Essay on the Origins of the Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism

 

 

BY

LOUIS MASSIGNON

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH WITH
AN INTRODUCTION BY

Benjamin Clark

FOREWORD BY

Herbert Mason

University of Notre Dame Press
Notre Dame, Indiana

Copyright © 1997 by
University of Notre Dame Press
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556
AU Rights Reserved

Manufactured in the United States
Composition by Kelby and Teresa Bowers

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Massignon, Louis, 1883-1962.

[Essai sur les origines du lexique technique de la mystique musulmane. English)

Essay on the origins of the technical language of Islamic mysticism / by Louis Massignon; translated by Benjamin Clark.

p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and indexes.

ISBN 0-268-00928-7 (alk. paper)

i. Sufism. 2. Sufism — Terminology. 3. Arabic language — Terms and phrases. L Tide.

BP189.M34Ï3 1997

297'.4’oi4 ~~ dc20 93-40284

CIP

The payer used in this publication meets lite minimum requirements
of the American National Standard for Information Sciences— Permanence of Paper
for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.

CONTENTS

Translator’s Note on Transliteration and Conventions ix Abbreviations xi

Foreword to the English Translation, by Herbert Mason xv

Translator’s Acknowledgments xix

Translator’s Introduction, by Benjamin Clark xxi

Essay on the Origins
of the Technical Language
of Islamic Mysticism

Note [1922] 3

Notice to the Second Edition [1954] 5

Concordance of Translated Passages in the Essay and 6

Their Arabic Originals in die Recueil de textes inédits

Preface 7

i.                                                                                                             THE LEXICON 13

1.     Alphabetical List of Mystical Technical Terms 13

Taken from the Works of al-Hallaj

2.     Earlier Terms and Themes "Orchestrated” by Hallâj 27

2.     ANALYSIS OF THE LEXICON 34

1.     Inventory of the Technical Terms 34

A.             Classification According to Origin 34

2.     The Method of Interpretation 39

A.             Guiding Principles: 39

Chances of Error, Pseudo-Borrowings

B.             Some Fortuitous Coincidences 41

3- The Role of Foreign Influences 45

A.            The a priori Thesis of Iranian Influence 45

B.             Requirements for Demonstrating Foreign Influence 48

C.             The Hebrew-Christian Milieu: 49

Asceticism and Theology

D.            Near-Eastern Syncretism: 52

Sciences, Philosophy, Hermeticism

E.             Hinduism and Islamic Mysticism 57

Appendix: Table of the “Philosophical” Alphabet (JAFR} 68

3.                                                 GENERAL CONCLUSIONS 73

X. The Innate Originality of Islamic Mysticism 73

A.            Liturgy 73

B.            Allegories 75

2.     Concordance of Mysticism’s Basic Problems with 77

Those of Dogmatic Theology (Kalam)

3.     List of Dogmatic Criticisms Incurred 79

4.     Specialized Appropriation of Technical Terms 81

5.     The Question of False Attributions 83

A.             Hadtth Mursal and Hadith Qudsi 83

B.             Authors Responsible for Certain Famous 88

Aliâdïth Qudsiyya

C.             Initiatory Isnâd, Al-Khidr, the Abdâl 89

4.                THE FIRST MYSTICAL VOCATIONS IN ISLAM 94

Introduction 94

1.     Qur’anic Foundations 94

A.            The Quranic Parables and the Problem of 94

Muhammad's Inner Life

B.            Is the Monastic Vocation to Be Rejected? 98

The Hadïth of 14 Rahbâniyya

C.            Some Termini a quo: Süf, SüfI, Sufiyya 104

2.     General Picture of Islamic Asceticism in the 107

First Two Centuries

A.            Among the Sahâba: 107

Abü Dharr, Hudhayfa/lmrân Khuzâ^cï

B.            Among the Tâbi^cün: i11

Ascetics of Kûfa, Basra, and Medina

C.             The Ascetics of the Second Century a.h. : 113

Classification

3.     Hasan BasrÏ

A.            Sources for His Biography, Chronology of His Life 119

B.            List of Sources for His Works I2x

C.             His Political, Exegetical, and Legal Doctrines 124

D.            His Ascetic and Mystical Doctrines 131

E.             His Posthumous Influence 135

4.     The Tafiir Attributed to Imâm Ja^cfar 138

A.            The Current State of the Textual Problem 138

B.             The First Editor: Dhü’l-Nün Misri 142

5.     The End of the Ascetic School of Basra 147

A.            ^cAbd al-Wâhid ibn Zayd, Rabâh, and Rabi^ca 147

B,            Dârânï, Ibn abï’l-Hawwârï, and Antâkî i$2

6.     The Founding of the Baghdad School 158

5.                THE SCHOOLS OF THE THIRD CENTURY A.H. 161

1.     MuhâsibTs Codification of the Early Tradition i6i

A.            His Life and Works 161

B.            Summaries and Extracts 164

C.             His Principal Theses, His Disciples, and His Influence 168

2.     The Khurasanian School of Ibn Karrâm 171

A,            Origins: Ibn Adham, Shaqîq, and Ibn Harb 171

B.            Ibn Karrâm 174

C.            Ibn Karram’s Commentators 178

D,            Ibn Karrâm's Mystic Disciples; 180

Yahya ibn Mu^câdh, Makhül, the Banû Mamshâdh

3.     Two Isolated Cases: Bistâmï and Tirmidhi 183

A.            Bistâmî 183

B.            The Works of Tirmidhi 192

4.     Sahl Tustari and the Sâlimiyya School 199

5.     Kharraz and Junayd 203

A.            The Doctrine of Kharrâz 203

B,             The Works and Role of Junayd 205

6.     HallXj’s Synthesis and Later Interpretations 209

Appendix: On Massignon’s 215

“Supplement of Hallâjian Texts”

Bibliography 224

Index 243

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE ON

TRANSLITERATION AND CONVENTIONS

Between the introductory pages (numbered with small Roman nu­merals) and the appendix (beginning on page 2x5), the translator and edi­tor's voice does not intrude, except: (x) in footnotes marked by an asterisk rather than a number (e.g. p. 5, p. 19, p. 29); (2) within the author's foot­notes (these being numbered consecutively within each of the five chap­ters), in square brackets (e.g. p. 13, note 1, p. 53 n 141); (3) occasionally, in the body of the text, when the comment is obviously editorial and the section of text is particularly footnote-like, in square brackets (e.g. p. 13, p. 33). In addition to the asterisks that mark the translator’s notes, there are others in the main text of the book. These are Massignon's own indi­cations, which have various purposes: e.g., to refer to the sections of the author’s Akhbâr al~Hallâj that are numbered *1, *2, *3, etc., as the bottom ofp. 13, or to emphasize certain letters to the jajr, as on pp. 69-71. Where there is no footnote, the asterisk is Massignon’s. The 1922 edition of the Essai also has starred pages, to which I refer on p. 215. The use

of asterisks, square brackets and curly braces in the editorial sections at the end is explained under the appropriate section headings in the appendix and at the beginning of the bibliography.

A few Arabic words frequently used in English are given in their ordi­nary forms — Arab, emir, Mecca, Shiite, Sunni, and others — except, of course, in titles and transliterated Arabic phrases. The Arabic alphabet is represented according to the list below. I have not added final hamza where Massignon omits it, and I hope that most of the possible confusions on this account will be resolved by the distinction between a and a.

alif: hamza: a, i, u

long: 5

maqsûra : a

b, t, th,j, ch, h, kh, d, dh, r, z, s, sh, s, d, t, z,^c, gh, f, q, k (g), 1, m, n, h, w (0), y (i) hamza:³

tan win : an, in, un

For those who do not understand the curious symbols: In Arabic, ’ is a glottal stop, like a strong version of the beginning of “utterly," and ‘ is glottal fricative, hard to explain. The words in which these consonants occur may be expediently said to oneself in the modem Persian manner, in which both of the letters often simply mark either a change from one vowel to the next, with little besides the change itself to indicate that the consonant is there, or a slight lengthening of a syllable. Also, the "s" in Uvara is pronounced like the English "sh."

The bibliography contains inconsistencies relative to this system, be­cause of the desirability of exact transcription of the titles of certain books and articles published in Europe and India, when these titles were origi­nally printed in Roman transliteration. In particular, ’ and * are sometimes substitutes for ’ and ^£.

ABBREVIATIONS

In this list, the abbreviation “s.n.” refers the reader to the Bibliography, under the name given here. All references to the Passion cite the second edition and the English translation, unless otherwise indicated. These ref­erences usually take the form "Passion, Fr 3:2i8/Eng 3:206,” meaning Passion, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1975), vol. 3, p. 218, corresponding to Passion, trans. Herbert Mason (Princeton, 1982), vol, 3, p. 206.

 

A = Ahmad (in a name)

A, a = Abü (in a name)

A, Akhb, or Akhbar, s.n. Massignon

^CA ~ ^cAbd

^CAA = ^cAbdallah

AB = Abü Bakr

AftSki = Les Saints s.n., Huart

afp = ancien fonds persan, Persian ms.

Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale (v. Blochets Catalogue)

Aghânï, s.n., IsbahSni, Abü’l-Faraj ap. = apud, quoted from, as appearing

in

^CAR = ^cAbd al-Rahm3n

^cAtf s.n., Daylami

^cAtt5r (followed by a roman numeral), s.n., ^cAtt3r, Tadhkira, ed. Nicholson

^cAwârif s.n., Suhrawardi

Slyn, s.n., al-Khahl b. Ahmad

b ™ ibn

Bahja, s.n., Shattanawâ

Baqli (followed by a roman numeral) ~ Tafstr, Cawnpore lithograph

Bayan, s.n., JShiz

bib.~ bibliography

B/E4O- Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo

Book of the Dove, s.n., Bar Hebraeus

G. Budé = Lettres d’humanité of the As­sociation Guillaume Budé

c. - circa, approximately cf. « confer, compare ch. ~ chapter Chr. = Christian

D = Dâwân al~Hallâj, s.n., Hallâj D / ~ Der Islam

Doue, s.n., Bar Hebraeus

E = Essay (Essai), s.n., Massignon ed. ~ editor, edited, edition e.g. = exempli gratia, for example El ~ Encyclopaedia of Islam El2 = Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. Eng « English, especially in references to the Passion

Farq, s.n., Baghdadi

fthr = Fihrist, s.n., Ibn al-Nadim Firaq, s.n., Nawbakhti jirdaws, s.n., Wahrânî

Fr = French, especially in notes to the Passion

Fut, Futühdt, s.n., Ibn^cArabi

Q.A.L., s.n., Brockelmann gr. = grammar

Hanbal, s.n., Ibn Hanbal, Musnad Hazm, s.n., Ibn Hazm, Fisal Hebr. = Hebrew

Hujwiri, kashf, s.n., Hujwiri, trans. Nicholson

Ibid. = ibidem, in the same place Ibn al-Athir = KâmilJi’l-ta^rikh

Ibn al-Fârid ” tâ^iyya^ Nazm al-sulük) I FAO » Institut Français d’Archéologie

Orientale ikmâl, s.n., Ibn Bâbûya in = concerning, in ^cIqd, s.n., Ibn^cAbd Rabbihi isâba, some clues suggest Sakhâwi or

Suyütî rather than Ibn Hajar I^ctidâl, s.n., Dhahabi

Jamhara, s.n., Ibn Dura yd Jâmî sss Nafahât al-uns J AOS ~ Journal of the American Oriental

Society

J A P = Journal Asiatique (Paris)

JRAS(B) = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Bombay)

k. = kitâb

Ka^cbi, see ch. i n i

Kai. — Kalâbadhî, Ta^carruf

Kashf, s.n., Hujwiri, trans. Nicholson Khatib - Ta^rikh Baghdad

l.     = line

LisSn - Lisân al~^carab, s.n., Ibn Manzur LM ~ Louis Massignon

Luma^c, s.n., Sarrâj

M = Muhammad

Madarij, s.n., Ibn Qayyim majm — majmü^c ms., mss. — manuscripts) Mukhassas, s.n., Ibn Sida Murüj, s.n., Mas^cûdi

Af IF =s Moslem World (later, Muslim Wodd)

n — note

no., nos. = number(s)

OLZ ~ Oricntalistische Literaturzeitung OM ~ Opera Minora, s.n., Massignon opp. = "as opposed to,” "in a doublet with”or "in some way comparable to”

P. " Paris

P - Passion, s.n., Massignon (see also above, explanation of references to the Passion)

p, pp = page(s)

Passion, s.n., Massignon

QA = Qadi^caskar Mulla Murad ms.

Qâmüs, s.n., FîrûzàbSdï

Quatre textes, s.n., Massignon

Qush “ Qushayri, Risâla Qussas, s.n., Ibn al-jawzi Qut. « Ibn Qutayba

Recueil = Recueil de textes inédits, s.n., Massignon

REI, Rev, Et, 1st. - Revue des études islamiques

rem ~ reminder

R HR = Revue de l’histoire des religions RMM = Revue du monde musulman

s.a. ~ sub anno (annis), under the year(s) S.A. = Shahid ^cAli mss., Istanbul

Sh. Tab = Sha^cr2wi, Tabaqat

Sihâh, s.n., Jawhari

Sira Hatabtyya, $.n,_t Halabî

s.n. - sub nomine, under the name (in this list, see bib., under the name given here)

Stb, s.n., Sulami, Tabaqat

Stf, s.n., Sulami, Tajsir

Sulami = HaqlPiq al~tafsir s.v. = sub verbo, under the word

Tagr, Tagrib «= s.n., Ibn Taghrïbirdï, Nujüm

Tanbth, s.n., Mas^cüdi

Tara^Jiq, s.n., Ma^csüm^cAli Shah

Taw = Tawâsîn, s.n., Hallâj (1913 ) trans. = translator, translated, translation Twsy's Lisi = List of Shia Books, s.n. Tüsï

v. - vide, see

var. » variant

v.i. = vide infra, see below

v.s, = vide supra, see above

Wüst. = Wüstenfeld

WZKM = Wiener Zeitschrift fur die

Kunde des Morgenlandes

Yâq., Yâqût, = Yâqüt’s Mufam al-udabâ

Yoga, s.n., Patanjali

Yq. = Ya^cüb

Yq. = Yâqüc’s Mufarn al-buldân

Zak. = Zakariyâ

ZDMG = Zeitschrift der deutschen mor- genldndischen Gesellschaft

FOREWORD TO THE

ENGLISH TRANSLATION

In 1991 Les Amis de Louis Massignon, a group constituted informally in Paris following the distinguished orientalist’s death in 1962, and including members of his family, scholars, writers, and diplomats, established the In­stitut de Recherches Louis Massignon in association with the Musée des Sci­ences de I'Homme. French and foreign scholars were appointed as directeurs d'Etudes and the process of identifying qualified researchers and raising money for fellowships and publishing subventions was begun. The intent of the Institut was and is to continue and extend the research of Louis Massignon along the lines of his various scholarly and spiritual interests and beyond to a further assessment of the primary sources that formed the basis of his investigations begun with intensity in 1907 into the civiliza­tion, religion, and particularly the mystical tradition of Islam. As Louis Massignon was also a Catholic thinker and close friend and correspondent of Jacques Maritain, Teilhard de Chardin, Paul Claudel, François Mauriac, and others of his faith and time, his special significance as an ecumenicist places him apart from his distinguished contemporaries and is a major line of inquiry supported by the Institut.

The pattern of forming a group of "Friends” of a famous scholar or au­thor following his or her death is a familiar one in France. It is a somber assemblage that usually performs a rite of cultural embalming whose fluid is nostalgia and whose monument to the newly deceased "immortal” erodes away over time with the deaths of the devoted. The psychology of this impulse to bury and preserve intact is a recurring theme in French and in particular Parisian history, a kind of underground Gallic necrological manifest destiny, but one that Louis Massignon himself described and would have summarily dismissed for himself. For though thoroughly French, he was also paradoxically a completely expatriated mind. It must be said to their credit, however, that these "Friends” felt duty-bound to adhere to their friend’s unconventional wishes, even if such ran counter to their own thematic impulse. Their sense of duty and their grasp of the thought and drive of Louis Massignon led them to the establishment of an institute that would inevitably wrest the future from their hands.

Louis Massignon (1883-1962) was a combination of a brilliant linguist, prolific author, man of action, ambassador-at-large, adventurer, scientist, poet, mystic, and radical humanitarian. He was both deeply French and deeply any thing other than French. To many Muslims he was a profound Muslim, to his Catholic co-religionists he was a devout revert to the faith of his origins (he was in fact a Franciscan tertiary and in 1950, at age 67, he became a Melkite priest, though he was married with grown children). He was a man of dramatic contrasts and apparent contradictions who some who knew him partially believed never reconciled his parts. But those who knew him well recognized in him a mystery resolved interiorly by his sense of transcendent unity that is, however, inadequately understood by either personal memoirs or so-called objective studies.

Several attempts at capturing his life and thought have appeared in recent years, some in the form of doctoral theses, some as heavily documented bi­ographies, some as impressionistic novels, some as brief evocative homages, and these in several languages, including Arabic, Persian, German, French, Italian, and English. More are announced as forthcoming and eventually a provisional portrait of merit will appear ~ this of a man who did not like to have his photograph taken but who also never concealed anything about his life from anyone. The Western impulse to arrive at a definitive study will always be delusional and erroneous.

It is not the intent of the Institut, in any case, to focus on Massignon himself but on those sources he helped discover and make known; and further, on a critical assessment of his work that may even contradict some of his conclusions. And finally, the intent is to extend the bridge between civilizations he strengthened by his remarkable spirit and scholarship.

The present volume is the first in a series of envisioned updatings, translations, and editions. It is his seminal thèse supplémentaire, Essai sur les origines du lexique technique de la mystique musulmane, presented along with his magnum opus, La Passion d'al-Hallaj,^[1] for his Doctorat d'Etat at the Sorbonne, defended after World War I and first published in complete form in 1922. These two works were the basis for his appointment to the chair in Muslim sociology at the College de France and established his in­ternational reputation as a pioneering scholar of the first magnitude. It was his choice to approach something far larger but less known to his country­men than French literature and to penetrate beyond the European literary concept of “the orient.” However, his passion to understand the world of Islam at its source in the Qur’an and through the direct experiences and testimonials of those pious traditionalist, yet radical ascetic and mystic, practitioners of the faith also came to refresh his knowledge and appre­ciation of his own kindred tradition and faith. From this passionately made choice he bequeathed twelve books and four large volumes of shorter studies on numerous cross-cultural subjects based meticulously on devo­tion to primary sources.

It is fortunate for the English-speaking world that America and Britain have produced in recent years a crop of gifted young scholars and trans­lators with similar passions to understand Islamic civilization, religion, and particularly mysticism through its sources and firsthand accounts, in the Massignon spirit if not in the direct line of his own variety of interests and methodological approach. Benjamin Clark is one such scholar-translator who is a serious student of Arabic, fluent in French, and skilled in Persian, learned beyond his years in both literatures, and has found in Massignon’s lexical approach to Islamic thought and tradition a guide pointing him in further directions of research he had already chosen and for which he is ex­ceptionally well prepared. He has done an excellent job, not only of trans­lating Massignon’s often difficult prose style, but also in editing the text in light of Massignon’s own and of other scholars’ subsequent additions and corrections, while remaining true to his author’s scholarly intent, form, and values.

The reader will be reminded by chapter I that Massignon’s Essay was written originally as a doctoral thesis, not as a book for the educated but general reader. Subsequent chapters, resting necessarily on the method­ology of chapter i, will however prove both philosophically and lyrically rewarding to the general reader who persists and finds his or her own growing passion to understand.

Herbert Mason.

