXXV]     I have been unable to study the MS personally, and the summary of the MS made below is based on observations of a facsimile copy of the text and on the information provided by Jan Just Witkam in his Inventory of the Oriental Manuscripts of the University of Leiden - Volume 1- Manuscripts Or. 1 - Or. 1000 (Leiden: Ter Lugt Press, 2007) pp. 208 - 210. As a result, I am unable to provide details about the dimensions of the manuscript.

[DXXXVI]    See Witkam, Inventory, p. 110; Witkam, Jan Just, ‘The Oriental Manuscripts of the University of Leiden' BJMES 8 (1981) pp. 60 - 64.

[DXXXVII]   The MS held by the Mingana Collection in Birmingham [MS Ar. 651i] is much later, dating to 1666 - 1667 CE; The MS held in the British Library [Or. 9026/1] is earlier than the Leiden MS and dates to 973 AH / 1566 CE; however, I have been unable to attain a facsimile of the MS and as the text dates to roughly the same period as the Leiden MS, I have principally used the Leiden MS as my Urtext.

[DXXXVIII]  This is referred to throughout as the ‘DKI Edition’. A list of textual variants has been included in the Appendix.

[DXXXIX]    This introduction follows a standard format employed by al-Suyutï in his hadïth collections, consisting of: a relevant Qur’anic quotation, laudations, a description of the work’s contents, its title and a prayer or oath; cf. his al-Hay’a al-sanlyafl-‘l-haya’ al-sunnlya; Heinen, Islamic Cosmology, p. 1.

[DXL]         Q 35:1; Arberry, Koran, p. 444.

[DXLI]        For a discussion of the title, see Section 1.3 above.

[DXLII]       cf. Q 12:18; Arberry Koran, p. 227.

[DXLIII]      The section is given the full title: dhukira wujub al-lman bi-‘l-mala’ika = What is mentioned [concerning] the necessity of belief in angels.

[DXLIV]      Q 2:285; Arberry Koran, p. 43

[DXLV]       See the Appendix for notes on each of al-Suyûtï’s sources.

[DXLVI]      The text that starts here and ends after the first hadïth in the collection is lifted directly from al- Bayhaqï’s Shucab al-lman; see al-Bayhaqï, Ahmad ibn al-Husayn ibn cAlï, Al-Jamic al-shucab al-lman (Bombay: Dar al-Salifiyya, 1986) vol. 1, pp. 405 - 406.

[DXLVII]     Lit: ‘death is upon them rightly...’

[DXLVIII]    i.e. the ajal of the angels is, like that of humans, fixed and immovable.

[DXLIX]      In the Qur’an, the Meccans are told that their deities are not divine, but are merely angels; cf. Q 34:40 & 43:19; Arberry, Koran, pp. 442 & 506. See also Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry and Welch, ‘Allah and Other Supernatural Beings’ pp. 733 - 758.

[DL]  Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 187v, l. 12.

[DLI] Almost all of the hadith begin with the Arabic akhraja to introduce each hadith; this has not been translated, but its absence is noted. In this case the hadith is preceeded by wa-rawayna.

[DLII]         Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 187v, l. 14.

[DLIII]        cf. Q 2:285 & 4:136; this is the end of the quotation from al-Bayhaqi’s Shucab al-iman.

[DLIV]        In Islamic philosophy, angels were believed to be Intellects and were incorporeal; for a discussion of this see Corbin, Henry (tr. W. R. Trask), Avicenna and the Visionary Recital (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1961) pp. 46 - 122 and Netton, Allah Transcendent, pp. 162 - 172.

[DLV]         Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 187v, l. 16.

[DLVI]        al-Jann; this can be used as the collective noun for jinn, or as a reference to Iblïs. See Lane, AELex pp. 462 & 2704; al-Zabïdï, TA vol. 34, pp. 370 - 371 and Zbinden, Ernst, Die Djinn des Islam und der altorientalische Geisterglaube (Bern: Verlag Paul Haupt, 1953) pp. 3 - 8.

[DLVII]       Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 187v, ll. 18 - 19.

[DLVIII]      Sezgin says that the Kitab al-cazama is ‘ein mystiches Buch, in dem er sich auf den sahabï cAlï b. Salam beruft, dem die Schriften des Propheten Daniel in die Hande gefallen sin sollen.’ Sezgin, GAS vol. 1, p. 201.

[DLIX]        Al-Suyutï does not cite the book from which the hadïth is taken again, unless two books have been used (as will be seen later). This hadïth is from the Kitab al-cazama.

[DLX]         Q 74:3; Arberry Koran, p. 617.

[DLXI]        Flies are used as the generic term for something incredibly small, e.g. Q 22:73; ‘Surely those upon whom you call, apart from God, shall never create a fly...’ Arberry, Koran, p. 341.

[DLXII]       Q 37:165; Arberry, Koran, p. 462.

[DLXIII]      This and the following hadith with the same phrase could be an allusion to Q 22:26 or 39:9; Arberry Koran, pp. 336 and 472.

[DLXIV]      The Leiden MS reads ‘al-nabi’; fol. 187v, l. 31.

[DLXV]       attat / ta ’itta [’-T-T]. This is a relatively rare root meaning to groan or creak, often with particular reference to camels (be it the camel itself or a saddle &c. ). This particular hadïth is usually cited as an example in the lexicons - see Ibn ManzUr, LA, vol. 19, pp. 164 - 165 and Lane, AELex, p. 66.

[DLXVI]      This same hadith also appears in al-Thaclabi, QA, p. 17; Brinner, Lives, p. 28.

[DLXVII]     Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 188r, l. 1.

[DLXVIII]    Q 37:164 - 165; Arberry, Koran, p. 462.

[DLXIX]      Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 188r, l. 4.

[DLXX]       The concept of ‘Seven Heavens’ is also important in Judaism and Christianity; see Collins, Adela Yarbo, ‘The Seven Heavens in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses’ in Collins and Fishbane, Other Worldly Journeys, pp. 59 - 93.

[DLXXI]      Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 188r, l. 6.

[DLXXII]     cf. al-Thaclabï, QA, p. 14; Brinner, Lives, p. 23.

[DLXXIII]    § 312 - 406 deal with the Srcibes in more detail.

[DLXXIV]    Cf. Q 50:21: wa-ja’at kullu nafsin macaha sa’iqun wa-shahidun; ‘And every soul shall come, and with it a driver and a witness.’ Arberry, Koran, p. 540.

[DLXXV]     Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 188r, ll. 9 - 10.

[DLXXVI]    These angels are presumably additional to the hamlat al-carsh (Bearers of the Throne).

[DLXXVII]   In the pre-Islamic pantheon Allah was both the creator of the world and the rain-god; the Qur’an emphasises the supremacy of Allah as the creator and the life-sustainer, as it is He and He alone that provides humans with water, and by extension life: ‘[Water] reveals aspects of the dependence of creation on him, his dealings with it, and its duty to serve him.’ Johns, Anthony H., ‘Water’ EQ vol. 5, p. 462.

[DLXXVIII]  Although containing a few hadïth that locate the origins of rain in heaven, al-Suyutï’s al-Hay’a does not include this hadïth (nor any others included in this collection); see Heinen, Islamic Cosmology, pp. 160 - 164.

[DLXXIX]    The Leiden MS reads ‘fa-khalaqa min kulla qatra malakan [‘He creates an angel from every raindrop or An angel is created (fa-khuliqa) from every raindrop]; fol. 188r, l. 14.

[DLXXX]     See also §172 - 177 for hadith on the Angel of the Rain. Rain was believed to come from angels, e.g. al-Shahrastani, Abu ‘l-Fath Muhammad ibn cAbd al-Karim, Al-Milal wa-‘l-nihal (Tufiq, M. (ed)), (Cario: Matbacat Hijazi bi-‘l-Qahira, 1948), vol. 2, p. 111; for secondary material, see Lawrence, Bruce B., ‘Shahrastani on Indian Idol Worship’ SI 38 (1973), pp. 61 - 73, p. 67 and for this belief in modern practice, see: Basgoz. Ilhan, ‘Rain-Making Ceremonies and Seasonal Festivals’ JAOS 87 (1967) pp. 304 - 306, p. 305. The Angel of the Rain is named as Ridya in the Babylonian Talmud; see Ta’ 25b, p. 133 and Yom. 21a, p. 90. A similar hadith to this appears in Al-Thaclabi, QA p. 16 - 17; Brinner, Lives, p. 23. However, the hadith is attributed to Abu Hurrayah, and Gabriel immerses himself in a bahr min nur (a sea of light). Ibn Khaldun also includes similar imagery when describing Jesus’ return at the end of time, see Ibn Khaldun, cAbd al-Rahman ibn Muhamamd al-Maghribi (ed. Mustafa Fahmi al-Kutbi), al-Muqaddima min al-kitab al-cibar (Cairo: Matbacat al-Taqaddam bi-Sharh Muhammad cAli, n.d.) p. 259; Rosenthal, Franz (tr.), The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History (SecondEdition) (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967) vol. 2, p. 194.

[DLXXXI]    In the Qur’an and the hadith weeping is generally not discouraged; cf. Chittick, William C., ‘Weeping in Classical Sufism’ in Kimberley Christine Patton and John Stratton Hawley (eds.), Holy Tears: Weeping in The Religious Imagination (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005) pp. 132 - 144, pp. 132 - 134.

[DLXXXII]   A river in paradise, also shown to Muhammad during the Micraj. See Alvorado, Salustio, ‘Sobre al-Kawtar y Otros Rios del Paraiso en la Eschatologia Islamica y Cristiana’ BAEO 41 (2005) pp. 247 - 253; Horovitz, J [-Gardet, L.], ‘Kawthwar’ EI2 vol. 4, pp. 805 - 806; and El-Zein, Amira, ‘Water of Paradise’ EQ vol. 5, pp. 466 - 467; cf. GenR 78:1, p. 714 - 715 and LamR 3:2 §8, pp. 201 - 202.

[DLXXXIII]  This has been inserted on the basis of an extremely similar hadïth which appears in al-Suyutï’s Al- Hay’a al-samya. The hadïth reads: ‘...wayanzilu maca kadha wa-kadha min al-mala’ika yatukbuna haythu yaqacu dhalika ‘l-matar wa-man yarzuquhu wa-ma yakhruju minhu maca kulla qaj.ra.' §VI:27; Heinen, Islamic Cosmology, p. 26.

[DLXXXIV]  cf. al-Thaclabï, QA, p. 13; Brinner, Lives, p .22.

[DLXXXV]   i.e. the angel’s hair is immeasurable.

[DLXXXVI]  The Leiden MS uses the slightly stronger ‘faraqan (terrified); fol. 188r, l. 25.

[DLXXXVII] The Leiden MS inserts this hadith; fol. 188r, ll. 26 - 28.

[DLXXXVIII] A common metaphor in Islam; cf. Q 7:40; Arberry, Koran, p. 147 (although the phrase is samm al- khiyat); much has been written about this Qur’anic phrase: cf. Bishop, Eric F. F., ‘The Eye of the Needle’ MW 31 (1941) pp. 354 - 359 and Rippin, A. ‘Qur’an 7:40: «Until a Camel Pases through the Eye of the Needle»’ Arabica 27 (1980) pp. 107 - 113.

[DLXXXIX]  Q. 52:4; the bayt al-ma’mur is thought to be the seventh heaven and it is said to be located directly above the Kacba. See Porter, ‘Muhammad’s Journey p. 77 and Morris, ‘The Spiritual Ascension of Ibn cArabi’ JAOS 107 (1987) pp. 636, n. 35 & JAOS 108 (1988) p. 69 n. 169; cf. also Al-Thaclabi, QA p. 16 - 17; Brinner, Lives, p. 27.

[DXC]         70,000 is a traditional number in Islamic tradition for the size of an angelic army; cf. Al-Thaclabi, QA p. 14; Brinner, Lives, p. 23.

[DXCI]        Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 188v, l. 2

[DXCII]       There is a scribal error in the Leiden MS with a repition of ‘and they are the angels who bear the Throne, and they are also those who worship God night and day, without rest...’; fol. 188v, ll. 4 - 5.

[DXCIII]      Given in the Leiden MS as ‘Ibn Khabib ibn cAbd al-Rahman...’; fol. 188v, l. 6.

[DXCIV]      If these numbers were read as ‘for every one human there are ten jinn’ the final number of Cherubim would be 10,000 (a myriad - which is a traditional number for counting angels, cf. Deut. 33:2 and Rev. 5:11) for every human; however, as read, the total number are 6,561 cherubim for every human.

[DXCV]       Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 188v, l. 10.