TRANSLATOR'S ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

For support of this translation I am grateful to Daniel Massignon and the Institut de Recherches Louis Massignon; to Jon Westling, Executive Vice-President and Provost, Boston University; and to the University Professors of Boston University. Too many to thank have read sections of the manuscript and saved me from errors: I owe the most to Laura Hayes, David Reisman, Merlin Swartz, Rosanna Warren, and Jeannette Morgen- roth. The staff of the Interlibrary Loan Service of Mugar Memorial Library made the bibliography and corrections possible. Herbert Mason encour­aged and oversaw the whole project. He has been Louis Massignon’s râwi and my shaykh.

TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION

Louis Massignon’s Essay on the Origins of the Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism is the classic survey of the first three centuries of Islamic mysti­cism, or Sufism. It is also a treatise shaped to make two major points, both of them radical in their day: first, that Sufism is based on the Qur³an and innate to Islam, not imported from outside; and, second, that Hallâj (d.922) was the culmination of the mystical movement up to his time, not a break with the past and a foreshadowing of what Massignon and others saw as the later decline of integrity and humility among the Sufis. The Essay achieves, by its focus on the formation of the language of one figure, a remarkable mix of concentration and breadth.

The first of the arguments, for Sufism as a natural development of Islam, is made mostly in the first third of the book, through chapter three. This section is elliptical and full of lists of words. To read it without consulting the library of primary texts to which it refers is to skim it. The author at­tempts to provide the record of the sources for his claims, and he conse­quently gives a good sense of the difficulties in verifying them. It may be tempting to skip to the beginning of the fourth chapter, which summarizes what goes before. In that place, Massignon’s discussion of the Qur’an,^[2] reca­pitulated and augmented, comes at the beginning of a story with more im­mediate rewards for the reader. The fourth and fifth chapters, the latter two-thirds of the book, benefit from the movement of history, through the mystics’ lives in Kufa, Basra, Syria, Khurâsân, and Baghdad. Large extracts from their writings are the substance of a compelling narrative.

I recommend against moving too hastily through the first part of the Essay. While it is possible to go lightly over the lists of words and names, it is extremely desirable to get at least a glimpse of the argument, as it treats possible and actual influence on Sufism from other Semitic cultures, Greece, Iran, and India. The comparison to Hinduism is still provocative. The general conclusions in chapter three — on ceremony, dogma, hadith, Khidr, and the abdal, among other things — are important.

For those who are already, or will now become, convinced that it is worthwhile to read the original texts, I have the following advice. The short list of books to assemble in order to follow the material includes, first and foremost, a Qur^{[3] [4]}an,² and, then, Massignon’s editions of Hallâj’s Akhbar (3rd ed., 1957), Tautâsîn (1913), and Dîwân (1931 or 1955)?

A copy of the Essai in French would be valuable for its supplement of Hallâj ian texts, especially the excerpts from Sulami’s Haqâ^iq al-tafsir. These are not reprinted here, and, while I have given some indications of where the texts may be found in new editions, many are still available only in manuscript (see below, Appendix). Even those that now exist in printed versions, which are easier to read than Massignon’s handwriting, are useful because they are together in one place. The index that constitutes chapter 1 is limited without this supplement, its usable references then being only to the published works or the French editions of the Essai,

For the history of Sufism beyond Hallâj, Massignon’s Recueil de textes in­édits (1929) supplies the originals (mostly Arabic) of the excerpts translated in chapters 4 and 5. His MuhadarSt, or lectures on philosophical language, outline some of the intellectual context of Hallâj’s thought.^[5] European- Islamic equivalents are particularly useful or suggestive and will clarify many difficult points in the Essay,

Notes referring to the Akhbâr have had to be updated to correspond to the 3rd edition of 1957;^[6] those referring to the Passion d’al-Hallâj, to both the 2nd edition and the English translation. These appear in the form, “Pas­sion, Fr 3:218/Eng 3:206,” which would mean Passion, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1975), vol. 3, p. 2i8, corresponding to Passion (Princeton, 1982), vol. 3, p. 206. When variants relative to the first edition are significant, they are noted. References to manuscripts have been left as they were, and those to other printed works as well, except where a page number or other such in­dication was corrected. The one exception is Goldziher’s Vorlesungen: be­cause Massignon already refers to the French translation rather than to the original, the notes here are to the recent English version. In a further effort to make the Essay more usable, each chapters addenda from the 1954 edi­tion, as well as all corrigenda, have been incorporated into the text and notes. Most references to time (e.g. “m the past seventy years") are relative to 1922, and any apparent anachronisms are in the later material. A bibliogra­phy has been added.

The difficulties with the text are only the beginning. The humblest teachings can be the hardest to put into practice, and Massignon demands of his readers not only careful study but that, at least in the mind, to what­ever extent possible, they try the experiments of the mystics on them­selves. If a reader wants to take the Essay provisionally as his guide, this experience begins with meditation upon the words marking the history of Sufism. Whether he was reading Arabic or writing French, Massignon kept in mind the istinbât of difficult words, the “chewing" and “swallow­ing" that the mystics practiced in order to assimilate QuPâmc terms into their lives? The index at the end of this volume, and in the Passion and Muhâdarât, will locate his own relevant remarks on Arabic technical terms. A brief discussion is required here, about both Arabic and French words, and about the English approximations that have been found for them.

Shath^{[7] [8] [9]} (lit., “overflowing": “ecstatic" or “enigmatic” language, “inspired paradox”) is the first and most significant of these terms. The Passion and Essai of 1922 treat it differently as the sense changes in context. In the sec­ond editions of the two works, all new mentions of shath are accompanied by the translation, locution théopathique.^[10] This expression, rendered as “theo- pathic locution" in English, is often used by others with little sense of its meaning as an equivalent of shath.

Théopathique is not in the French dictionaries of Robert or Littré. Carl Ernst discusses Massignon’s treatment of shath and gives references, for the English “theopathetic" and “theopathic," to Evelyn Underhill's Mysticism ( 1911 ) and William James's Kdncfies of Religious Experience (1902)? The Ox­ford English Dictionary cites the “creedless theopathy”of the “Sufi school, the ‘Methodists of the East*” (1881), and “the theopathic and contemplative quietism of the East"(x899).^[11] These quotations are crucial clues to the doc­trine contained in locution théopathique. It seems reasonable to suppose that Massignon was aware of writers of English in the nineteenth century who were using "theopathy” and "theopathic” in discussions of Sufism. He was against assuming any necessary link between theopathy (suffering the influ­ence of God) and quietism. In the English language, since the eighteenth century, there had been mentions of "theopathetic" affections or emotion. Underhill's "theopathetic mystics," who, he says, are often inarticulate,¹¹ are those passive with respect to God, active with respect to men.¹²

Islamic mystics in the highest form of shath were given not inarticulate feeling but speech, which they often used in their public teachings and sermons. They received true shath, as Massignon saw it, sometimes in ec­stasy, always in a "theopathetic” state. This word has a more appropriate history in English than "theopathic,” but the latter is to be preferred be­cause of Massignon's emphasis on mysticism's medicinal worth in society. He intends to make a comparison to "homeopathic,” with attention to the difference between events caused naturally and those caused by God’s in­tervention. Perhaps he was expecting an informed reader to be aware that théopathique usually referred to a theopathetic state, not to speech. "Speech" or "sayings" is better than the stilted "locution." Not all of the theopathetic states of mystics have led to shath, nor are all attested phe­nomena called shath true theopathic speech. Massignon naturally concen­trated on instances he supposed to be authentic. For cases of “shath” in general, the works of other historians are to be consulted.

Another difficult French word is apotropéen. It had existed previously, but Massignon practically recoined it, developing a theme from Huys- mans, the decadent writer turned Catholic. The "apotropaic saints” are defenders from harm, protectors ready to be substituted for others and suffer in their place. The doctrine of mystical substitution is at the heart of Massignon’s work. His discussion of Islam always returns to the voluntaris­tic mystics who put the possibility of providential benefit for the commu­nity and direct experience of God's love before their own safety and personality.

The French words, dogme, doctrine, grâce, expérience, and conscience are noteworthy. Massignon’s refusal to use the first two in a pejorative sense challenges a prejudice held as much among scholars of mysticism as in Re­publican France and modem Protestant countries. Dogmas have some­times been founded on or influenced by the experience of the mystics. A softer but etymologically sound translation, such as "teaching," would have been untrue to the original.

n. Mysticism (Landon: Methuen, 1977), 514.

12.           Ruysbroeck is particularly significant to both Massignon and Underhill (Mysticism, 210). Underhill's first use of "theopathetic" is in reference to^cAtt3r (ibid., 157) and is relevant, but the full discussion of theopathy is on the medieval Christian mystics (514 ff.).

Massignon uses grâce as the translation of several Arabic words/³ in con­texts where other French expressions are possible. In only some of these instances is the English “grace” correct. In the French, the “grace” of doc­trine seems less removed from ordinary life and writing, because grâce also means “thanks,” “charm,” and “favor.”

Experimental becomes “experimental” rather than “experiential,” which would connote too much passivity. The experience of the mystics, as Massignon describes it, was passive only at its highest point, after many difficult, voluntary preparations.’⁴ “Mystical experimentation” was an ac­tive trial upon the self, preceding ministry to others. Massignon’s vocabu­lary is intentionally medical and scientific, in accord with many of the Arabic authors.

Conscience is inevitably divided into “conscience” and either “conscious­ness” or “awareness.” The distinction in English specifies something tact­fully veiled in the French word, though rarely softened in Massignon’s argument: consciousness is common to pagans and Muslims, but it is the monotheists who examine their conscience. He was as hostile as the Qur’an itself to shirk, polytheism/³ and though possessing a flexible, ecu­menical mind, he was free of anachronistic relativism.