[DXCVI]      cf. Al-Thaclabi, QA p. 14; Brinner, Lives, p. 23.

[DXCVII]     Namely, the conquest of Mecca - see AELex (1984) p. 2328; cf. Ibn Ishaq, Sïra; Guillaume, Life of Muhammad, p. 533.

[DXCVIII]    Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 188v, l. 18.

[DXCIX]      Q 37:166; Arberry, Koran, p. 462.

[DC]  Q 2:31; Arberry, Koran, p. 5.

[DCI] Although there is no designation of ‘archangel’ in Islamic angelology as such, the Greek ap/ay%s2oç is translated into Arabic as ra’ïs mala’ika; cf. 1Th. 4:16; UBS p. 703; and the Mount Sinai Codex 151 (dated to 867 C.E.), Staal, H. (ed.), Mt. Sinai Codex 151 - I:Pauline Epistles (Louvain: E. Peeters, 1983) p. 173. This is also the standard translation in modern translations of the Bible into Arabic: see Kitab al-ahd al-jadïd (Cambridge: Jamciyyat al-tawra al-brïtâmyya wa-‘l- ajnabiyya, 1917) p. 233.

[DCII]         Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 188v, ll. 20 - 21.

[DCIII]        Gabriel is mentioned three times in the Qur’an CQ 2:97, 98 and 64:4), Michael once CQ 2:98); the Angel of Death once CQ 32:11) and Isrâfïl is not mentioned.

[DCIV]        Gabriel has a similar role in the Talmud; cf. BB 74b, p. 297 and San. 19b, p. 99 & 95b, p. 644.

[DCV]         The Leiden MS reads ‘Isrâfïl’ in error; fol. 188v, l. 22.

[DCVI]        In Islamic tradition, Michael is frequently associated with nature and the sustenance of humans, cf. al-Qazwïni, Aja ’ib, p. 37.

[DCVII]       Cf. the Battle of Badr; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, pp. 303ff.; Al-Wâqidï, Kitab al-Maghazi vol. 1, pp. 56 - 57, 79 and 113.

[DCVIII]      The Leiden MS reads: ‘.. ..al-dunya jamc bayn hufzihim wama fi umm al-kitab fa-yajidunahu siwa ” fol. 188v, l. 23. However, both the Arabic of the Leiden MS and the DKI edition are unclear, and the hadïth appears to be corrupted.

[DCIX]        Ibn Abï Shayba is mentioned at the start of the hadïth in the Leiden MS; fol. 188v, l. 20.

[DCX]         In Islamic tradition Muhammad is often alone when he encounters Gabriel, e.g. in the narrative of the first revelation, Muhammad seeks seclusion on Mount Hira’ before meeting the angel; see al- Bukharr, Muhammad ibn Ismacrl, Sahih (Riyadh: Bayt al-Afkar al-Dawliyya, 1998), §3, pp. 3 - 4.

[DCXI]        As Gabriel is already with Muhammad, it must be the other angel (Israfrl) who is approaching.

[DCXII]       Lit. : ‘servant prophet’.

[DCXIII]      Lit.: ‘you should be humble’ - but this does not make sense.

[DCXIV]      Lit.: ‘state’ or ‘condition’ - i.e. when Gabriel became small.

[DCXV]       This is generally considered to be above the Seventh Heaven. Daniel Madigan notes that, ‘Taken literally, [these images of writing] are difficult to read as a whole. Alternatively, they can be read, and often are in the Islamic tradition, as complementary, symbolic representations of God’s knowledge and will.’ Madigan, Daniel A., ‘Preserved Tablet’ EQ vol. 4, p. 262.

[DCXVI]      This is not included in the text, but the Tablet needs to come back down to Israfrl.

[DCXVII]     The Leiden MS reads ‘five thousand years’; fol. 189r, l. 12.

[DCXVIII]    Amlak: the plural of paucity (jumc al-qilla) for malak- i.e. referring to 3 - 10 angels. Elsewhere in the text no number is given, as it is here. For more on these plurals see Ratcliffe, Robert R., The Broken Plural Problem in Arabic and Comparative Semitic (Amsterdam : J. Benjamins, 1998) p. 69f and cAbbas Abu ‘l-Sucud, Al-Faysal f alwan al-jumuc (Cairo: Dar al-Macarif bi-Misr, 1971) pp. 33 - 44.

[DCXIX]      Cf. Q 79:5 and al-Tabarï, Tafsir vol. 30, pp. 30 - 31; the mudabbirat are said to be angels.

[DCXX]       Cf. Q 51:4 and al-Tabarï, Tafsir vol. 26, pp. 187 - 188; the muqassimat are said to be angels.

[DCXXI]      This hadith is omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 189r, l. 15.

[DCXXII]     This is said as part of the prayers said during the circumambulation of the Kacba during the hajj; see Kamal, Ahmad, ‘The Sacred Journey’ in A. de L. Rush (ed.), Records of the Hajj - Vol. 1: Prayer, Invocations and Rites (London: Archive Editions), p. 159; it is also reminiscent of Q 11:47; 23:97 and 23:98; Arberry, Koran, pp. 216 and 350.

[DCXXIII]    cf. al-Bukhari, Sahih §2, p. 3.

[DCXXIV]    This and almost all of the chapters that follow, begin with the phrase ‘ma ja 'aft...' = ‘what is said / found concerning...’. This has not been translated.

[DCXXV]       cUbayd is the diminutive of cabd (see Lane, AELex, p. 1935); the use of the diminutive may be being used to lower the status of Michael, who is the dominant angel in Judaism (cf. Hag 12b & Ber 4b) and promote Gabriel. This trend can be seen in other Islaimc eschatological texts, see Bowman, ‘Eschatological Fragment’ pp. 203 - 204.

[DCXXVI]    From the Hebrew ‘el which is the standard word for ‘God’ not ‘temple of God’; see BDB, p. 41. The TA does not contain any of these temple etymologies, and simply states that it is a name of God; see al-Zabïdï, TA vol. 28, pp. 45 - 46.

[DCXXVII]   khadra’ can also indicate blue: ‘Das Wort bezeichnet die den ganzen dunklen Farbbereich umfassende Grundfarbe, sowohl ‘grün’ als auch ‘blau’.’ Fischer, Wolfdietrich, Farb- und Formbezichnungen in der Sprache der altarabischen Dichtung (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1965) p. 306. It would seem more likely to be green as in the Qur’an green is closely associated with God and paradise - see Rippin, Andrew, ‘Color’ EQ vol. 1, pp. 361 - 365. Ibn Khaldun also includes a hadith in which Khadijah says: ‘...green and white are the colours of goodness and the angels.’ Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddima, p. 74; Rosenthal, Muqaddimah, vol. 1, p. 186.

[DCXXVIII]  Silk was very expensive and in the Qur’an it is associated with the paradise and redemption: ‘Clearly referring to the cultural context of the qur’anic revelation, a recurrent image presents the redeemed as garbed in silk or other fine fabrics and wearing valuable jewels.’ Golnaldez, V., ‘Silk’ EQ vol. 5, p. 11. Being described in this way, Gabriel is firmly rooted in the divine world. For more on silk and the development of the silk-trade in early Islamic history see: Lombard, Maurice, Les textiles dans le monde musulman: VIIe -XIIe siècle (Paris: Mouton Editeur, 1978) pp. 79 - 104.

[DCXXIX]    Rubies, pearls and coral are the only precious stones mentioned in the Qur’an and they are only used in passages about paradise; see Troupeau, Géerad, ‘Metals and Minerals’ EQ vol. 3, pp. 383 - 384. Pearls are also associated with the First and Seventh Heavens - see MacDonald, John, ‘Paradise’ IS 5 (1966), p. 344.

[DCXXX]     Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 189v, l. 16.

[DCXXXI]    The oldest cemetery in Medina in the South-East of the town; for more information, see Wensinck, A. J. [-Bazmee Anasri, A. S.], ‘Bakf al-Gharkad’ EI2 vol. 1, pp. 957 - 958.

[DCXXXII]   Gabriel is also believed to have six hundred wings; cf. al-Rabghuzi, Nasir al-Din ibn Burhan al- Din; Boeschoten, H. E., O’Kane, J. & Vandamme, M., Al-Rabghuzi: The Stories of the Prophets - Qisas al-anbiya ’ - An Eastern Turkish Version (Leiden: Brill, 1995) vol. 2, p. 596.

[DCXXXIII]  Q 53:13; Arberry, Koran, p. 550.

[DCXXXIV]  The DKI edition includes two hadith with the number 44; so as to maintain the DKI numbering, the second 44 has been labelled 44b; it is not an edition of the Leiden MS.

[DCXXXV]   Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 189v, l. 12.

[DCXXXVI]  Here, as in the Qur’an, hijab refers to a dividing curtain as opposed to a face veil; see Toorawa, Shawkat M., ‘Clothing’ EQ vol. 1, pp. 346 - 347.

[DCXXXVII] This is a common theme of the micraj literature: cf. al-Rabghuzi, QA, vol. 2, pp. 595 - 596.

[DCXXXVIII] Dihya al-Kalbi is said to have been of ‘such outstanding beauty that the Angel Gabriel took his features.’ Lammens, ‘Dihya’ p. 274; cf. Al-Rabghuzi, QA, vol. 2, p. 595.

[DCXXXIX]  Ghirbal can also mean a tambourine (see TA vol. 30, pp. 87 - 89), but the haziness of looking through the bottom of a sieve is the main idea here.

[DCXL]       Q 53:14; Arberry, Koran, p. 550; according to Al-Thaclabi this is the abode of Gabriel, see Al- Thaclabi, QA p. 17; Brinner, Lives, p. 28.

[DCXLI]      A number of the hadith include the phrase ‘min,tarlq... ’= ‘through the intermediary of...’; see Appendix E for more information on these intermediaries.

[DCXLII]     Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 189v, l. 23.

[DCXLIII]    The Leiden MS gives the fuller name; fol. 189v, l. 24.

[DCXLIV]    The Yezïdïs (a Kurdish sect) venerated a peacock angel (malak tacus); see Ebeid, R. Y., and Young, M. J. L., ‘An Account of the History and Rituals of the Yazidis of Mosul’ Le Muséon 85 (1972) pp. 481 - 522; see also Ahmed, Sami Said, The Yazidis: Their Life and Beliefs (Miami: Field Research Projects, 1975). For more general information on the Yezïdïs see Kreyenbroeck, Philip G., ‘Religion and Religions in Kurdistan’ in Philip G. Kreyenbroeck and Christine Allison (eds.), Kurdish Culture and Identity (London: Zed Books Ltd, 1996) pp. 85 - 110. However, the more likely influence is Byzantine / Christian, as peacocks were associated with heaven and paradise and appropriated into Islamic iconography, see al-Khamis, Ulrike, ‘An early Islamic bronze ewer examined’ Muqarnas 15 (1998) pp. 9 - 19, particularly p. 12.

[DCXLV]     Given as Ibn Jarir in the Leiden MS, but this appears to be an error; fol. 189v, l. 26.

[DCXLVI]    A belt is referred to once in the Talmud, Men. 29a, p. 188.

[DCXLVII]   khafq al-tayr = the beating of (the wings of) the bird.

[DCXLVIII]  Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 190r, l. 1.

[DCXLIX]    Al-waS or al-wasac; a small bird, like a sparrow (cusfur); see Ibn Manzur, LA, vol. 10, p. 276; Ibn Manzur also cites this hadith.

[DCL]         This hadith is also in the short section on Gabriel in al-Qazwini’s cAja ’ib, p. 37.

[DCLI]        This is a motif carried through into Islamic tradition from Judeo-Christian imagery: cf. Ezekiel 9:3; 10:2; Daniel 7:9; John 20:12 &c.

[DCLII]       The Leiden MS reads ‘ka-‘l-hubk' (cf. Q 51:7), but the meaning is unclear; the DKI reading is more suitable; fol. 190r, l. 12.

[DCLIII]      Lit.: ‘his colour is like snow...’

[DCLIV]      Gabriel is frequently identified with the ruh al-qadus; see Griffith, Sidney H., ‘Holy Spirit’ EQ vol.

2, pp. 442 - 444 and Webb, Gisela, ‘Gabirel’ EQ vol. 2, pp. 278 - 280.

[DCLV]       The hadith scholar Ibn al-Salah defines a weak hadith simply as one which is neither sound (sahïh) nor fair (hasan) i.e. any hadith in which there are questions concerning the veracity of one of the authorities in the isnad; see Ibn al-Salah al-Shahrazûrï (tr. E. Dickinson), An Introduction to the Science of the Hadïth - Kitab macrifat anwac cilm al-hadïth (Reading: Garnet Publishing, 2005) p. 25.