Massignon’s own personal proclivities defined an area of study for him, as they do for any scholar, and, with a frankness always rare in academics, he did not attempt to hide them. He had a decided interest in schools of Islamic thought that made mystical experience a support of Qur’ânic or­thodoxy.^{[12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17]} As his secretary and bibliographer Youakim Moubarac wrote, “... we have opted for the narrow but orthodox way of Islamic mysticism, as much against the dominant legalism of Islam as against esoterism.”’⁷ Massignon was full of Christian feeling, but he did much to discredit the assertions of other Christian scholars of Islam who had read influence into every apparent likeness between mystics in the two traditions. The Essay emphasizes Sufism’s originality.’⁸ Massignon thought that the similarities between the careers of Hallâj and Jesus, upon which many Muslims have commented, were not an imitation but a real parallel, a conformity ef­fected by God. Readers stirred or disturbed by the vigor of his history of the polemic about Qur’an 57:27 and the Prophetic tradition là rahbâniyya (herein, ch, 4, sec. 1. B.), concerning the ascetic and eremetic life in Islam, should notice that his argument is in its substance no more than a report of some early exegetes’ opinions. His interpretations of scripture are based on Islamic tradition.

No reader can escape the signs tht Massignon had a vibrant inner life, and numerous disciples have tried to elucidate it.^{[18] [19] [20]} Its relationship to his research is complex, and it will be useful to describe some aspects of the context, which has grown very distant, in which the Essay was written.

In the France of the first and second decades of this century, rhetoric about religion was in a high temper. Massignon, after an overwhelming religious experience in 1908, developed a fervent and eccentric Catholi­cism. The bien-pensant Christianity of the day is part of the unfriendly background of all of his work on Hallâj’s death. In 1903 Léon Bloy de­scribed the milieu in this way: “Among those in appearance least foreign to the divine, among the most pious Catholics, ignorance is now so com­plete, and hearts so abased, that Sanctity seems a superlative of Virtue.... No one seems to remember that sanctity is the supernatural Favor that so separates one man from all other men that it seems to alter his nature.*¹²⁰

Massignon wished to convince readers of the efficacy of the suffering of the martyrs. One of the principles of the Passion, he would state looking back, was that true sanctity was “necessarily excessive, excentric, abnormal and shocking.”²’ Many years before, he concluded his first article on Hallâj in a different, but not dissonant tone: "The idea of sacrifice is eternally beautiful. The example of a heroic sacrifice never loses its force; its mem­ory does not die.*'^[21] Only in appearance is this ideal of heroic suffering difficult to reconcile with the Essay's traditionalism. The author’s investi­gations of the earlier, more conservative mystics are rings around the “flaming target” of Hallâj’s death.

Massignon’s sources convinced him that Hallâj was one of the “real elite” of history, a saint who had become in the Islamic Community, like Joan of Arc in France, “a factor in the survival of society and a leaven of immortality.”^[22] Massignon was not the only Frenchman of the period dur­ing and after the Dreyfus Affair (1894-1906 and beyond) to write on mar­tyrs who had precipitated crises of conscience. Saint Joan was a favorite. Contemporary works on her are in a range from Anatole France’s skeptical biography, a handbook of anticlericalism,** to the Catholic mystery plays of the Dreyfusard Charles Péguy?⁵ To take Dreyfus’s side was often in part— not as often as one would like —to take a stand against anti­semitism. The Essay and Passion defend, with a forcefulness verging on polemic, a point of view both Semitic and profoundly Catholic: their de­cisive argument against the theory that Islamic mysticism was of Iranian, that is, Aryan, origin, is the part that stands out as a particularly just and admirable product of its time?^fi

The theory can be, and was, embraced for reasons that do not necessar­ily make an antisemite. It seemed at least plausible to those for whom Persian mystical lyric and didactic verse were the primary means of under­standing Sufism, Lovely as some of these later poems are, they contain un­reliable accounts of the mystics’ lives in the tenth century and before. The theory did not withstand the exegesis of the early mystics' Arabic writings. Massignon was an exegete, an establisher and interpreter of old, inspired texts, though he lived in a time when even the word exégèse (“exegesis”) was frequently applied to any sort of commentary on religious or general culture. Péguy wrote in 1911, against this considerable trend in contem­porary usage, that exegesis was or was supposed to be only scientific?⁷ It had simply not been performed on these texts, at least not by Westerners. Presenters of pseudo-evidence, abetted by an impressionistic response to poetry that had seemed to favor their views, had been allowed to rule the minds of the orientalists.

For many people, Massignon removed a critical blind spot towards an as­pect of the Semitic tradition. On the other hand, it was perhaps out of a blindness in himself that, in spite of his great affection for Attar and certain other poets, he dismissed Persian poetry in general as the fabrication of ex­cessive sensualists. He thought that Persian, like all of its Indo-European cousins, including French, was an idolatrous language, friendlier than He­brew, Aramaic, and Arabic to paganism and the vanity of esthetes. The Essay is not a treatise on literature, and Massignon s opinion will not neces­sarily prejudice lovers of Persian poetry against him. A reader’s enjoyment may even be enhanced by the information provided here about the early figures to whom the poets allude and who first developed Sufism's universal allegories. Individual witness always interested Massignon more than any system of thought. He deplores certain tendencies in mysticism that he as- ^{[23] [24] [25] [26]} sociales with poetry and the arts, but the achievements of some artists moved him. Though the Arabic poet Ibn al-Fârid uses commonplaces asso­ciated with Ibn ^cArabï, Massignon could distinguish the poet’s “burning lyric” from the gnostic’s “calculated, icy symbolism.”^[27] Massignon was un­deniably more sensitive to Arabic than to Persian. Is it not possible that Jalal al-Dîn Rümï is more like Ibn al-Farid than like the members of the Bek- tashi order with whom the unflatteringly lumps him?

The question of how to build on Massignon’s work and diverge from it has been very fruitful for scholars over the years. He himself, at the same time that he was breaking with nineteenth-century notions about Sufism, kept continuity with the earlier works that would endure, the critical edi­tions of Arabic texts.

His own students have been able to build on both his editions and his insights. He was a discoverer in a large field of inquiry, and they have worked to correct omissions and mistakes. Fathers Gardet and Anawati, following Joseph Maréchal and Jacques Maritain, have systematized his general view of Islamic mysticism, from the viewpoint of Catholic theol­ogy. Paul Nwyia has sought to find mystics before Hallâj who were bolder than Massignon thought, or later figures, dismissed with their contempo­raries as decadent, who ought to be valued highly by Massignon’s own standard. Nwyia especially has continued the work of hunting through old manuscripts for a mystical language at grips with the real, with life itself. In a different direction, Henri Laoust and George Makdisi have taken Massignon’s remarks on Hanbalism as the indication of a rich area in which to do original research. Another student, Henry Corbin, pursued the neognostic branch of Sufism and has had a great influence on the study of the mystics in France, America, and elsewhere.

It was Massignon who put the old edition of Suhrawardi’s Hikmat al~ ishrâq in Corbin’s hands,^{[28] [29]} setting him on a track that would lead to Ibn ^cArabi. Corbin tried to respect his teacher’s ideas on early mysticism while simultaneously casting a favorable light upon the later period. This shift is as fundamental as Massignon’s own correction of earlier scholars’ views of Sufism as a whole. Corbin saw Ibn ^cArabi’s philosophy as an accurate de­scription of mystical experience like that of Hallâj, and as a metaphysical innovation of the highest order.

Scholars of Sufism are often divided by favorable or unfavorable views of Ibn^cArabi.³° The factions tend to pursue their research independently, and the debate between them, in spite of its potential richness, is moribund. In­stead of replying to the substance of Massignon’s critique/’ scholars, when disputing his views, often argue only against “existential monism,” the ex­pression that he eventually found as a translation of the traditional name of Ibn ^cArabi’s school, wahdat al-wujüd. Like locution théopathique, monisme exis­tentiel is inadequate to sum up a number of perceptive descriptions and ar­guments. As jargon, the term merits criticism, but if ones attack is on a bit of jargon alone, it is wasted effort. Those who treat Massignon like a scho­lastic manualizer do a disservice to their own arguments, as they fail to en­gage his. In his early articles he uses the word “monism” more flexibly: in the Muhadarât, it alone is his version of both wahdat al-wujüd and wahdat al- adyân (unity of all systems of ritual practice)?² Some scholars claim that be­cause Ibn ^cArabî did not affirm substantial continuity between God and creatures, “existential monism” is a bad translation for wahdat al-wujüd. This conclusion does not follow. In an article of 1912, Massignon describes the wujüdi reinterpretation of Hallâj's “I am the Truth” as “an abstract modifi­cation based on the monist idea of the a priori unity of Being”⁵³ continu­ity of substance). A full argument on this point would be welcome. In the end, some will decide, with Annemarie Schimmel and Seyyed Hossein Nasr, that for the chosen saints there must simply be two ways to knowl­edge of God, the practical and the contemplative. In any case, even if we agree that a systematization of early Sufi doctrine^{[30] [31] [32] [33]} is desirable, Massignon’s first writings on the subject present a powerful case that Ibn^cArabi did not succeed in making one. Massignon’s argument has been ignored by some of those who do not like its conclusions, but it has not yet been refuted.

Ibn ^cArabi’s enthusiasts tend to make the whole debate esoteric. They celebrate the source of the word wujüd in the verb wajada, “to find,” but they tend to write as if the derivation somehow guarantees that Islamic discussions of wujüd will have greater vigor than anything about “existence” in the West. If the root sense of existere, “to stand forth,” is taken into ac­count, as it is by lively philosophers, Western “existence” need be no less satisfying in itself than its Islamic counterpart. The Wujüdïs tend to speak dismissively of Western philosophy, proceeding as if it were coterminous with modern nominalism. They would convince many skeptics if they could reply, for example, to the Passion’s chapters on doctrine.

For Massignon, the decline of Sufism is commensurable with neopla­tonic encroachment of the life of Islam.^[34] He thought that neoplatonism was a sign of decay, not specifically Greek, arising whenever a society had passed its zenith?⁶ But although any neoplatonist myths replacing religion are anathema to him, he quotes Plato sympathetically in the Essay. There is nothing anti-intellectual in his lament of the rift between the philosoph­ical appreciation of mystical experience and the strenuous efforts of as­cetics, after the twelfth century?⁷ Like Muhâsibï, Massignon was not a philosopher but knew enough philosophy to use the arguments of the ra­tionalists against them. His active life of faith has been a touchstone for more systematic intellectuals. In having that kind of influence he has be­come like Kierkegaard, with whom he shared an intense Christian humil­ity and a knack for public religious protest that critics called histrionic. He wanted to live, like Charles de Foucauld, under the sign and according to the pact of Abraham, the guiding light to the anguished in Kierkegaard’s famous eulogy.

The link through Abraham between Christianity and Islam appears in much orientalist writing as a hackneyed commonplace. In Massignon it was not manufactured affinity but living root, manifest in Arabic language and prayer. In the preface to the Essay, in order to define an aspect of that common ground, he quotes Christian Snouck-Hurgronje on the “interre- ligionaT quality of Islamic mysticism. This neologism (in French as in English) is used because the attested words of related meaning would have tended toward syncretism, would have hinted at Islam’s resemblance to other religions in the realm of ideas, at an indistinct, common search for the One. Snouck and Massignon are describing the example of devotion that gave the Muslim missionaries the power to make Indian and Malaysian converts to Islam.

Massignon held fast to the idea that it was not enough for the religious to savor the sweets of intellectual ecstasy in private, for an elite circle. He maintained that the analysis of mystical texts had to be kept in balance by an examination of the authors’ effects upon disciples and society as a whole. A few years before the Essay was written, William James had made much the same point by quoting the Sermon on the Mount (“By their fruits ye shall know them”) to the effect that mystics could not be judged in isolation?⁸ Even Emile Durkheim would have had to agree. But in in-

blbliographies collected in OMI p. 627-66. Throughout the Essay, this loose usage must be kept in mind. Ivanow calls it an erroneous pars pro tote (Guide, 1 ), and perhaps "Ismailism" would have been better.

36.           There are tantalisingly brief but compelling remarks on this subject in “L'experience mys­tique et les modes de stylisation littéraire/’ in OM, 11, p. 374~75-

37.           See Massignon's "Avicenne, philosophe, a-t-il été aussi un mystique?" (1954) OM, II, p. 466-69; trans, as "Was Avicenna, the Philosopher, also a Mystic?" in Testimonies and Reflections, Ill—15.

38.    The Varieties of Religious Experience, Lecture 1 (Reprint Ha rmo nds worth: Penguin, 1982), 20. vestigating the social circumstances of mystics' lives, neither Massignon nor James made the assumptions of sociology. Though different in almost every way, they were alike in not separating religion from any other aspect of life, at the same time that they distinguished religious experience from experience of all other kinds. They systematically refused to reduce the re­ligious life to a derivative or composite of other elements. It is possible to avoid this reductionist trap through simple observation and reason, but Massignon was no doubt aided by his Catholic belief, his insistence on Abrahamic monotheism, and his continual calls to remember the transcen­dent, intervening God of the three revelations.

Benjamin Clark

Essay on the Origins
of the Technical Language
of Islamic Mysticism

NOTE [1922]

To niy comrades of the
56th regiment of colonial infantry
fallen in the Levant
1916-1917

With one hand, take the cane (of exile)
That guides those who weep,

And, with the other, in the hearth of pain Light your torch

Niyâzî, Diuwj, 3rd qâfyya

The manuscript of the first half of this work had just been submitted, in early August, 1914, to the ïstas Press at Louvain, when the printing house was burned in the fire set by German troops on the twenty-sixth of that month.

After seven very busy years, I have been able to reconstitute the part that had been destroyed; and to revise it, filling gaps noticed by Mr. Casanova in 1914 and responding to Dr. Snouck-Hurgronje’s valuable observations.

The research for this essay was done principally from manuscript sources not used until now, and it is entirely original. Particular emphasis is placed on two psychological biographies, of Hasan Basri and Muhâsibï.

Louis Massignon

NOTICE TO THE

SECOND EDITION [1954]

In 1922 this Essay presented the public with a French translation of a group of archaic Islamic mystical texts (of the first three centuries) from unpublished manuscripts, most of them not readily available. These docu­ments made it possible to examine how Islam had produced what was later called Sufism.

The Arabic originals, published in 1929 in my Recueil de textes inédits con­cernant [’histoire de la mystique en pays d'Islam, can now be consulted. A con­cordance between the Essay and the Recueil is therefore given below.

Readers are still without an edition of Sulamï s Tabaqdt al-Süjiyya (one by Johs. Pedersen was supposed to follow my Recueil in the same series),[35] but they can now consult the monumental Finery of the Saints (Hilyat al- awliyâ) of Abu Nu^caym Isfahâni, published from 1932 to 1938 in ten vol­umes, in Cairo. A comparison of that work with the criticisms of the behavior of the '‘saints’' in Ibn al-Jawzfs Taibis (Cairo, 1923) will demon­strate the lasting interest of my initial perspectives.

No comprehensive work has yet taken up my program of terminologi­cal and psychological inquiry of 1922.

On the other hand, there has been quite a large number of valuable monographs, to be indicated below, on several of the mystical authors re­marked upon here.¹

It seemed worthwhile to rework and complete the text of my Essay of 1922, which was long out of print. The new edition includes a recast first chapter on the Hallajian lexicon, with an added section on the lexicon s for­mation; addenda to the other chapters (supplementing the errata of the first edition); additions to the Arabic supplement; and two updated indexes.

Concordance [op Translated Passages
in the Essay and Their Arabic Originals in the
Recueil de textes inédits]

The following is a concordance of translated passages in the Essay and their Arabic originals in the Recueil de textes inédits, ed. Massignon, 1929. Criticism and corrections of the Recueil by August Fischer, Hussein Wahi- taki, and Louis Massignon are in Islamica V, 1932. Selected texts are trans­lated in Joseph Schacht's Dec Islam* (Tübingen, Mohr, 1931), pp. 87-128. A new Arab printing is cited by Moustaphe Abderraziq in the Cairene pe­riodical Ma^crifa_J 1931, nos. 1-2.**

Author	Essay	Recueil
Hasan Basri	E 125-135	Rec. 1-5
cAbdalwahid ibn Zayd	E 148	Rec. 5
Rabica and Rabâh	E 149-152	Rec. 6-9
Wakic	E ch 4 n 490	Rec. 9
Shaqiq	E 173	Rec. 10
Muslim Khawwâs	E ch 2 n 1	Rec. 10
cAbdak	E 79, 105	Rec. 11
A.ibncAsim Antaki	E 155-156	Rec. 12-14
Dhû'1-Nün	E 143-147	Rec. 115-17
Burjulâni	E 52	Rec. 14
Muhâsibï	E 101, iÔ4ff,	Rec. 17-23
Ibn Karrâm	E 174«“.	Rec. 24-25
Yahya Râzï	E 180-181	Rec. 26-27
AY. Bistâmi	E i84ff.	Rec. 27-33
H. Tirmidhi	E I95ff.	Rec. 33-39, 253-254
Sahl Tustarî	E 200-203	Rec. 29-42 and SSlimiyya
A.S.Kharrâz	E 204-205	Rec. 42-43
Junayd	E 208	Rec. 51
Ibn cAtâ	E 209	Rec. 54
A-B.Wâsitï	E ch 4 n 15	Rec. 73
Nasrâbâdhi	E ch 3 n 70	Rec. 84
M. Ghazâlï	E ch 2 n 49	Rec. 94
A. Ghazâlï	E ch 4 n 132	Rec. 97
	and n 484
T. Maqdisi	E 81	Rec. 225

*The Essai, all editions, cites the periodical Der Islam, an error repeated in P 1695U.

**See bib., s.n. ^cAbd al-R3ziq.

PREFACE

To Hartwig Derenbowg

The basis of this study is the lexical inventory of one author, Hallâj. The main supporting texts are reproduced in an appendix;[36] they are very brief, condensed fragments, meant to shed light on certain technical terms as used in experimental definitions.

We know that the Arab grammarians ( ^cAyn, Jamhara, Sihah; then Mu- khassas, Lisân al-^carab, Qâmûs) made their general catalogue of the classical Arabic language by referring only to pure literature, above all poetry, pref­erably the earliest poems. The illustrative examples, shawShid, are from the Bedouin poets of the Arabian desert, none later than the third century a.h. All of civilization is therefore excluded from the standard dictionaries: all technical terms or istilâhât (grammar, hadith, law, sciences) in general, and all mystical terms in particular. The conservative and anti-intellectualist viewpoint of these Near-Eastern philologists¹ survives in Dozy, although he acknowledges its inconveniences. It is appropriate that his Supplément to the Arabic dictionaries should be heterogeneous and full of gaps, but it deliberately rules out selected categories of technical terms. “I would fear to become disoriented,’¹ he says in his preface,⁵ “if I were to plunge into the study of certain classes of words; into the labyrinthine terminology of the Sufis, for example. That is a task I happily leave to others.’¹

At first it is tempting to follow his example: the Arabic vocabulary and style of the Muslim mystics give an impression of paradoxically individual "speaking in tongues.” But by closely studying their language, especially by tracing it back towards its origins, we discover unmistakable signs of a fun­damental intellectual achievement deserving our full interest. It was the first attempt to interiorize³ the Quranic vocabulary and to integrate it into ritual practice. The mystics were the first to appropriate the Arabic idiom^[37] for a system of psychological introspection, and therefore a moral theol­ogy. They made the earliest outline of a critical lexicon for philosophical questions.

By 174$, this achievement had been perceived in part by the Indian Tahânuwï, who put some Islamic "scientific technical terms/’ including the most important mystical vocabulary, into his admirable Kashshaf.^[38] by 1845, two of Dozy’s contemporaries, Flugel and Sprenger, showed they had un­derstood completely, when they published three lexicons devoted entirely to mysticism, Flügel for Ibn^cArabi and Jurjani, Sprenger for ^cAbd al-Razzaq Kashani.