[DCLVI]      An area of orchards and gardens in Damascus fed by the Barada; thought to be one of the four earthly paradises; see Elisséeff, N. , ‘Ghuta’ EI2 vol. 2, pp. 1104 - 1106.

[DCLVII]     Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 190r, l. 20.

[DCLVIII]    In the DKI Edition, this is marked as a Qur’anic quotation, but it is not.

[DCLIX]      Particularly ritual impurity after sexual intercourse, after which ablutions are necessary; for more on ritual purity laws see Burton, ‘Practice of wuduc ’.

[DCLX]       A similar hadith to this appears in the Qisas al-anbiyya’ - see Al-Thaclabi, QA p. 153 - 154; Brinner, Lives, p. 255.

[DCLXI]      Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 190v, l. 5.

[DCLXII]     Lit.: ‘Hold back the need of my servant’ and ‘Fulfill the need of my servant’. In Islamic belief, having ones needs fulfilled can lead to faithlessness in God; cf. ‘Sometimes He gives while depriving you, and sometimes He deprives you in giving.’ Ibn ‘Ata’ Allah, Ahmad ibn Muhammad, Kitab al- Hikam; Victor Danner (tr.), Ibn cAta’illah’s Sf Aphorisms (Leiden: Brill, 1973) §83, p. 36.

[DCLXIII]    Given as cAbd Allah ibn cUmayr in the Leiden MS; fol. 190v, l. 10.

[DCLXIV]    This is almost a direct quotation of Q 6:99 ‘None feels secure against God’s devising but the people of the lost.’ Arberry, Koran, p. 155.

[DCLXV]     In both the DKI edition and Leiden MS, there is no 'akhraja' at the beginning of this hadith; fol. 190v, l. 26.

[DCLXVI]    Al-Suyuti occasionally includes the whole isnad, if there is some concern over the isnad (see the end of this hadith).

[DCLXVII]   The Leiden MS gives a slightly different version of the section of the isnad: Muhammad ibn cAbd Allah ibn al-Fadl ibn cÀsim from cAmr ibn Qatada ibn cUmar ibn Qatada ibn al-Nucman al-Ansari form his father, Qatada ibn al-Nucman; he said: the Messenger of God (God bless him and grant him salvation) said...’; fol. 190v, ll. 27 - 29.

[DCLXVIII]  Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 191r, l. 1.

[DCLXIX]    The validity of a hadith that includes an unknown transmitter (majhul) is disputed in Hadith scholarship; see Ibn al-Salah, Kitab macrifat, p. 85; however the Arabic text does not appear to be be referring to isnad.

[DCLXX]     This appears to refer to the various isnads, but one would normally expect -ha instead of -hum.

[DCLXXI]    Evil is traditionally portrayed by ugliness, for example the Antichrist (al-Dajjal) is described as a human with a number of deformities, so much so that ‘...even a Jewish man named Ibn Sayyad (d. 683) was believed to be the Antichrist and was nearly killed by Omar.’ Saritoprak, ‘Legend of al- Dajjal’ p. 292. However, this hadith is more likely to simply be describing someone with the most afflictions possible, rather than portraying him as being evil.

[DCLXXII]   The Leiden MS reads ‘adjam’, which according to Lane is ‘.having a nose that inclines towards one side of the face.’ (i.e. a crooked nose), see Lane, AELex, p. 1770; fol. 191r, l. 3.

[DCLXXIII]  Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 191r, l. 7.

[DCLXXIV]  Munkar is used both of rejected and unfamiliar hadith; many hadith scholars rejected hadith attributed to transmitters designated munkar, e.g. Muslim, Ibn al-Hajjaj al-Qushayri, Sahih; Sahih Muslim bi-sharh al-Nawawi (Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-cArabi) vol. 1, pp. 55 - 56; however some hadith scholars did accept these hadith, see Ibn Salah, Kitab macrifat, p. 59, n. 1. See also, Juynboll, G. H. A., ‘Muslim’s Introduction to his Sahih, Translated and Annotated with an excursus on the chronology of the fitna and bid’a’ JSAI 5 (1984) pp. 263 - 302, p. 269, n. 9.

[DCLXXV]   In the Leiden MS there is an empty space left between akhraja and Abu ‘l-Shaykh, an author’s name may be missing; fol. 191r, l. 9.

[DCLXXVI]  Q 72:27; Arberry, Koran, p. 613.

[DCLXXVII] Thiqat is the technical term for reliable authorities, as opposed to an unreliable authorities (ducafa ’); various hadith scholars collected volumes listing reliable and unreliable authorities, e.g. al- Bukhari, Kitab al-ducafa ’ al-saghir (Aleppo: Dar al-Waci, 1976).

[DCLXXVIII] Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 191r, l. 14.

[DCLXXIX]  For a discussion of Abu Bakr and cUmar, cf. Al-Suyuti (ed. Muhammad Muhyi al-Din cAbd al- Hamid), Ta’rikh al-khulafa’ (Cairo: Maktabat al-Tajariyya al-Kubra, 1389 / 1969) pp. 44 - 48; Jarret, H. S. (tr.), History of the Caliphs (repr. Karachi: Krimsons, 1977) pp. 40 - 41.

[DCLXXX]   The text is unclear here.

[DCLXXXI]  i.e. Muhammad approaches God, but can only go as far as Israfrl, the angel nearest to God. Muhammad is told what exists beyond Israfrl by the Tablet.

[DCLXXXII] See Lane for a discussion of this idiomatic expression, AELex, p. 1673.

[DCLXXXIII] This hadith appears again with Michael and Israfrl being the angels who do not laugh; see §79 & 97.

[DCLXXXIV] This could be either Abu Bakr Jacfar ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hassan al-Firyabi (d. 301 / 913) or Abu cAli Muhammad ibn Yusuf ibn Waqid al-Firyabi (d. 212 / 827). Abu Bakr was a hadith collector and Abu cAli was an exegete; as this is an exegetical hadith it is difficult to ascertain which al-Firyabi is meant; See Sezgin, GAS, vol. 1, pp. 40 & 166.

[DCLXXXV] For more on the trumpet that heralds the resurrection see: Smith, Jane I., ‘Eschatology’ EQ vol. 2, pp. 47 - 48.

[DCLXXXVI] Q 39:68; Arberry. Koran, p. 479.

[DCLXXXVII]              This appears to be an error in the text and ‘wa-’ has been added following earlier examples above.

[DCLXXXVIII]             Q 39:68; Arberry, Koran, p. 479.

[DCLXXXIX] Cf. Q 42:17 & 55:7-9, Arberry; Koran, pp. 500 & 557.

[DCXC]       Given as Ibn cAbd al-Mundhir in the Leiden MS, this seems to be an error; fol. 191v, l. 10.

[DCXCI]      See §36 for a discussion of the use of cabd and cubayd.

[DCXCII]     For the negative attitude to laughing in the Qur’an and hadith, see Chittick, ‘Weeping in Classical Sufism’ pp. 133 - 134.

[DCXCIII]    Teeth-cleaning is an important part of Islamic ritual purity, cf. al-Bukhari, Sahih §244 - 245; p. 69; and Malik, Muwatta’, vol. 1, pp. 64 - 65 (Bewley, Al-Muwatta’, §2.32.115—117, p. 23). For more secondary sources on this see: Risplet-Chaim, Vardit, ‘The siwak: A Medieval Islamic Contribution to Dental Care’ JRAS 2 (1992) pp. 13 - 20 and Janot, Francis, Vezie, Philippe & Bottero-Cornillac, Marie-Jeanne, ‘Le siwak (bâtonnet frotte-dents), instrument à usages religieux et médical’ AI 32 (1998) pp. 101 - 123.

[DCXCIV]    Cf. Al-Rabghuzi, QA, vol. 2, pp. 569 - 572.

[DCXCV]     There are a number of authors with the name al-Daylami, but the reference to al-Sulami indicates that this is Shams al-Din al-Daylami, as he made a commentary on al-SarT ibn cAbd Allah al-Sulami’s al-Sirr ft anfas al-sufya; see Sezgin, GAS, vol.1, pp. 647 - 648; Brockelmann, GAL, vol. 2, p. 207 and Arberry, A. J., ‘The Works of Shams al-Din al-Dailami’ BSOAS 29 (1966) pp. 49 - 56.

[DCXCVI]    Cf. hadith §39, which says that Gabriel is the Imam of heaven.

[DCXCVII]   Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 191v, l. 25.

[DCXCVIII]  Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 191v, l. 30.

[DCXCIX]    Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 191v, l. 30.

[DCC]         Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 191v, l. 32.

[DCCI]        Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 191v , l. 32 - fol. 192r, l. 1.

[DCCII]       This hadith is well-known, although the following matn is more common: wa-man shariba al- khamr fi-‘l-dunya, fa-mata, wa-huwayudumnuha; see Wensinck, CTM, vol. 2, p. 144. The matn found here (and in §171) is found in Ibn Maj a, Abu cAbd Allah Muhammad ibn Yazid al-Qazwini (ed. Muhammad Fucad cAbd al-Baqi), Sunan Ibn Maja (Cairo: Babi al-Halabi, s.d.) vol. 2, p. 1120, §3375. However, the isnad is different: Abu Bakr ibn Abi Shayba & Muhammad ibn al-Sabbah - Muhammad ibn Sulayman al-Asbahani - Suhayl - Abu Suhayl - Abu Hurayrah.

[DCCIII]      This is the trumpet that announces the end of the world; it is mentioned ten times in the Qur’an (Q 6:73; 18:99; 20:102; 23:101; 27:87; 36:51; 39:68; 50:20; 69:13 and 78:18); a description of Israfil can also be found in al-Rabghuzi, QA, vol. 2, p. 596.

[DCCIV]      Cf. Q 36:50 - 55; Arberry, Koran, p. 453.

[DCCV]       Q 3:173; Arberry, Koran, p. 67.

[DCCVI]      Q 7:89 and 10:85; Arberry, Koran, pp. 154 and 207.

[DCCVII]     Milk, like pearls, is used to represent holiness; see Rippin, ‘Color’ EQ vol. 1, pp. 361 - 365.

[DCCVIII]    Given as ‘al-Khudhri’ in the Leiden MS; fol. 192r, l. 18.

[DCCIX]      This hadith and others do not explain who the two angels of the trumpet are. Israfil is normally the only angel associated with the Trumpet, but occasionally others are also associated with it - see §99.

[DCCX]       As before, see §36, 37 & 87 above.

[DCCXI]      Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 192r, l. 23.

[DCCXII]     Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 192r, l. 23.

[DCCXIII]    cf. Al-Thaclabi, QA p. 29; Brinner, Lives, p. 47. In this section of the Qisas al-anbiyya ’ Adam ascends to heaven on the horse al-Maymun: Gabriel takes the reins, Michael is on the right and Israfil is on the left. This is a different context but it does highlight the fact that these three angels are often mentioned together and that their positions vary. See also Al-Thaclabi, QA p. 103; Brinner, Lives, p. 175.

[DCCXIV]    Q 34:23; Arberry, Koran, p. 440.

[DCCXV]     Note that in this hadith the Angel of the Trumpet is not Israfil, as elsewhere.

[DCCXVI]    The sarawil is an undergarment used to cover male and female genitalia; see Stillman, Arab Dress, pp. 10 - 11, and for pictures of earlier and later sarawil see Scarce, Jennifer, Women’s Costume of the Near and Middle East (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), pp. 33 & 74 - 75. Although normally referring to ‘trousers’ specifically, sarawil can have a more general meaning, e.g. the TA describes a sirwal as a qamis, darc or ‘kulla ma htbisa' Al-Zabïdï, TA, vol. 29, p. 196. The association of the sarawil with personal modesty implies that the wing is being used to cover the Israfïl’s genitalia, in the same way that the seraphim in Is. 6:3 ‘cover their feet’. The same hadïth, with a slightly different isnad and matn, appears below (§99), but Israfïl’s wing is said to be ‘clothed’ (tasarbala [Form II srbl] ) as opposed to ‘trouser-ed’ (tasarwala [Form II srwl] ).

[DCCXVII]   cf. Q 8:32; Arberry, Koran, p. 172.

[DCCXVIII]  The Leiden MS gives the name as ‘Abd al-Harth’; fol. 192r, l. 11.

[DCCXIX]    Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 192r, l. 12.

[DCCXX]     The Bearers of the Throne are referred to in Q 40:7; Arberry, Koran, p. 481; see also Elias, Jamal, ‘Throne of God’ EQ vol. 5, p. 276 - 278.

[DCCXXI]    This is almost identical to §79.

[DCCXXII]   This appears to be related the various ‘I heard the heavens groaning’ hadith above (§10 & 25).

[DCCXXIII]  i.e. Kacb al-Ahbar; ahbar is the plural hibr / habr and is used as a compliment; the word is derived from the Hebrew haber, a title of an Jewish scholar below that of Rabbi; see Schmitz, M., ‘Kacb al- Ahbar, Abu Ishak b. Mati’ b. Haysu’ / Haynu’’ EI2 vol. 4, p. 316; for more on the Jewish haber, see Spiro, Solomon J., ‘Who was the Haber? A New Approach to an Ancient Institution’ JSJ 11 (1980) pp. 186 - 216.

[DCCXXIV]  Lit: ‘The knowledge is yours’ - an Arabic idiom.

[DCCXXV]   cf. §93; see note above.

[DCCXXVI]  Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 192v, l. 29.

[DCCXXVII] i.e. Abu ‘l-Shaykh from al-Awzaci.

[DCCXXVIII] This is said to be Gabriel in §83.

[DCCXXIX]  Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 193r, l. 2.

[DCCXXX]   Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 193r, l. 10.

[DCCXXXI]  The Leiden MS reads ‘wajh for ‘ra’s’; fol. 193r, l. 11.

[DCCXXXII] Omitted in the Leiden MS, but is an error; fol. 193r, l. 12.

[DCCXXXIII] Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 193r, l. 12.

[DCCXXXIV] cf. Q 23:28; Arberry, Koran, p. 345.

[DCCXXXV] Q 13:18; Arberry, Koran, p. 242.

[DCCXXXVI] The principal Qur’anic narratives of the prostration to Adam can be found at Q 2:29 - 34 & 38:71 - 75; Arberry, Koran, pp. 5 &469. See also Jung, Fallen Angels for a discussion of the narrative’s origins. Some texts say that Gabriel or Michael were the first to bow down - see Tottoli, Roberto ‘Muslim Attitudes to Prostration’ p. 30, n. 96.

[DCCXXXVII]              This is a famous hadith; see van Ess Zwischen Hadit und Theologie, pp. 160 - 178.

[DCCXXXVIII]             For basic information on the Angel of Death, see Wensinck, ‘cIzra’il’ EI1 & EI2; cf. the short section on the angel in al-Qazwini, cAja ’ib, pp. 37 - 38.

[DCCXXXIX] This and the next hadith have different mitan but are essentially the same story. Al-Thaclabi includes a different version, but begins the chapter acknowledging that: ‘qala al-mufassiruna bi-alfazi mukhtalafati wa-macanin mutafaqatf (‘The commentators have said in different words but similar meanings’); Al-Thaclabi, QA p. 26; Brinner, Lives, p. 43. The narrative was a popular one and is frequently included in Islamic histories; e.g. al-Mascudi, Muruj al-dhahab, vol. 1, pp. 35 - 36.

[DCCXL]      The Qur’an includes many references to Adam being made of earth: e.g. Q 2:264; 3:59; 16:59; 18:37; 22:5; 30:20: 35:11; 40:67 &c. For an analysis of these narratives and their relation to Jewish and Christian literature see, Chipman, ‘Mythic Aspects’.

[DCCXLI]     i.e. all of the Bearers of the Throne.

[DCCXLII]    See Q 15:26, 27 & 33; Arberry translates this as ‘mud moulded’, Koran, pp. 254 - 255; Adam is also said to have been made from a clot (alaq) in Q 96:2; Arberry, Koran, p. 651. However, the calaq is not prominent in these narratives of Angel of Death and the creation of Adam.

[DCCXLIII]   i.e. this is not an isnad but a hadith with multiple narrators.

[DCCXLIV]   The Leiden MS reads yunaqqisu (fol. 193v, l. 2).

[DCCXLV]    The concept of dahr [fate] was important in the pre-Islamic concept of death; Jacques Waardenburg notes that ‘In the Qur’an it is not dahr [fate] but God who decides the appointed time (ajal) of each individual and who causes the person to die...’ Jacques Waardenburg, ‘Death and the Dead’ EQ vol. 1, p. 508. See also Goldziher, I., Muslim Studies, p. 230; Goldziher, I., ‘Ajal’ EI1 Vol 1, p. 140; Watt, ‘Suffering in Sunnite Islam’ pp. 14 - 15; O’Shaughnessy, Muhammad’s Thoughts on Death and Smith & Haddad, Death and Resurrection; cf. also MK 28a, p. 183.

[DCCXLVI]   Nafs and rüh are usually seen as being synonymous (e.g. Calverly, ‘Doctrines of the Soul’ p. 254 and Tritton, A. S., ‘Man, Nafs, Rüh, cAqT BSOAS 34 (1971) pp. 491 - 495, p. 491). The hadith in this collection, particularly in this section, uses the terms both as synonyms and as terms applying to different parts of soul (e.g. §124); see also Smith and Haddad, Death and Resurrection, pp. 17 - 21.

[DCCXLVII]  For a discussion of the different meanings of Arabic words for ‘sin’, see Padwick, Constance E., ‘The Language of Muslim Devotion III’ MW 47 (1957) pp. 194 - 209.

[DCCXLVIII] Bayt shacr = house of hair; this is a Bedouin tent.

[DCCXLIX]   Added by the Leiden MS (fol. 193v, l. 14).

[DCCL]        If read as dhanab (dependant) rather than dhanb (sin, misdeed) this would mean: ‘Why should I care about your family?’ [Lit: ‘What are your dependents to me?].

[DCCLI]       The Leiden MS reads la-ha for li-kum throughout; (see fol. 193v, l. 16).

[DCCLII]      The Leiden MS reads: wa-min-ha instead ofycfnï; see fol. 193v, l. 20.

[DCCLIII]     The Leiden MS reads: al-inqibad (depression, gloom) for al-intifad; see fol. 193v, l. 20.

[DCCLIV]     There are a number of different things to which ‘al-kitab’ can apply, here it is the book of an indiviudal’s deeds, as recorded by the scribes; see Berg, Herbert, ‘Tabari’s Exegesis of the Qur’anic Term al-Kitab JAAR 63 (1995) pp. 761 - 724, p. 763.

[DCCLV]      In the Leiden MS §115 comes after §116; fol. 193v, ll. 22 - 24.

[DCCLVI]     Lit: ‘There is not in any house anyone...’

[DCCLVII]    The Leiden MS omits kullayawm; fol 193v, l. 25.

[DCCLVIII]   dhu ruh = ‘one who has ruh.’

[DCCLIX]     Or: ‘If He [i.e. God] has ordered the taking of [a soul]...’

[DCCLX]      marfuc = ‘raised’. This is a hadith that is attributable to the Prophet; see Ibn Salah, Macrifat, p. 31.

[DCCLXI]     Added by the Leiden MS; fol. 193v, l. 32.

[DCCLXII]    Cf. Q 7:101; ‘And We wronged them not, they have wronged themselves...’ Arberry, Koran, p. 223; in this case the third person plural verb appears to refer to the Angel of Death; the use of plural may indicate the Angel of Death’s helpers (cf. §127), especially considering the Angel of Death has already used the first person singular in this hadith.

[DCCLXIII]   Cf. Q 2:26: ‘God is not ashamed to strike a similitude even of a gnat, or aught above it.’ Arberry, Koran, p. 4.

[DCCLXIV]   The Leiden MS reads: fa-idha nazara (see fol. 194r, l. 8); = ‘if he sees Death with him... ’

[DCCLXV]‘It was sunna to whisper the shahada in the ear of a dying man whose face is turned towards Mecca.’ Tritton, A. S., ‘Djanaza’ EI2 vol. 2, pp. 441 - 442, p. 441.

[DCCLXVI]   Omitted in the Leiden MS; see fol. 194r, l. 13.

[DCCLXVII]  Al-Suyûtï also includes other accounts of the death of Abraham in his Fada ’il al-masjid al-aqsa, pp. 346 - 352.

[DCCLXVIII] Omitted in the Leiden MS; see fol. 194r, l. 23.

[DCCLXIX]   Both spellings cAzra ’il and cIzra ’ll can be found; see al-Zabïdï, TA, vol. 13, p. 27 and Lane, AELex, p. 2035.

[DCCLXX]    qifahu - more precisely the ‘back of the neck’. See AELex, pp. 2991 - 2292.

[DCCLXXI]   waba ’ is used as a general major epidemic, as opposed to. laiin which is used for the plague specifically; see Conrad, Lawrence I., ‘Tdcm and Waba’: Conceptions of Plague and Pestilence in Early Islam’ JESHO 25 (1981) pp. 268 - 307, p. 271.

[DCCLXXII]  , tast: a large basin, which is used by al-Kindï for the preparation of musk and according to Lane is used for washing hands before a meal; see al-Kindï, Yacqub ibn Ishaq, Kitab fl klmlya’ al-citr wa-‘l- tafldat (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1948) p. 5 and Lane, E. W., Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (repr. London: Constable, 1973) pp. 142 - 143.

[DCCLXXIII] The hadith could either be referring to God or to the metaphorical person (i.e. one of you) with the bowl between his legs.

[DCCLXXIV] Note that arwah is used both of human ‘souls’ or ‘spirit’ and the (angelic) spirits that aid the Angel of Death.

[DCCLXXV]  Q. 6:61; Arberry, Koran, p. 128.

[DCCLXXVI] Q. 6:61; Arberry, Koran, p. 128.

[DCCLXXVII]              Q. 6:61; Arberry, Koran, p. 128.

[DCCLXXVIII]             i.e. the Scribes; see §312 - 406.

[DCCLXXIX] al-cÀqib (in the sense of ‘follower’ or ‘successor’) is a significant title: in a hadith Muhammad says that it is one of his five names; see Al-Bukhari, Sahih, §3532, p. 679; the epithet is also used in devotional literature, cf. al-Jazuli, Muhammad ibn Sulayman, Dala’il al-khayrat (si.: s. n, s.d) p. 23 and Ebeid, R. Y. and Young, M. J. L., ‘A List of the Appellations of the Prophet Muhammad’ MW 66 (1976) pp. 259 - 262, p. 260.

[DCCLXXX]  The cashar was the collector of the cushr land tax, which was paid by Muslims; non-Muslims paid the kharaj land tax; see Lokkegaard. Frede, Islamic Taxation in the Classical Period (repr. Philadelphia: Porcupine Press, 1978) p. 78; for more details on these two land taxes see Yahya ibn Adam, Kitab al-kharaj (Cairo: al-Matbacat al-Salafyya wa-Maktabtuma, 1347 / 1928/9) pp. 24 - 31; and Duri, cAbdal cAziz, ‘Notes on Taxation in Early Islam’ JESHO 17 (1974) pp. 136 - 144. Although the use of this term for the Angel of Death is rare (cf. Wensinck, CTM, vol. 4, pp. 224), it is reminiscent the Qur’anic use of metaphors derived from commerce and daily life; see Rippin, A. J., ‘The Commerce of Eschatology’ in Stefan Wild (ed.), The Qur’an as Text (Leiden: Brill, 1996) pp. 125 - 135.

[DCCLXXXI] Or: ‘When it comes to an appointed time of a servant [of God]...’

[DCCLXXXII]              For the death of Solomon in the Qisas al-anbiya’ see Al-Thaclabi, QA pp. 326 - 328; Brinner, Lives, pp. 544 - 548; a similar story appears in Shab. 30a, p. 133.

[DCCLXXXIII]             sikak (plural of sakk) - derived from the Persian chak [see Steingass, F., A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary (London: W. H. Allen & Co., 1892) p. 386] - are normally used in connection with legal documents and pensions; however Lane notes that the middle of Shacban was also called laylat al-sakk, and on this day God allots the rizq for every human being; see Lane, AELex, p. 1709.

[DCCLXXXIV]             Ma ana uclimu bi-dhalika min-ka = I do not know about that concerning you.

[DCCLXXXV]              Q. 6:60; Arberry, Koran, p. 128.

[DCCLXXXVI]             i.e. 15th Shacban. Some scholars have considered that this night may have been influenced by a pre- Islamic New Year festival; Wensinck also notes that ‘According to the hadith, Muhammad practised superogatory fasting by preference in Shacban.’ Wensinck, ‘Shacban’ EI2, vol. 9, p. 154. See also von Grunebaum, G. E., Muhammadan Fesitvals (London: Curzon Press, 1976) pp. 52 - 53.

[DCCLXXXVII]            In a Prophetic hadith about another unnamed prophet, people who have married, built a house and acquired new livestock are exempted from fighting in battle (see Al-Thaclabi, QA, p. 249; Brinner, Lives, p. 412); here these people are not exempted from death.