In the past seventy years, orientalist studiesof Islamic mysticism’s techni­cal terminology have multiplied.^[39] There are three tendencies or methods.

The first method, analytical and paleographic, is to publish the most comprehensive lexicons of Near-Eastern origin that can be found; there are some compilations by early but minor writers, and others by noted syn­cretism but well after the early period. This method was introduced by Flügel, then borrowed by Nicholson.^[40] Its advantage is the immediate "en­richment” of our stock of documents. But richness of lexicography, though it is the great virtue in a general dictionary, is secondary in a particular dis­cipline, where the doctrinal homogeneity of the collected materials comes first. The desired quality cannot be produced by this method. And neither Flügel nor Nicholson edited the essential collection, by far the richest in the genre, Sulamï’s HaqS^iq al-tafsïr, and Baqli’s new edition of it.^[41]

The second method, synthetic and biographical, is an "indirect” study of technical terms through a critique of the dogmatic structure of the sys­tems in which they occur. Enormous philosophical erudition is required. Asin Palacios was able to treat Ghazâlï’s dogma in this way; Carra de Vaux, the ishrâq of Suhrawardï Halabi.^[42] The method’s flaw is an excessive re­liance, in the manner of Islam’s last great universal historians, on a pe­remptory classification of doctrines into stereotyped categories defined by biased polemicists. In the last twenty years, we have given too much credit to the heresiographers and critics of a certain school of literalist ahi al~ hadtth, the a prion anti-mystic Hashwiyya, such as Ibn Sa^cd, Ibn Hazm, Ibn a]-Jawzi, Ibn Taymiyya, and Dhahabï. They argue with a clarity that can be seductive, but their interpretation of doctrine, and especially of termi­nology,^[43] very often betray: the unthinking haste of polemic.

Thirdly, the scholar may work slowly and patiently to exhaust his sources and build homogeneous lexicons, one for each author. In 1908, August Fischer recommended this method for the preparation of a sci­entific dictionary of Arabic, with direct quotations from serious editions of texts (Mu^cailaqât_t Mujaddaliyât, Hatnasatayn, Hariri, etc.) to be examined by a team of scholars. The method (which, when applied to poets, has proved fertile by making it easier to distinguish spuria from authentica in their dittwis) is indispensable for mystic authors. The only way to understand how they formed their vocabulary is to juxtapose the development of their writings and the progessive stages of their careers. 1 have used this method here. It was necessary to choose a highly developed case, a model author whose originality is clearly demonstrated in history. Early Islam offered Muhâsibî, Hallâj, and Ghazâlî (with, to a lesser extent, Ghazâli's model, Abu Tâlib Makki). I chose Hallâj, because he makes the clearest, most theoretical, and most practical exposition of mysticism's crucial symptom, the experimental phenomenon of shath, which is the sign of transforming union and the exchange of wills.

It is dangerous to minimize the role of the mystical lexicon in the de­velopment of Islamic dogma. The mysticism of Islam is what has made it an international and universal religion. International, through the prosely­tizing work of mystics visiting infidel countries: the persuasive example of Muslim hermits, as well as that of the Chishtiyya, Shattâriyya, and Naqsh- bandiyya sheikhs who learned the local dialects and mingled with the people, did much more than the tyrannical fanaticism of conquerors speak­ing foreign languages to convert so many Indians and Malays to Islam.^[44] Universal, because the mystics were the first to understand the existence and moral efficacy of al-hanïfiyya, the rational monotheism natural to all men.^[45] The result was Muhâsibï's and Ibn Karrâm’s apostolic universalism, fol­lowed, in a later, degenerate form, by the theosophical syncretism of Ibn ^cArabï, Jalâl Rumi, and the Bektashis. Snouck-Hurgronje makes the point strongly:^[46] “Through its mysticism Islam has found the means to rise to a height from which it can see farther than its own, severely limited hori­zon ... in it there is something interreligionaL”

On the other hand, we must not reduce mysticism to its formal es­thetic. It is not merely an exercise of the speculative imagination, refining on the subtlety of terms. The sonorous chains of rare words in a text such as the ‘Tetter from Junayd to Yahy'à Râzï”'⁴ are nothing but the variations of a virtuoso amusing himself As for the instances of alliteration in Hallâj's Tawâsîn, I have argued elsewhere that such sequences follow long, fully reasoned passages because of the need to free the mind from the previous discursive effort and to clear the way for meditation?* Excessively frequent usage of willfully obscure, esoteric terms'⁶ is the mark of the decadence heralded by lbn^cArabi’s school. Early Islam’s great mystics acted otherwise.

Sufism, which “enlivened” Islam (as Ghazâli, the author of the Ihyâ, is the last, in his Munqiâh, to have explained satisfactorily), was a method of thorough introspection, of making use ah intra of all of life’s events, fortu­nate or unfortunate. It was ritual experimentation with pain, and it trans­formed those loyal enough to persevere to the end into physicians, to whom others could then go for treatment. As Muhâsibï¹⁷ said, ‘Tn the light of the divine Wisdom, they cast their eyes toward the lands where remedies'⁸ grow. After God had taught them how to work the cure by healing their own hearts, He commanded them to comfort those who suf­fer...” Sufism is more than simple nomenclature or pharmaceutical pre­scriptions. It is therapy that the attending physician has tried on himself, to allow others to benefit. “Sufism,” said Nuri, “is neither a group of texts nor a system of speculative knowledge, it is customs,” i.e., a way of living, a rule. Junayd said to Jurayri, “We did not learn Sufism by listening to those who say this or that, but by enduring hunger, renouncing the world, severing ourselves from what is familiar and delightful to us.”'⁹

The social importance of Islamic mysticism comes precisely from this source, from its alleged worth as a medical treatment. Were its masters able, as they claimed, to extract from the wells of their inner lives the means to “heal the pain of men’s hearts,” to dress the wounds of a commu­nity tom by the vices of unworthy members? Our only way to verify the reality that was the goal of the Islamic mystics’ experiments is to probe their social consequences, to examine the mystical rules’ value and effec-

14.           SarrSj, Lutna^c, 358. [The “letter” is also available in All Hassan Abdel-Kader’s Life, Person­ality, «nd Writing of al Junayd, E. J.W. Gibb Mem. Series, new series XXII, London, 1962, 2 (Ara­bic section) and 123 (in translation).] Nor is there any point in wasting time on kabbalism, which is only a degeneration of intelligible symbols (figured phrases, daws ^ir) transformed into objects of superstition “and made a trap for fools” [in English in the original],

15.           Passion, Fr 3;3S8-59^Eng 334O“4*-

16.           The only tolerable catechistic precaution is the one suggesting silence under deceitful and hypocritical interrogation.

17 Mahabba.

18.            He means simple medicinal herbs.

19,    [Remri/, p. si]; Hujwïrî, Kashf 42; Qush, 22, Tagrib, H, 178 (cf. John 19:13). tiveness in curing the body of society. We must not allow our curiosity to become absorbed by those sudden, strange flights of the intelligence into abstract ecstacy, where certain mystics boast, in their solitude, of forgetting in God to have pity for men.

The enduring power of Islamic mysticism is not in the haughty, morose isolation in which Majdhûb proclaims;¹⁰ "Bury your secret in the earth, seventy cubits down./And let all creatures moan until the Last Judgment.”

The power is in the superhuman desire for sacrifice for the sake of one’s brothers; in the martyr’s transcendent ecstasy sung by Hallâj:^{[47] [48]} “Forgive them, and do not forgive me ... Since You are consuming my humanity in Your divinity, by what Your divinity owes to my humanity, I ask You to be merciful to these, who have worked to bring about my death.”

THE LEXICON

i.                                     Alphabetical List
of Mystical Technical Terms Taken from
the Works of al-Hallâj

The terms are given in Arabic alphabetical order, according to their roots. Initials refer to the sources indicated below.¹ The Arabic numerals refer to the numbering systems in texts published either previously (T, A) or, in an appendix, herein [in the Essay, rst and 2nd Fr eds.J (S, B, R, K, C, J, G, Y, H, M,W); a Roman numeral following the letter T indicates the number of the chapter in the Tawâstn.

The senses of these terms can be consulted in translation through the indexes of my two works (P, E)? It is useful to compare the meanings in­tended in the uses from the following list to the definitions suggested for 143 terms by Sarrâj (Luma^c, 33 3-74), for 106 terms by Hujwirî (Kashf, 367-

t. A = Akhbâr al-HallSj (2nd ed., 1936) [référénee; are not always to the 2nd ed; some are to the Erst Akhbâr. When the listed number is followed by a number in parentheses, the former is that of the main numbering system in both the 2nd and 3rd (1957) ed, of the Akhbâr, and the lat­ter is the number LM gives, which usually corresponds to the one in the 1st ed. An asterisk before a number means that it is in the mulltaq, supplement. The Akhbar's index of technical terms (3rd ed., 129-37) further specifies the references given here,] B-Baqll, tafsïr (the page numbers refer to the Berlin manuscript, the volume numbers to the Cawnpore lithograph). BSk = Ibn Bîküya, Biddyfl (Quatre textes, II). C ~Baqlï, Shalhiyât (page number alone refers to the Shahid ^cAli manu­script; page number with recto or verso, to the QâdïSskar Mulls Murid ms.). D = Diwân, nos., cd. 1931 [in general, in the French, Roman numerals after "O'* are for qasidas, Arabic numerals for mu<jatta^cât. As there are also some page numbers mixed in, I have added "Q’’ and “M" and “p.” where appropriate. When I could not find the word, I have left Massignon's numbers as they ap­pear in the original]. Fan! “ Shark khufba. G = Sulami, Ghaiafât. H~Kirmàm. J - Sulamî, Jawâmi^c. K = Kalab5dhl, Tcfarruf. Kashf= Hujwirî. Ka^cbï = Ka^cbi, hfanâqib. Khark.=Khargüshî, Tahdhïb. M = Munâwï. Q = Qushayrï. R - RiwÆyÀt al-Hallâj. S = Sulamî, Tafiïr. T -Tawâsîn, ed. 1913. U = list of the works of Hallâj (in the Fihrist, p. 192). W“^CAtt5r, Tadhkira. Yard = Ibn Y az din y 5r, Rawda. Z = Sulami, tabaqSt [trans, herein, ch. 5, sec. 6. Perhaps the numbers LM gives for Z are those of a manuscript he owned. I have placed them in parentheses. The main numbers given here are those of ch, s, sec. 6. The Arabic word may be found easily through a comparison of the translation with Pedersen's ed., 308—13. The Arabic letters following the main numbers are the ab- jad section indication in the corresponding (almost identical) text in the Akhbâr, *t, Other indi­cations (e,g„ ^<Att5r, ^cAtf) refer to texts added to the Arabic section for the 2nd ed. of the Essai, where they are found in the last few pages of that section.}

2. Passion, Essay,

92), for 102 by Qushayri (Risala, 36-159, 166-85), for 100 by Harawi (Ma- nâzil al-sa^inn), and for 143 by Bagli (Shathiyat, ff. 114a, 119a (= Lwm«^c]).

^BD. abad (opp. azal) A 8, 26; S 200; R 8, 10, 12, 19; C 213; T VL17, 35; P. abadt A 31; P; S 206. ma^bûd P; U 7.

^yThR. athar(opp. khabar) P; S 55; Z7 .^(16); T VL23, XI: 11; A 2, 10 (15), 47 (52), [49]1. ma^thüra T IV:7. ^ithâr P. mu^aththira P.

^KhDh. ma^khudh P; C 183.

^JDB. adab A 58. âdâbS 117. ta^dib (see ta^ntb).

^DM. Adam S 102, 192. adamiyya S 18.

^DhY. ytEdhï A 20.

²ZL. azal (opp. abad) A 64; R 19; S 41, 152, 163; P; T VI: 11, X: 17; U 1;

S 68, 71, 108, 161, 172; C 187, 213. azal(iyya) S 172; R 8, 9; C 213;

A 2, 31.

^SL. asl P; U 11, 17; A 29, 34, 45,

³FQ. afâq T 17.

³LE (alif) ma^lûf (opp. maqtû^c) P; U 26; A 46, 64; D (M. 27).

d.H. ilah al-alihat P; A 7; (Jï’l-samd* wa’l-ard) P; A 2, 9. ilâhiyya S 5, ioi, 114; A 25. ^ulühîyya S 47; T X:2Ô. lâhüt (opp. nâsût) D. lâhütiyya C 191. Yazd. i.

^JMR. ^yamr (opp. irâda) P; B 27; R 19; J 2; T VI: 14; U 10. amïr R 3. ta^mUrA 10.*

’MM. umm D (Q. X).

’MN. ’aman (opp. dhikr) P; R; S. amdna P; S 130. ’tman (opp, islam) P; K 23;

(opp. ma^crifa) P. mu’min P; S 12.

’NN. W(or innî) D (M. 55); A 50; T 1:14, IL5, V:8, IX:2; R 19. °nn- niyya (opp. mâhiyya) P; Q; C 169.

’NA. and J 6; T 11:8, VIII: 7. and huwa A 7(12). and anta A 50. ana’l-Haqq TVL23.

W. ta’nïb S 54.

°NS. ’uns H 5; K 35; D; A g, 38. ma’nils T V:37. T XL25.

³H. TIV:n, IX:2-3.

³HL. ni:3, V:34.

³WL. ^awwal (opp. dkhir) S 168, 171, 172, R 24. ta^wîl Q 9; T 1:12.

³YD. ³iyâd A 9 (14).

³YN. >ayn T 11:7, V: 11, 23, IX:9J A 46, 50, 51 (5b 52, 53); Qi.

²YY. ^iyya^hu, iyya^yK 51; S 74. 3ya T V.35.

BD^J bad³ (al-khalq) S 113. bidàya (opp. nihâya) C 177; T HI: 1, VI:30. bad³ al-asmd C 214.

BD^C. mabdü^c S 2.

BDL. Budalâ (= Abdâl) K 54; R 22.

BR³, bariyât R 9.

BRJ. burjTï.i.

BRQ. barqR 11; TI: il; D (M. 39).

BRHN. burhanK ï$; A 2; R 12; D (Q. VIH).

B SR. basar (opp. sam^c) R ï. basâ³irW 45.

BST. bast (opp. qabd) An. bisât S 66, 126; C 163; T VI:2i; A 47. mabsüt S 54. inbisât S 66; H 5.

BShR. bashariyya (opp. samadiyya) S 5, 191; A ï, 25, 29; Z 28. tnubâshara (opp. sabab) S 187.

B^cTh. mab^cath R 25.

B^CD. bn^cd (opp. qurb)TVl:i2; A 3, 5, 13, 14.

B^CD. ba^cdï (opp. kulii) C 164; D (M. 33); A n, 55.

BTN. bàtin (opp. zdhir) A 6; R 24. bauâtin T IV;4.

BQY. baqâ (opp. fana) K 47; U 15,

BLGh. iblâgh S 123. balâgh S 9.

BLY bald (opp. ni^cma) S 97» 13«; K 14» 26; B 22; W 47; C 192; R 19- ibtîlâT VI: 14, VII:2; A 1.

BWQ. bawd³iq TV 132.

BYT. baytRio.

BY^C. bay^ca S 154; B 24.

BYN. bayn P; S 48; A 31, 50; T V:23, VI: 10; K 15. bayân S 123; A 2, 40, 51; U 9. übyânYL 15; D (M.63,Q. VIII).

THF. uthijiu A 22.

TRQ. tiryaq T V:3j.

TAfM. itmâm G.

TNN. tinnîn A 16; W 46.

TWB. tawbaS3, 156: J 1; R 20; W 49; P-

TYH. tïhTV:3S; D (M. 12, 69).

ThBT. ithbât A 50; C 191.

ThQL. thaqalayn T IL7.

Th N Y. ithnayn D; A 50.

ThWB. thawâb (opp. ^ciqâb) S 13s; D.

J BR, jabrût S 66; R 20. tajabbur T VI : 11.

JHD.juhüdT VI: 10.

JHM, jahïtn (kliumüd al) B 31.

JDhB. majdhübC 183.

J RD. tajnd (opp. tawhid) Z 25; T VI:₇; K 51. mujarrad T VHIzj.

JFY. jafS al-khalq S 184.

JLS. majlts (Allah) R 17. mujâlasa R 19.

JLY. tajallt K 45, 44; S 130, 136, 187, 198; A 2, 3, 10 (15), 55; C 214. tnu- tajallt(ya) A 2, 8 (13), 53; U i8.

JM^c.jum^ca qâ³ima R 27, mujmi^c R 12. ^cayn al-jam^c B 27; C 163, Cf. Mélanges Joseph Maréchal, 1950, 2:281.

J ML. jumlat al-kullC 164; D.

JNN. ashâb al-janna B 30. jannat al-qalb C 190.

JNDR.jandarat al-mulk R 26.

JNS. tajânus (opp. tajâwuz) K 15; C 178; D (Q. VIII).

JHD. majhüd T XI: 1. mujahid A 17. mujtahid R 22.

JHL.jahlTXl:$.

JWD.jûdS 180.

JITZ. majâz U 46. tajâwuz C 178.

JWL. jawlân TV-.iS.

JWHR.jawharS 113; T 1:8, IX: 11 ; U 11.

JY> majiStf, 93-

HBB. hubb D (M. 24); A *2 (4), 36, 44; P. muhibbûn R 21. mahbüb H 5, Habib R 27. mahabba (~dhât al-dhüt) R 7, 13, 17, 20, 21, 26; K 10, 38; C 190; B 1, 13;J 8; S 14.

HJJ. D (M. $1). hajj akbar P; R 23. hujja B 6; A 29.

HJB. hijàb (al-qalb) T XI:5, 15; H 4; C 178, 188; Q 3. mahjûbûn H 4; C 184. ihtijiib A s, 51, 53.

HDD. hadd (pl. hudüd) T IX: 5, X:9; A 5, 13, 44, 47, 50; R 5, 19. haddayn TXI:i2; Q 1.

HDTh. hadath (opp. qidam) Q 1; A I, 13. hSdith T 1:8, X:q. muhdaih U 2. muhâdatha C 213.

HRR. hurriyya Q 7.

HRF huriif, ahruf S 2, 113; K 8; Q 1; R 19; T V:36; U 2; A 34, 39, 40, 46, 64.

HSB. hisbân Q 9. hash S 148.

HSN. ihsân S 170/ R 21.

HSL. husûl (^cayn al) P; S 21. tahsil K 17.

HDR. hadraA 10 (15). hudurA 5, 10; D.

HZZ. huzüz S 189, 54.

HQQ. (al)Haqq Qur. 22:6; al-Haqq with : shahada, haqtqa, isfila, ilhâm, taka- lum, daltlS 32, 36, 61, 194, 83, 84, 117; al-Haqq A 26 (33); B 8; R 5; T 1:9, IV:5-6, IX:6-7, X:8, 9, XI:26. Itaqiqa (pl. haqa^iq, opp. wasiPit) D (M. 17, 40); T H:i, 3, 8, IV:i, V:32; S 194; B 24, 30; U 45i D (M. 39); Z 1 alif(g); B 15; R. 19. tahqïq C 177. muhiqq A 44 ($0); Z; Q. tahaqquq S 1; D. istihq&f A 50; S 207. Formula: (as^aluka) bihaqq ... A i, 44.

HKM hukm (pl. ahkâm) A 2, 10. hikma T 1:17, VII: 1 ; R 24; Ibn Dihya 100; ^cAttar 13.

HLL. mahallS 155. huliïlD (M. 61); Z 5 bis (14); S 172; C 178.