[DCCLXXXVIII]           Note that there is not any consensus on the date when this happens (cf. §142). The Night of Power is the evening of 27th Ramadan - see Plessner, M., ‘Ramadan’ EI2 vol. 8, pp. 417 - 418 and Marcotte, Roxanne D., ‘Night of Power’ EQ vol. 3, pp. 537 - 539.

[DCCLXXXIX]             Lit.: ‘...until its likeness.’

[DCCXC]      Sheila McDonough comments that ‘Drawing close to God requires abstaining or fleeing from all that might inhibit the human response to the divine initiate.’ McDonough, Sheila, ‘Abstinence’ EQ vol. 1, p. 19. Cf. Q 66:1, Arberry, Koran, p. 593.

[DCCXCI]     i.e. Shacban was the only month during which he performed superogatory fasting for its entirety.

[DCCXCII]    This hadith is found in many Arabic sources; see Al-Thaclabi, QA, p. 247; Brinner, Lives, p. 409; cf. al-Kisa’i, QA, pp. 237 - 240; al-Tabari, Ta’rlkh, vol. 1, p. 434; Brinner, W. M. (tr.), The History of al-Tabari: Volume III - The Children of Israel, pp. 87 - 88. This popularity of this tradition can be seen in its influence on the Falsahas of Ethiopia, see Ullendorf, Edward, ‘Literature of the Falashas’. There are many examples in extra-Biblical Jewish and Christian literature of Prophets (particularly figures such as Abraham, Moses, David and Solomon) meeting the Angel of Death before they die. The Testament of Abraham is a good example of this genre (see Ludlow, Abraham Meets Death). Narratives including highly anthropomorphised and comic depictions of the Angel of Death are still found in Arab folktales, cf. El-Shamy, Hasan M., Folktales of Egypt (London: University of Chicago Press, 1980) pp. 117 - 122 and Hanauer, J. E., Folk-Lore of the Holy Land: Moslem, Christian and Jewish (London: The Sheldon Press, 1935) pp. 32, 36 - 39.

[DCCXCIII]   Lit: it was said that so-and-so died in that way and in that way.

[DCCXCIV]   Al-Thaclabi includes one continuous narrative of Enoch; this hadith contains a number of similar elements, but some differences too; see al-Thaclabi, QA, pp. 49 - 50; Brinner, Lives, pp. 83 - 85; cf. al- Kisa’i, QA, pp. 81 - 85 and al-Rabghuzi, QA, vol. 2, pp. 49 - 52.

[DCCXCV]    Amma an yu ’khiru shay ’an aw yuqdamuhu fa-la = (lit.) ‘As for delaying anything or arriving at it, then no.’

[DCCXCVI]   This is added in the Leiden MS; fol. 195v, l. 13,

[DCCXCVII]  Ajal refers to both the appointed moment of death, and the total time allotted for life.

[DCCXCVIII] For a different account of the death of Abraham, see al-Thaclabï, QA, pp. 97 - 98; Brinner, Lives, pp. 164 - 165.

[DCCXCIX]   Abraham is designated the khall allah and the portrayal of Abraham as the ‘friend of God’ is important in Judaism, Christianity and Islam; see Guthrie, A., ‘The Importance of Abraham’ MW 45 (1955) pp. 113 - 120; p. 118 and Bishop, Eric F. F., ‘The Qumran Scrolls and the Qur’an’ MW 48 (1958) pp. 223 - 236, pp. 225 - 226.

[DCCC]        sharab is used by jurists to indicate wine; see Lane, AELex, p. 1528; cf. §171.

[DCCCI]       istankaha (X) is relatively rare and refers to the action of breathing over someone’s nose so that they can smell the individual’s breath; see Hava, J. G., Fara’id al-duriya (Beirut: Catholic Press, 1964) p. 799.

[DCCCII]      For the death of David in the Qisas al-Anibiya ’, which is relatively similar, see al-Thaclabï, QA p. 292; Brinner, Lives, pp. 489 - 490; al-Kisâ’ï, QA, pp. 277 - 278; al-Rabghuzï, QA, vol. 2, p. 397.

[DCCCIII]     ghayra refers to sexual jealousy specifically; see Lane, AELex, p. 2316. For analysis of a similar story in the Qisas al-anbiya ’ see Wagtendonk, ‘The Stories of David’ p. 349. This tradition is also told of Abraham; see al-Ghazalï, Ihya ’, vol. 4, p. 395; Winter (tr.), Remembrance of Death, p. 44 - 45.

[DCCCIV]     zamala: ‘He was as though he limped, by reason of his briskness, or sprightliness...’ Lane, AELex, p. 1252; see also Ibn Manzur, LA, vol. 13, p. 328 and al-Zabidï, TA, vol. 29, p. 135.

[DCCCV]      Although sea trade routes existed before and after the advent of Islam, the Arabs relied on land trade most heavily; however, sea-trade and naval forces did develop - see Hourani, George Fadlo, Arab Seafaring (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951) pp. 53 - 55.

[DCCCVI]     The Leiden MS may read lam for thumma, but the writing is not clear (fol. 196r, l. 1); thumma makes more sense here.

[DCCCVII]    The Angel of Death is said to have a spear ( ’idra ’) in CantR. 4:7, although the exact meaning of ’idra’ is disputed. Cf. Cohen (tr.), p. 117 and Bender, A. P., ‘Belief, Rites and Customs of the Jews, Connected with Death, Burial and Mourning’ JQR 6 (1894) pp. 317 - 347, p. 323.

[DCCCVIII]   The way in which the Angel of Death kills humans is similar to the way in which humans kill animals in ritual slaughter (dhabh); see Bousquet, G.-H., ‘Dhabiha’ EI2, vol. 2, pp. 213 - 214.

[DCCCIX]     The Leiden MS reads rusul for rasul; fol. 196r, l. 13. A large number of angelic helpers would seem more appropriate; cf. § 125, 127 - 129 & 135.

[DCCCX]      Thughrat al-nahr = fossa jugularis; see Fonahn, A., Arabic and Latin Anatomical Terminology (Kristiana: Jacob Dybwad, 1922) §3282, p. 152; cf. Q 50:16 ‘....and We are nearer to him than the jugular vein.’ Arberry, Koran, p. 540.

[DCCCXI]     Lit. ‘footprint’.

[DCCCXII]    The text could read ‘which I have left in ruin etc.’ However, this hadith appears to express the idea that a pious Muslim should be paying more attention to remembering God, than making their home comfortable; and that the good actions of an individual prepares their place in heaven.

[DCCCXIII]   camara carries positive meanings (e.g. flourishing, full of camels etc.); see Lane, AELex, p. 2153 - 2154.

[DCCCXIV]   Cf. Ket. 104a, pp. 664 - 665: ‘When a righteous man departs from the world he is welcomed by three companies of angels. One exclaims, ‘Come into peace’; the other exclaims, He who walketh in his uprightness, while the third exclaims, ‘He shall enter into peace; they shall rest on their beds'. When a wicked man perishes form the world he is met by three groups of angels of destruction. One announces, ‘There is no peace, saith the Lord, unto the wicked’, the other tells him, ‘He shall lie in sorrow’, while the third tells him, ‘Go down and be thou laid with the uncircumcised’.’ See also Shab. 152b, p. 779.

[DCCCXV]    This follows the Leiden MS fol. 196r, l. 27'f. In the DKI edition, the isnad of §166 used with the matn of 166b.

[DCCCXVI]   Q. 33:44; Arberry, Koran, p. 432.

[DCCCXVII]  Q. 16:32; Arberry, Koran, p. 261.

[DCCCXVIII] This is included in the isnad in the Leiden MS; fol. 196v, l. 3.

[DCCCXIX]   Al-cÀrif is not a name of God, but is commonly used to refer to Sufi mystics; see Shah-Kazemi, Reza, ‘The notion and significance of macrifa in Sufism’ JIS 13 (2002) pp. 155 - 181, p. 157.

[DCCCXX]    Or ‘to the Angel of Death’.

[DCCCXXI]   i.e. until he had fulfilled Solomon’s needs.

[DCCCXXII]  Solomon is believed to have had magic powers, including the command of the winds, which were given to him by God. See Johns, Anthony H., ‘Air and Wind’ EQ vol. 1, pp. 51 - 55; Soucek, Priscilla, ‘Solomon’ EQ vol. 5, pp. 76 - 78 and Walker, J., [-P. Fenton], ‘Sulayman b. Dawud’ EI2 vol. 9, pp. 822 - 824. This power is mentioned in the Qur’an; cf. Q 21:81; 34:12 and 38:36; Arberry, Koran, pp. 329, 438 & 467.

[DCCCXXIII] This is the book that contains the details of the individual’s ajal; see Berg, ‘Tabari’s Exegesis’ p. 763.

[DCCCXXIV] Lit.: ma li hammun ghayrihi ‘I had no concerns other than him.’

[DCCCXXV]  This hadith and the following do not appear in the Sira (see Guillaume, A., The Life of Muhammad pp. 678 - 683) nor al-Tabari’s account of the Prophet’s death (see al-Tabari, Ta ’rikh, vol. 3, pp. 183 - 199; Poonawala, Ismail K. (tr.), The History of al-Tabari: Vol. IX - The Last Years of the Prophet (New York: State University of New York Press, 1990) pp. 162 - 183). The death of Muhammad became important in Muslim spirituality as Muhammad accepted death willingly; cf. al-Ghazali, Ihya ’ vol. 4, p. 399; Winter, Remembrance of Death, p. 58. Al-Rabghuzï’s Qisas al-anbiya ’ includes similar material to these hadïth, see al-Rabghuzï, QA, vol. 2, pp. 671 - 679, especially pp. 673 - 678.

[DCCCXXVI] Some hadïth say that this was cÀ’isha; cf. al-Tabarï, Ta’rïkh, vol. 3, p. 199; Poonwawala, Last Years of the Prophet, p. 183 al-Ghazalï, Ihya ’, vol. 4, p. 403; Winter, Remembrance of Death, p. 65.

[DCCCXXVII]              mashaghïl in the mafacïl form is a broken plural of mashghul; see Wright, W., A Grammar of the Arabic Language (repr. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004) vol. 1, §305a, p. 229.

[DCCCXXVIII]             Qasim was one of Muhammad’s sons by Khadïja, and Abu ‘l-Qasim was his kunya; see Déclais, Jean-Louis, ‘Names of the Prophet’ EQ vol. 3, pp. 501 - 505, p. 501.

[DCCCXXIX] Omitted by the Leiden MS; fol. 196v, l. 29.

[DCCCXXX]  Omitted from the isnad in the Leiden MS; fol. 197r, l. 6.

[DCCCXXXI] ‘Ibn cAbd Allah is missing from this person’s name in the Leiden MS, however the rest of the name is present; fol. 197r, l. 7.

[DCCCXXXII]              Omitted from the isnad in the Leiden MS; fol. 197r, l. 9

[DCCCXXXIII]             The DKI edition includes Abu Muhammad ibn cAli twice in the isnad; the Leiden MS does not include him at all; see fol 197r, l. 10.

[DCCCXXXIV]             Michael is omitted from the isnad in the Leiden MS; fol. 197r, l. 14.

[DCCCXXXV]              This hadith has already appeared above (§84) in the section on the Angel Michael; the isnad is different in each of the hadith, but they have a common link in Abu Musa ibn Jacfar. The ‘angelic isnad" is also different, with the chain going through Israfrl in §84 and cAzra’il in §171.

[DCCCXXXVI]             In the Old Testament Pseudepigrapha the angels that carry God’s Throne are given as Gabriel, Michael, Rafael / Rufael and Fanuel / Penuel (cf. 1 En. 40:2, 9-10; 71:7- 13; OTP, vol. 1, pp. 32 & 50 and Sib. Or. 2:215; OTP, vol. 1, p. 350); in the Qur’an and Islamic tradition, however, the Throne Angels are distinct from other named angels, which bears a closer resemblance to later Jewish exegesis in which aspects of God’s Throne become angelic (e.g. the opannïm and the galgallïm are derived from the wheels of the Throne); see Olyan, A Thousand Thousands pp. 31 - 69 and Barton, ‘Names of Angels and Demons’ pp. 156 - 159.

[DCCCXXXVII]            Q. 69:17; Arberry, Koran, p. 604.

[DCCCXXXVIII]           Added by the Leiden MS; fol. 197v, l. 22.

[DCCCXXXIX]             Omitted by the Leiden MS; fol. 197v, l. 23.

[DCCCXL]    Given as ‘Ibn cAbbas’ in the Leiden MS; fol. 197v, l. 23.

[DCCCXLI]   The origin of the belief that the bearers are in the form of goats is unclear, see Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, p. 470.

[DCCCXLII]  ‘The vast size of angels is a theme of 3En. ...In the Hekalot texts size conveys the idea of majesty and sublimity. It is found not only in the motif of the measurements of the angels, but in Sicur Qomah, the measurements of the body of God, and in the motif of the dimensions of the heavens.’ Alexander, ‘3 Enoch - Introduction’, p. 263 n. 9c. See also the discussion about the size of the angels in Chapter 3.

[DCCCXLIII] This hadith is added in the Leiden MS; fol. 197v, l. 30 - 198r, l. 1.

[DCCCXLIV] The Leiden MS reads ‘ayna’ for 'haythu'; ‘haythU seems more appropriate; fol. 198r, l. 4.

[DCCCXLV]  Given as ‘Zadan’ in the Leiden MS; fol. 198r, l. 8.

[DCCCXLVI] God is often described in these terms in Islam; cf. The Light Verse; Q 24:35; Arberry, Koran, pp. 356 - 357.

[DCCCXLVII]               Q. 69:17; Arberry, Koran, p. 604; cf. Rev. 4:6, where there are four bearers of the Throne.

[DCCCXLVIII]              Added by the Leiden MS, fol 198r, l. 13.

[DCCCXLIX] Cf. Q 69:17: ‘...and the angels shall stand upon its borders, and upon that day eight shall carry above them the Throne of thy Lord.’ Arberry, Koran, p. 604. There is some debate in the exegetical literature about what this meant exactly, e.g. al-Qurtubi, Al-Jamic li-ahkam al-Qur’an (Cairo: Dar al- Kutub al-Misriyya, 1948) vol. 12, pp. 266 - 267; al-Tabari, Jamic al-bayan can ta’wll al-Qur’an [Tafsir] (Cairo: Mustafa al-Babi al-Halabi, 1968), vol. 29, pp. 58 - 59; and al-Razi, Fakhr al-Din Muhmmad ibn cUmar, Mafatlh al-ghayb [Tafsir] (Cairo: Matbacat al-cAmira al-Sharafiyya, c. 1906) vol. 8, p. 200.

[DCCCL]      Omitted in the the Leiden MS; fol. 198r, ll. 15 - 16.

[DCCCLI]     Cf. Ezk. 1:10 and Rev. 4:8; this Arabic text is very close to Ezekiel’s first Throne Vision (Ezekiel 1:1 - 2:11). The four different faces represent creation as a whole rather than just humans; cf. Richard Bauckham on Rev. 4:9: ‘Their representative function is to worship on behalf of all creatures, and therefore it is fulfilled when the circle of worship expands to include not only humans, but “every creature in heaven and on earth and under earth and in the sea” (5:13).’ Bauckham, Richard, The Theology of the Book of Revelation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993) pp. 33 - 34.

[DCCCLII]    This is almost a direct translation of the trisagion of the Seraphim in Is. 6:3.

[DCCCLIII]   The Leiden MS reads ‘ardlri; fol. 198r, l. 22. For a discussion of the rock under the earth, see al- Tabari, Tafslr, vol. 1, p. 194 (on Q 2:29); see also Mahmoud, Muhammad, ‘The Creation Story in Surat al-Baqara, wihh Special Refernce to Al-Tabari’s Material: An Analysis’ JAL 26 (1995) pp. 201 - 214, pp. 202 - 203. The idea of the earth being diving into seven layers, with a rock and a sea below is also found in Judaism; see Gaster, T. H., ‘Earth’ EJ vol. 6, coll. 338 - 340 and Lane-Poole, Stanley, ‘Cosmogony and Cosmology (Muhammadan) ERE vol. 4, p. 174.

[DCCCLIV]   See Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, pp. 471 - 472.

[DCCCLV]    This alludes to the human dominion over animals.

[DCCCLVI]   Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 198r, l. 30.

[DCCCLVII]  Cf. ‘...he said, “and I seized a handful of dust from the messenger’s track, and cast it into the thing [i.e. the calf]. So my soul prompted me.”’ Q 20:96; Arberry, Koran, p. 318. A tradition of Ibn Mascud interprets the phrase athar al-rasul as athar faras al-rasul; David Halperin argues that this could be related to a Jewish tradition, in which the dust from the footstep of the ox-hayyah was added to the image of the calf (see Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, pp. 176 - 187 and 478 - 479), and concerning the original Jewish tradition comments: ‘The Israelites draw the living essence of the merkevah ox, through the dust of its footprint, into the molten calf that they have made.’ Halperin, Faces of the Chariot, p. 178.

[DCCCLVIII] ‘this hour of mine’, i.e. the time of the Prophet.

[DCCCLIX]   Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 198v, l. 9.

[DCCCLX]    In Jewish tradition the Cherubim and the Hayyot are said to have many eyes: cf. 2En 21:1, OTP, vol. 1, pp. 134 - 135; ApAbr. 18:3 - 7. OTP, vol. 1, p. 698; 3En 22, OTP, vol. 1, p. 278; these images are largely based on the desriptions of God’s chariot in Ezk. 1 & 10. Having many eyes is a symbol of omniscience and God bestowing this power on his creations. Cf. God transforming Enoch into a creature with 365,000 eyes in 3En. 9; 25:2 & 26:6, OTP, vol. 1, p. 263, 278 - 280; see also Ulmer, Rivka, The Evil Eye in the Bible and Rabbinic Literature (Jerusalem: Ktav, 1994) pp. 21 - 23.

[DCCCLXI]   Q. 2:255; Arberry, Koran, p. 37.

[DCCCLXII]  There is some debate in Islamic tradition about the differences between the Throne (carsh) and the Seat (kursi); the kursl is often interpreted as ‘footstool’ as it is a more general word for a ‘support’. See Hurat, Cl. [-Sadan, J.], ‘Kursi’ EI2 vol. 5, p. 509; Elias, ‘Throne of God’ and Vitestam, Gosta, “Arsh and kursi. An Essay on the Throne Traditions in Islam’ in Jakob H. Gronbæk et al. (eds.), Living Waters: Scandinavian Orientalistic Studies (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 1990) pp. 369 - 378, p. 374.

[DCCCLXIII] Cf. GenR 78:1, pp. 714 - 715 & LamR 3:2 §8, po. 201 - 202; the rivers of paradise are said to be fed by the perspiration of the hayyot, caused by their bearing the Throne.

[DCCCLXIV] Al-Suyûtï devotes a chapter to the Cockerel (§280 - 294) as well as part of his collection Kitab al- wadik f fadl al-dik. (Tottoli, ‘At Cock-Crow’ pp. 142 - 143). The ‘cosmic cockerel’ has been mentioned in passing by a number of scholars, but the significance of the ‘cosmic cockerel’ has not been discussed. Asin Palacios comments: ‘El gallo de la layenda musulmana es también de gigantesco tamano, y se ofrece a los ojos de Mahoma llendano el cielo; sus alas agitanse igualmente al entonar sus canticos religiosos excitando a los hombres a la pratica de la oracion, y reposan después...’ Asin Palacios, M., EscatologiaMusulmana, pp. 31 & 52; Kopf, ‘Dik’. The cockerel does, however, have a long history of being associated with the divine, especially the light or the sun - see Ehrenburg, Erica, ‘The Rooster in Mesopotamia’ in Erica Ehrenburg (ed.), Leaving No Stones Unturned (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2002) pp. 53 - 62.

[DCCCLXV]  ‘sawf is a general term for ‘bowing’ or ‘inclination’ and as such does not describe the inclination or bowing of a particular part of the body, see AELex, p. 1744.

[DCCCLXVI] Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 199r, l. 1.

[DCCCLXVII]               This is unusual as the Arabic language of the Qur’an is seen as paramount in Qur’anic self­perception (see Jenssen, Herbjorn. ‘Arabic Language’ EQ vol. 1, pp. 127 - 135; especially, pp. 132 - 134), to the extent that non-Arabic loanwords in the Qur’an were viewed as obscure Arabic words by Islamic scholars (see Kopf, L, ‘Religious Influences on Islamic Philology’ SI 5 (1956) pp. 33 - 59). Likewise angelic speech (a form of divine revelation) is normally associated with a faith’s language of revelation, as a symbol of the faith’s claim on true religion, (cf. The Pseudepigraphical work Jubilees 12:25 - 27). Steve Weitzmann has commented that: ‘To understand Hebrew, according to Jubilees, is to belong to a divinely selected group with access to esoteric knowledge inherited from the age before Babel. In Jubilees Hebrew is also said to connect those who use it to the heavenly community.’ Weitzman, Steve, ‘Why did the Qumran community write in Hebrew?’ JAOS 119 (1999) pp. 35 - 45, p. 41. There are some other Biblical and Pseudepigraphical texts that believe that angels speak in an esoteric language that humans cannot understand (e.g. ApAbr. 15:7; 2En. 17:1, 2Cor. 12:4). In this case, however, the angels are speaking in a language other than Arabic that was understood by a large number of Muslims. For more on the relationship between Persian and Arab literature and culture see Danner, Victor, ‘Arabic Literature in Iran’ CHI, vol. 4, pp. 566 - 594.

[DCCCLXVIII]              Q 69:17; Arberry, Koran, p. 604.

[DCCCLXIX] Q 69:17; Arberry, Koran, p. 604.

[DCCCLXX]  i.e. Q 69:17; Arberry, Koran, p. 604.

[DCCCLXXI] This interpretation is relatively common, e.g. Tabari, Tafsïr, vol. 29, pp. 58 - 59.

[DCCCLXXII]               This is given as a separate hadith in the Leiden MS; fol. 199r, l. 8.

[DCCCLXXIII]              Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 199r, ll. 8 - 9. The verse being referred to is Q 69:17.

[DCCCLXXIV]              Q 97:4; Arberry, Koran, p. 652.

[DCCCLXXV]               Q 78:38; Arberry, Koran, p. 627. In Judaism, particularly in the Hellenic period, the ‘spirit of God’ was considered in angelic terms; for a discussion of this in Philo and others see Levinson, John R., ‘The Prophetic Spirit as an Angel according to Philo’ HTR 88 (1995) pp. 189 - 207. In Islam, the Spirit was often identified with Gabriel, rather than being a separate angel; cf. al-Qazwini, cAja ’ib, p. 37.

[DCCCLXXVI]              The Leiden MS reads: al-ruh malak min aczam al-mala ’ika khalqan; fol. 199r, ll. 14 - 15.

[DCCCLXXVII]             The veil is related to the veil that separated the Holy of Holies from the rest of the Temple in Judaism (for a full discussion of the Veil of the Temple, see Légasse, S., ‘Les voiles du Temple de Jérusalem: Essai de Parcours Historique’ RB 87 (1980) pp. 560 - 589). Some Jewish, Christian and Samaritan texts describe the Veil of the Temple as an angel, for a full discussion of these descriptions see Fossum, ‘Angel of the Lord’. For a discussion of the veil in Islam see Winter, Tim, ‘The Chador of God on Earth: the Metaphysics of the Muslim Veil’ NB 85 (1996) pp. 144 - 157.

[DCCCLXXVIII]            Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 199r, l. 20.

[DCCCLXXIX]              Cf. Ibn Tufayl, Hayy ibn Yaqzan, p. 85.

[DCCCLXXX]               Some commentators believed that al-Ruh refers to a species of angel; cf. §219, 222 - 228.

[DCCCLXXXI]              wahy is an intimate, non-verbal form of revelation (as opposed to nuzul, inzal &c.); see Izutsu, Toshihiko, God and Man in the Koran: Semantics of the Koranic Weltanschauung (Tokyo: Keio Institute of Cultural and Linguistic Studies, 1964) pp. 158 - 162; Wensinck [-Rippin] ‘Wahy’ EI2 vol.

11, pp. 53 - 56 and Nwyia, Paul, Exégèse Coranqiue et Language Mystique (Beirut: Dar el-Machreq, 1970) pp. 56 - 57. Gabriel is usually associated with revelation that is communicated to prophets by tanzil whereas the Spirit is associated with wahy (“inspiration”).

[DCCCLXXXII]             A literal reading of Q. 78:38 mentioned above.

[DCCCLXXXIII]            Cf. ‘All that is in the heavens and the earth magnifies God, the King, the All-Holy...’ Q 62:1; Arberry, Koran, p. 583.

[DCCCLXXXIV]            Cf. ‘...then we sent to her Our Spirit that presented himself to her a man without fault.’ Q 19:17; Arberry, Koran, p. 303.

[DCCCLXXXV]             Note the plural verb; this hadith is referring to al-Ruh as a species or class of angel, rather than as an individual angel; as such the translation ‘Spirits’ seems to be preferable, although the Arabic does strictly say ‘the Spirit’.

[DCCCLXXXVI]            The Leiden MS reads: ma nazala; ‘an angel has not come down from heaven...’ fol. 199v, l. 7.

[DCCCLXXXVII]           Q. 78:38; Arberry, Koran, p. 627.

[DCCCLXXXVIII]          The Jalalayn gloss ‘yaqumu al-ruh’ with: ‘Jibril aw jund allah' / ‘Gabriel or an army of God.’ al- Jalalayn [al-Mahali, Jalal al-Din ibn Muhammad ibn Ahmad & al-Suyuti, Jalal al-Din cAbd al- Rahman ibn Abi Bakr], Tafsir (s.i.: Maktabat al-Muthanna, c. 1920), p. 499; whereas al-Baydawi is even vaguer: ‘.the spirt is an angel responsible for the spirits (arwah) or a group of them, or Gabiel or a creation mighter than the angels (khalq ’aczam min al-mala’ika).' al-Baydawi, Commentarius, vol. 2, p. 383.

[DCCCLXXXIX]            Cf §21 - 23.

[DCCCXC]    Q. 78:38; Arberry, Koran, p. 627.

[DCCCXCI]   Read simata for simata and likewise simat (bis), cf. Leiden MS fol. 199v, l. 17; = ranks of people, see AELex, p. 1427.

[DCCCXCII]  Omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 199v, l. 20.

[DCCCXCIII] Cf. §23 above; al-Suyuti has taken the same hadith from a different source (Ibn Abi Hatim), but the authority is the same (given as Salman Abu ‘l-Acis).

[DCCCXCIV] Note the ambiguity between the singular al-Ruh and the plural noun in apposition (hafaza). Al-Ruh is strictly singular - the correct plural is arwah - but is considered as a plural is certain places.

[DCCCXCV]  Q 43:77; Arberry, Koran, p. 511; Malik has normally been interpreted as an actual name (although it could simply mean ‘possessor’), a variant reading of Mal, would seem to support this, see al- Baydawi, Commentarius, vol. 2, p. 243 and Bell, Richard (ed. C. E. Bosworth & M. E. J. Richardson), A Commentary on the Qur’an (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991), vol. 2, p. 248.

[DCCCXCVI] Q 40:49; Arberry, Koran, p. 486.

[DCCCXCVII]               Q 66:6; Arberry, Koran, p. 594.

[DCCCXCVIII]              Q 74:30; Arberry, Koran, pp. 616 - 617.

[DCCCXCIX] Q 96:18; Arberry, Koran, p. 651.

[CM] This is possibly Ibn Qutayba, who wrote a work called, cUyün al-akhbar; see Brockelmann, GAL vol. 1, p. 120.

[CMI] The Leiden MS reads: Tawüs /Ta ’üs, fol. 199v, l. 2.

[CMII]         The Leiden MS reads: malakan; ‘created an angel’; fol. 199v, l. 28.

[CMIII]        Cf. ‘So Glory be to Him, in whose hand is the dominion and unto whom you shall be returned’ and ‘Blessed by He in whose hand is the Kingdom - He is powerful over everything, who created death and life...’ Q36:83 & 67:1 - 2; Arberry, Koran, pp. 455 & 596.

[CMIV]        The number nineteen has, as Bell comments ‘...given much rise to questioning and speculation.’ Bell, Commentary, vol. 2, p. 453. Al-Baydawi says that the number could refer to angels 'malakan' or a species of angels ‘sanfan mala ’ika’ that are responsible for punishing different types of sinners or that the nineteen are responsible for punishing the people in the Fire for an hour each, with five hours left aside for the ritual prayers, see Al-Baydawi, Commentarius, vol. 2, p. 396. Karl Ahrens associated with the number nineteen with the twelve signs of the zodiac and the seven planets, citing Mandaean beliefs as a possible source, see Ahrens, Karl, Muhammad als Religionsstifter (Leipzig: Deutsche Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 1935) pp. 30 - 31.

[CMV]         Lit: ‘the angel from amongst them beats the man from amongst the people of the Fire.’

[CMVI]        The Leiden MS reads, ‘ma ’ia’; fol. 200r, l. 4.

[CMVII]       Cf. the descriptions of Munkar and Nakir, §302 - 311.

[CMVIII]      The thaqalayn are humans and jinn; see Lane, AELex, p. 344.

[CMIX]        Q 74:30; Arberry, Koran, p. 616.

[CMX]         The Leiden MS reads, ‘ba-lff; fol. 200r, l. 11.

[CMXI]        Q 74:31; Arberry, Koran, p. 617.

[CMXII]       The Leiden MS reads, ‘malak’; fol. 200r, l. 13.

[CMXIII]      See al-Qurtubi, Al-Jamic, vol. 19, p. 79. This hadith is also mentioned in his tafsïr of this verse, see al-Qurtubi, Al-Jamic vol. 19, p. 78.

[CMXIV]      The Ledien MS includes this hadith; fol. 200r, ll. 16 - 18.

[CMXV]       Q 96:18; Arberry, Koran, p. 651.

[CMXVI]      A different list of sources is given in the Leiden MS (fol. 200r, ll. 18 - 19): al-Firyabi, Ibn Abi Shayba, Ibn Jarir, Ibn al-Mundhir and Ibn Abi Hatim from cAbd Allah ibn al-Harith.

[CMXVII]Al-zabamya (Arberry = ‘the Keepers of Hell’; Q 96:18, Koran, p. 651); the word poses questions about its root (c.f. al-Baydawi, Commentarius, vol. 2, p. 411) and it is believed to be foreign, derived from either Syriac or Persian, see Jeffrey, Foreign Vocabulary, p. 148 (Syriac) and Eilers, Wilhelm, ‘Iranisches Lehngut im arabishen Lexikon: Über einige Berufsnamen und Titel’ IIJ 5 (1962) pp. 203 - 232, p. 220 (Persian). Tor Andrae associates the word with the Syriac shabbaya, ‘bodyguards’, see Andrae, Tor (tr. Jules Roche), Les Origines de l’Islam et le Christianisme (Paris: Librairie d’Amerique et d’Orient Adiren Maisonneuve, 1955), p. 159.

[CMXVIII]    The opening 'akhraja' is omitted in the Leiden MS; fol. 200r, l. 20.

[CMXIX]      Q. 25:7; Arberry, Koran, p. 362.

[CMXX]       Q 25:7 - 8 continues the Meccans’ words with: ‘Why has an angel not been sent down to him, to be a warner with him, or why is not a treasure (kanz) thrown to him, or why has he not a Garden to eat of?’ Arberry, Koran, p. 363. Although not focusing on the life of Muhammad, Michael Bonner has written an article that looks at the importance of poverty in the theology of the Qur’an, see Bonner, Michael, ‘Poverty and Economics in the Qur’an’ JIH 35 (2005) pp. 391 - 406.

[CMXXI]      In Classical Arabic dhaba [al-jism] can have the meaning ‘to become thin’; see Lane, AELex, p. 986.

[CMXXII]     The Leiden MS reads ‘huda throughout; fol. 200r, ll. 25 - 26.

[CMXXIII]    Cf. §29 & 53 above; in these cases the angel Israfrl appears.

[CMXXIV]    Safat al-nur; a basket that is formed by weaving leaves together, which was, appropriately for Ridwan, also used in burials in pre-Islamic times; see Lane, AELex, p. 1372.

[CMXXV]     Cf. ‘Three keys are in the hands of the Holy One, Blessed be He! - the Keys of burial [i.e. resurrection], rain and the womb.’ GenR 73:4, p. 670; see also DeutR 7:6, p. 137.

[CMXXVI]    Cf Q 2:26; Arberry, Koran, p. 4.

[CMXXVII]   The Leiden MS omits ‘ila jibrlP; fol. 200r, l. 30.

[CMXXVIII]  Angels frequently take on this role (the angelus interpres) in Jewish and Christian apocalyptic literature; Wansbrough comments: ‘In Muslim, as in Rabbinic, tradition one of Gabriel’s primary functions is that of pedagogue: as he had been guide and mentor to Joseph....and to Moses...so too for Muhammad he performed thie rites of initiation into prophethood, instructed him during his ascension to heaven and arranged from him the conent of revelation during meetings in Ramadan.’ Wansbrough, Quranic Studies, p. 63; see also Hannah, Darrell D., Michael and Christ: Michael Traditions and Angel Christology in Early Christianity (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1999) p. 47.

[CMXXIX]    Q. 25:10; Arberry, Koran, p. 363.

[CMXXX]     More commonly known as the cAzd Shanu’a; see Strenziok, G., ‘Azd’ EI2 vol. 1, pp. 811 - 813, p.

812.

[CMXXXI]    This is included because it is found in the hadith in al-Bukhan’s, Sahih, §3229, p. 621 and in the context of Moses being described as tall, makes sense here.

[CMXXXII]   Al-Bukhari includes Q 32:23; ‘...so be not in doubt concerning the encounter with him.’ Arberry, Koran, p. 425.

[CMXXXIII]  The two events of the isra ’ (Night Journey) and the micraj (Ascension) were sometimes combined, and sometimes separated; for a discussion of these themes, see Nünlist, Himmelfahrt und Heiligkeit.

[CMXXXIV]  The Leiden MS reads, ‘malakarf; fol. 200v., l. 9. Cf. §229 and fol. 199v, l. 28.

[CMXXXV]   This Chapter heading is not given in the DKI edition, but given in the Leiden MS; fol. 200v, l. 14.

[CMXXXVI]  Q 21:104; Arberry, Koran, p. 331. Jeffrey comments that sijill is only used of the ‘divine scroll’, whereas sifr is used for earthly books; see Jeffrey, A., ‘The Qur’an as Scripture’ MW 40 (1950) pp. 41 - 55, p. 47 n4. A similar phrase occurs in Is. 34:4, but here the Hebrew word sëfer (Ar. sifr) is used; (see BHS, p. 725). There is some debate about the derivation of sijill, but it is now generally accepted to have been derived ultimately from the Latin sigullum, and reached Arabic through Greek, Aramaic, Syriac or Armenian. For a full discussion of its etymology see Vacca, V., ‘Sidjill ’ EI1 vol. 4, p. 403; de Blois, F. C., ‘Sidjill - In Kur’anic and Early Arabic Usage’ EI2 vol. 9, p. 538; Ambros, Arne A., with Prochazka, A Concise Dictionary of Koranic Arabic (Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2004), p. 129; and Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary, pp. 163 - 164. Al-Suyuti believed it to be a foreign word, see al- Suyuti (ed. & tr. William Y. Bell), al-Mutawakkill (Cairo: Nile Mission Press, 1924) pp. 19 & 41.

[CMXXXVII] The Leiden MS omits can cAtiyya”; fol. 200v, l. 16.

[CMXXXVIII]              Some exegetes believed that al-Sijill referred to an angel others that it refers to a scribe of Muhammad, e.g. al-Tabari, Tafslr, vol. 17, pp. 99 - 100. Al-Suyuti also states al-Sijill is an angel in his Itqan, vol. 4, p. 69.

[CMXXXIX]  The Leiden MS occasionally uses the form Harüt instead of Harüt (e.g. fol. 200v, ll, 20, 22; 201r, l. 8 etc.) and these instances will not be noted further.

[CMXL]       Al-Sijill sees a reference to the creation of Adam in the Umm al-Kitab, before God reveals to the angels his intentions, regarding his creation.

[CMXLI]      Q 2:30, Arberry, Koran, p. 5.

[CMXLII]     Al-Thaclabi devotes a whole chapter to Harut and Marut, which provides a useful comparison for these stories; see al-Thaclabi, QA, pp. 50 - 54; Brinner, Lives, pp. 86 - 91; al-Kisa’i, QA, pp. 45 - 48; al-Rabghuzi, QA, Vol .2, pp. 52 - 55; see also al-Qazwini, Aja ’ib, pp. 40 - 41.

[CMXLIII]    The Leiden MS adds: calayhuma al-salam’ fol. 200v, l. 23.

[CMXLIV]    Q 2:30, Arbeny, Koran, p. 5. The DKI edition marks the Qur’anic quotation from ‘in Adam lamma...' This is an error, the Qur’anic quotation begins at ‘ayy rabb... ’ Also note that this hadith combines two separate narratives (that of the creation of Adam and the Harut and Marut narrative). The story of Harut and Marut is most frequently placed during the lifetime of the Prophet Idris (e.g. §255). There is a certain disjunction between the image of Harut and Marut in the Qur’an and Islamic tradition.

[CMXLV]     The Leiden MS adds: li- ‘l-mala ’ika (fol. 200v, l. 28).

[CMXLVI]    For a discussion of the origin of the names Harut and Marut, see Section 2 above.

[CMXLVII]   The hadith in this section present two versions of the same story, firstly that al-Zuhara was a woman who then became the star/planet Venus and secondly (e.g. §255) that al-Zuhara / Venus came down from heaven to seduce and test the two angels. The story is not, however, aetiological.

[CMXLVIII]  Al-Zuhara is associated with Anahid (= Amretatat) in §251, and Anahid was associated with great beauty: cf. Yast V:78 ‘Ardvi Sûra Anâhita hastened unto him [Vistaru] in the shape of a maid, fair of body, most strong, tall-formed, high-girded, pure, nobly born of a glorious race, wearing shoes up to the ankle, with all sorts of ornaments and radiant.’ For more on Amretatat see Herzfeld, Ernst, Zoroaster and His World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1947) pp. 356 - 368. In Astrology, Venus is also associated with beauty, fornication, prostitutes and fermented drinks (among other things), cf. al-Qabïsï, Abu al-Saqr cAbd al-cAziz ibn cUthman cAli al-Mawsili (ed. & tr. Charles Burnett &al.), Kitab al-mudhal ila sinacat ahkam al-nujum (London & Turin: The Warburg Institute & Nino Aragno Editore, 2004), pp. 74 - 75 and al-Biruni, Abu ‘l-Rayhan Muhammad ibn Ahmad, Kitab al-tafhlm li-awa’il sincfat al-tanjim; R. Ramsey Wright, The Book of Instruction in the Elements of the Art of Astrology (London: Luzac & Co., 1934) pp. 232, 240, 245 and 251.

[CMXLIX]    Lit: Not until you say this word about idolatry.

[CML]         al-sabl; a baby that has not yet been weaned; see Lane, AELex, p. 1650.

[CMLI]        The Qur’an takes a strong position against infanticide, suggesting that it was common in pre- Islamic Arabic; for a discussion of this theme, see Giladi, Avner, ‘Some Observations on Infanticide in Medieval Islamic Society’ IJMES 22 (1990) pp. 185 - 200, especially pp. 186 - 188.

[CMLII]       Cf. Q 5:91; ‘Satan only desires to precipitate enmity and hatred between you in regard to wine and arrow-shuffling, and to bar you from the remembrance of God, and from prayer.’ Arberry, Koran, p. 114. Although the Harut and Marut narratives could be appropriate in the passages forbidding the consumption of wine, the narratives are usually found in the tafslrs of Q 2:102; cf. al-Tabari, Tafslr, vol. 1, pp. 456 - 459; vol. 2, pp. 356 - 375; and vol. 7, pp. 32 - 35.

[CMLIII]      The association of sexual immorality was also connected with the pagan worship of Venus / Aphrodite; cf. Moore, Michael S., ‘Jesus Christ: “Superstar” (Revelation xxii 16b), NT 24 (1982) pp. 82 - 91, p. 86.

[CMLIV]      The Leiden MS reads qalu for qala (fol. 201r, l. 8); this appears to be a scribal error.

[CMLV]       Q 2:102; Arberry, Koran, p. 12.

[CMLVI]      None of the hadïth in this section actually refer Harut and Marut teaching people magic, as mentioned in Q 2:101, but are all concerned with the fall of Harut and Marut. The fall-narratives are often attached to this verse in the exegetical tradition without much elaboration. Incidentally, a number of Christian theologians attributed the teaching of Greek philosophy to fallen angels, see Bauckham, ‘The Fall of the Angels’ and Margoliouth, ‘Harut and Marut’.

[CMLVII]Al-Hamra’ usually refers to the planet Mars, but in this hadith (as well as §255) Venus is clearly intended.

[CMLVIII]    This would make more sense if al-Hamra ’ were understood to be the planet Mars, as Mars (and Jupiter) were traditionally seen as brining bad luck in Near Eastern astrology. Cf. Reiner, E., Astral Magic in Babylonia (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1995) p. 4 - 7, Jastrow, Morris, ‘Signs and Names of the Planet Mars’ AJSLL 27 (1910) pp. 64 - 83, Al-Qabïsï, K. al-mudhal, pp. 68 - 69. The planet Venus is not normally seen as bringing bad luck, but is associated with immorality; this is probably what cUmar is referring to.

[CMLIX]      The Leiden MS adds ‘fa-ahbata harut wa-marut illa ‘l-ard’ (fol. 201r, l. l4).

[CMLX]       The Leiden MS omits Allah (fol. 201r, l. 16).

[CMLXI]      The Leiden MS adds ‘al-kalima’ (fol. 201r, l. 18).

[CMLXII]     Also known in Persian as Bidukht; see Mocin, Muhammad (ed.), Lughatnama (Tehran: Chapkhane­ye Daneshgah-e Tehran, 1959 - 1975) Fasc. 87, p. 264 and Fasc. 174, p. 479.

[CMLXIII]    The Leiden MS reads ‘fa-aradahff (fol. 201r, l. 22); ‘...they wanted her...’.

[CMLXIV]    The phrase ‘In the name of God, the Greatest’ acts as a password for entering and leaving heaven.

[CMLXV]     The Leiden MS reads ‘bi-mawtaykumff (fol. 201r, l. 23).

[CMLXVI]    The Leiden MS reads: 'scàat rahmat allah' (fol. 201r, l. 24).

[CMLXVII]   The Leiden MS reads cala ahl al-ard’ (fol. 201r, ll. 28 - 29).

[CMLXVIII]  The third angel is possibly al-Sijill (cf. §247), although this appears to be rare and most accounts of this story only refer to Harut and Marut being selected.

[CMLXIX]    The could possible be al-Sijill; cf. §247.

[CMLXX]     The Leiden MS omits ‘la-humff (fol. 201v, l. 3).

[CMLXXI]    The Leiden MS reads ‘fa-akhbaraha - ‘it was told to her’ (fol. 201v, l. 5).

[CMLXXII]   The Leiden MS reads ‘wa-cadhab al-akhira (fol. 201v, l. 6).

[CMLXXIII]  The text is a little confused here.

[CMLXXIV]  The story of Harut and Marut is most often placed during the time of Enoch (Idris); cf. al-Thaclabi, QA, pp. 50 - 54; Brinner, Lives, pp. 86 - 91.

[CMLXXV]   Cf. Q 33:32; ‘If you are godfearing, be not abject (takhdacna) in your speech, so that he in whose heart is sickness may be lustful, but speak honourable words.’ Arberry, Koran, p. 430; the verb also has a strong connotation of love, see Lane, AELex, p. 757.

[CMLXXVI]  The Leiden MS reads ‘ghabarff for 'ghaba (fol. 201v, l. 17), ghaba is more suitable here.

[CMLXXVII] The Leiden MS reads ‘fa-aradahff (fol. 201v, l. 17) but the dual in the DKI edition is more suitable.

[CMLXXVIII] The Leiden MS is missing a portion of the text from ‘fa-facalat mithl dhalik....fa-aradaha cala nafsihff (fol. 201v, l. 18). This appears to be a scribal error.

[CMLXXIX]  Note the woman’s avoidance of words such as dhanb etc.; khilal is a general word, which does not necessarily carry any religious overtones, see Lane, AELex, p. 780.

[CMLXXX]   Khamr can be both masculine and feminine (see Lane, AELex, pp. 808 - 809).

[CMLXXXI]  i.e. a witness; in §255 the angels kill a man (most likely al-Zuhara’s husband) so that their crime is not revealed; in other versions (e.g. §248) the two kill a child.

[CMLXXXII] For the idiomatic expression, see Lane, AELex, p. 674. This is reminiscent of Q 34:53: ‘And a barrier is set between them and that they desire...’ Arberry, Koran, p. 443.

[CMLXXXIII] Cf. Q. 50:22; ‘Thou wast heedless of this; therefore We have now removed (fa-kashafna) from thee they covering (ghita’), and so thy sight today is piercing.’ Arberry, Koran, p. 540.

[CMLXXXIV] The Leiden MS uses a 2 m. pl. imperative (ikhtaru) for the DKI dual (ikhtara), fol. 201v, l. 24; the dual is preferable.

[CMLXXXV] Or ‘master’; which could be appropriate in this context.

[CMLXXXVI] The Leiden MS reads ‘fa-aradaha1 (fol. 202r, l. 2) but the dual in the DKI edition is more suitable.

[CMLXXXVII]              Zoroastrianism held an unusual place in Islamic theory: ‘Sura XXII, 17 merely lists [Zoroastrians] along with ahl al-kitab and mushrikun, and it was eventually decided in Muslim theory that the Madjus were intermediate between ahl al-kitab and mushrikun since they had no real prophet or revealed scripture.’ Morony, M., 'Madjus’ EI2 vol. 5, pp. 1110 - 1118, p. 1110. See also Bürgel, J. Christoph, ‘Zoroastrians as Viewed in Medieval Islamic Sources’ in Jacques Waardenburg (ed.), Muslim Perceptions of Other Religions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999) pp. 202 - 212.

[CMLXXXVIII]             Much has been written on the death penalty for adultery in Islam ftqh; e.g. Burton, John, ‘The Origin of the Islamic Penalty for Adultery’ TGUOS 26 (1978) pp. 16 - 27 and Burton, John, ‘Law and exegesis: The Penalty for Adultery in Islam’ in G. R. Hawting & Abdul-Kader A. Shareef (eds.), Approaches to the Qur’an (London: Routledge, 1993) pp. 269 - 284.

[CMLXXXIX] The Leiden MS highlights this is red (fol. 202r, l. 12).

[CMXC]       Al-Suyûtï’s father studied with Ibn Hajar, and al-Suyûtï believed that he may have attended ‘the majlis (gathering, here probably a kind of seminar is meant) held by an old man whose name he had not been able to remember, but he had thought that it must have been the famous scholar Ibn Hajar al- cAsqalanï.’ Sartain, Al-Suyuti, p. 26. Al-Suyûtï was evidently well acquainted with his work and considered him one of his teachers.

[CMXCI]      Ibn Hajar uses word play, referring to ‘entrances’ and ‘exits’: the ‘entrances’ are clearly the chains of transmission, but the ‘exits’ are more vague, perhaps referring to the sources (i.e. texts and compilations) in which the hadïth are found.

[CMXCII]     The sakina is mentioned in the Qur’an: 2:248; 9:26, 40; 48:4, 18; see Arberry, Koran, pp. 35, 182, 184, 531 & 533. There have been a number of studies on this word: e.g., Goldziher, ‘Notion de la Sakina’. In the Qur’an the sakina is usually associated with the invisible help which came to the Muslims’ aid in battle; however in Q 2:248, the sakina carries the Jewish association with Ark of the Covenant, see Bell, Commentary, vol. 1, p. 52.

[CMXCIII]    Note the masculine, rather than feminine, suffix; this is because the Sakina is an angel, which is masculine.

[CMXCIV]    Q. 18; Arberry (1998) 288 - 301. Surat al-kahf is recited for protection against the anti-Christ (al- Dajjal); Massigon also states that the entire sura is recited every Friday at the congregational prayers ; see Massingon, Louis, ‘Les “Septs Dormants”, Apocalypse de l’Islam’ AB 68 (1949) pp. 245 - 260; cf. Muslim, Sahih, vol. 18, p. 65.

[CMXCV]     The sakina is associated with the recitation of the Qur’an; cf. al-Bukhari, Sahih, §5011, p. 996; see also Firestone, Reuven, ‘Shekina’ EQ vol. 4, pp. 589 - 591, p. 591.

[CMXCVI]    Added by the Leiden MS; fol. 204r, l. 15.

[CMXCVII]   The Leiden MS reads faras and the DKI hiscur. fol. 204r, l. 16.

[CMXCVIII]  This hadith is quite famous, but here the matn is omits some information; in the fuller narrative, Usayd tells the Prophet about his experience, asks what it was and what he should have done; cf. Muslim, Sahih, vol. 5, pp. 82 - 83.

[CMXCIX]    Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 205v, ll. 12 - 14.

[M]            Added in the Leiden MS; fol. 205v, l. 14.

[MI]           The Leiden MS combines §318 & 319 (fol. 205v, l. 15); the DKI edition also omits akhraja, so this hadith appears to be a continuation of §318.

[MII] For a discussion of these images, see Baidee, Julie A. D., An Islamic Cosmography: The Illustrations of the Sarre Qazwini (PhD. Thesis, University of Michigan, 1978).

[MIII] See: Blair, Sheila S., and Bloom, Jonathan M., The Art and Architecture of Islam: 1250 - 1800 (London: Yale University Press), p. 246 and Ipçiroglu, Das Bild im Islam, p. 142.

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