HMD. hamdR 19; 119. Ahmad, Muhammad T 1:15, VI: 1; R 18.

HML. haml (al~nür, al-amâna) S 130, 188; U 4.

HNF /w<C24.

HWT. ihâta U 8. hiyâta T III: 1.

HWL hal. (pl. ahwâl) D; S 81. hala (pl. hâtât) A 1, 13, 36, 67. haul T Vl:2.

HYY. Hayy T VII: 5; S 147. hayât S 35, 76; U 3; R 9. tahiyya C 213, 214. hayâ Z 14 yaw (23); A *1 (7).

HYR. hâ^irT X:$, B 28. tahayyurT IV: 2, C 34; A 5. hïra A 9, 32;

TIV: 6.

KhBR. khabar (opp. athar) T XI:2, u; A 67 (58); (opp. nazar) T II:4, IIL4; A io, $3, 67.

KhRM. ikhtirâm T Lio.

KhSS. khâss (pï. khawâss) S $5. 86, 115, 137; C 178; T V:32, XL25. khâs- siyya S 30, 55. takhassus A 9; S 120.

KhTT, khatt (cf. istiwâ) A 32, 34-

KhTB. khitab C 123. mukhâtaba S 93 ; 84,

KhTR. khatir (pl. khawâtir) D; S 4, 191; Z II, 12; C 164; A *1 (1), 8, 46;

Q 14. khâtirân A 33» ⁶7 (35> 58).

KhTF. ikhtitâfA $, 10.

KhFY khafiya S 98; A 41, 62, 67.

KhLL khulla S 22. khalat (pl. of khalla) D.

KhLS. khilâs T V: 32. khalïs R 27. mukhlis T VI; 16. ikhlas S 199; R 13 ; U 29. takhallus Z 12.

KhLT. takhlït (^cilal al) S 177,

KhLF. takhsluf (opp. tawâfuq) B 31; S 44.

KhLQ khalq (bad^al) TXL26; S $i, 78, 101, 123, 144; U 9, 22, 28; R 18. khuluq S 186, 187; W 41. khaltqa (pl. khaltâq) T IL ï, IIL8; U 28; D.

KhLY. khala (opp. mala) C 185.

KhMR. takhmïr (aFarwSh) R 13.

RhWD. khawdân A 53, 32.

KhWF. khawf S 127; Q 3.

KhYR. khayrât U 26. ikhtiyâr S 167; T V:35; VI: 11, 28; D.

KhYL. takhytl A 47.

DBR. tadbtr(opp. tajund) K 19; S 102, 128; J 1 ; T VI: 17, tadabburT III: 1 ; K 55; R 24.

DRR. durra (baydâ) R 22.

DRJ. darajâtS 12$; Z 11 yaj* (20).

DRK. darak 2, S 28. idrak Z 10; T XI:2. darrâk S 2.

D^CW. da^cwa (pl. da^câwâ) S 79, 190; D (Q, I, p. 12, Q, V, p. 22); A 2, 14, $8;

S 34, 82; B29; R27; TV:36,VI:i, 13, 18, 24. da^ci (pl. daw5^ci)J 8; R 3.

DQQ. daqïqa (pl. daqirtq') K 22; T V:32.

DLL. dalïl (opp. madlüt) T 19, HI: 10. datât A 36; T 11:2. Ltidlâl C 169; K44.

DNW. dunüwT V: 31-32. dunyâD; A 5$; R 6, 11, 14.

DHR. dahr (pl. duhür} C 214; S40, 180; Q 10; U 5.

DWR. dâ^ira T IV: 1, V:2-~5, VII: 1-5 (diagrams) ** IX: 13-14, X: 1. ds^irat al-haram T IV: 10, V: 31.

DY JR. dayjür P.

DYR, dârayn Z 7 ta³ (16). diySr D.

DhRR. dharr S 10. dharriyya S 55, 102. dharra S 50.

DhKR. dhikr (opp. madhkür; fikr) K 32, 33, 34, 48; J 3; D (M. 18); S 2, 19, 53, 72, no, 134, 150; Hi; An;R 5, 9, 13, 26. T V:ï8, 19, VE15.

DhHL. dhuhül S 21. idhhâlC 179.

DhWB. tadhunb S 188.

DhWY. dhât (shortened, dha) A 2, 9, 12, 25, 50; S 183; T IX:8, X:ç, 13, 18; XI: 10; C 213. dhâtt A 2.

R^JS. ra^îyât A 2, 44.

R^JY. 37; B 7, 8, 16; Z 5 1^(13); S 68; D.

RBB. rabb al-arbab A 7 (12). marbüb S 206. mbübiyya Sy, 15, 47, 101, 108, 126, 167, 191, 198; B 15; C 163; A 7, rabbâniyün S iôï; T V:3; rab~ baniyyaY XI; 15.

RJ^C. rujif ital-asl T VI:n.

RZQ rizq S 124, 125.

RSM rasm (opp. ism) T IE4; B 32; S 4, 13, 94, 123. marsümât T IX: 13. tarassum S 17.

RDY. rida (opp. irâda, amr),J ï, A 43; W 46; R 17.

RFY. rqfîT 1:8 rqfawï id.

RQB. murâqaba H 7.

RKB. ruküb D.

* Pedersen reads rShSt; A* I still reads ditnjili.

**See alsc the collected diagrams, in the versions of another manuscript, Tautâün, facing p. >78

RKN. rukn R 5, 19.

RMZ. ramzV.

RMS. rams (opp. tarns, pl. rawamis) Yazd.

RWH. rûh (nâtiqa} S 87, 113; C 184, 188; D (M. 6, 21, 32, 37, 41); R 1, 9,

17, 19, 23, 25; A 2, 9, io; T IX; 11. rühâniyyaC 178. rïh (pl. riyah) S 126;

R 187. rtâha, pl. rawâ³ih Z it yaj (20); A 44 (50).

RWD. mand (opp. murSd)] 6; W 49, 50; Z 6, 7 ha> ^(15, 16); B 21; A 5. irâda B 27; S 84, 128, 179, 191 ; C 214; T ¥138, VI: 11, IX: 1 ï; R 21.

ZKY zakât kubra R 23.

ZLQ. yazliq R 16.

ZNDQ. zanddaqa (opp. tawhïd) T V:2; A 47.

ZNR. zSnir al-^cawra T V:30 *

ZHD. zuhdW 52; ^c4r«rz6.

SBB. sabab (pl. asbâb) S 13, 182; A 53.

SBH subuhât S 100; R 15. tasbîh C 214; R 24, 26.

SBQ. sawSbiq S 45, 96; T VI: 32.

STR. sitr D (Q. V).

SRJ. lira) T I:i.

SRR. sirr (opp. damïr, pl. asrâr) C 163, 164; A 33, 36, 44; D (M. 22, $2);

Q8; T III: ii, VI17, IX: 1, XI:2. sirral-sirr D 68. sanra (pl. sara’tr) Z 14 bis yaz (24); A 36 (13).

SRMD. sarmad S 200.

SQT isqât (al-ivasiPit).

SKR. sukr A 43; B 16. sukrân Z 1$ yah (25).

SKN. sakïna K 47.

SLB. salb (al-‘aql) C 179; T IV:6.

SLT. taslît (al~^caql) S 127 (al-ahwâl) Z 8 ya^ (17). sultan K 15, 39; T X:24.

SL.M. tasftm A 44. silm A 3.

SMR. samïr D. masmür T X : 4.

SM^C. samâ^c S 68; Yazd. 2. istimâ^c S 62; Yazd. 2.

SMY ism (pl. asmS) D (Q. VII, M. 34, 69); S 102, 113; Z i, 2 alif, ba³ (9, 10); R 15; C213; TV:28-~29; U 2. ism~a^czam R 13, 15, 17, 25, musamma TX:i4_f XI:6.

SNH. sunk (pl. sawSnih) Z 4 d31 (12); A 47 (52).

SN Y sanS A 2 ; D.

SIVY Istiwa (cf. khatt).

♦Corrected from the text (“min zànid rrMtuw") of 1913 (v. P Fr 3:321/Eng 3:304), which Massignon had confessed (T p. 168) he did not understand. If Nwyii did not seem to be unaware of this correction (v. his ed. of Tau>., bottom of p. 203), Ï would be readier to accept his modification (with additional mss.: nmn ^anada’l. S<rw; p. 203, az 1) of Massignon's original shot in the dark.

SVW. sha’n A 2, 40; T V:37; R 13.

ShBH. shabah S 170.

ShBH. shabhA 8, 25. tashbîh T X:q.

ShJR. shajaraT 111:6-7 •

ShKhS. shakhs C 213,214; U 16; D; T V:32, VI: 14, XL25.

ShRB. sharâb (al-uns) S 126, 129.

ShRH. sharh (al-sadr) T 12.

ShR^c. shari^ca (opp. haqïqa) S 21; B 15; A 6, 41, 47, 49.

ShRQ. mushriq R 24. ishrâq S 196; T 1:2, 9.

ShRK shirk khajï A 62; S 50, 69.

Sh^cSh^c. tasha^cshu^cD (M. 39). sha^csha^cânï P,

ShKR. shukrA I, 12; J 2; K 28, 29; Z 9 y3 (18); B 12; S 72; R 26.

ShKKshakk (opp. yaqin) A 46; Q 3; Z 3 firn (11) [see ch. 5 n,387].

ShKL. shikl (pl. ashkal, opp. ahwat) C 178; T 11:4, IV:4.

ShHD. shâhid (opp. tnithSl, pl. shawâhid, shuhUd) S 159, 164, 18 x, 183; S 16, 21; A 2, 50. shahid al-qidam D (Q, VI); A 2; S 183; R 18, 27. shahadat (al-dharr)* S 9, 10, 12, 32. tnushâhada B 30; T VI: 35; R 4.

ShlVR. ishâra S xo, 146, 151; T L9, X:3; A 29, 2; Q 12.

ShY^. shay^ S 113. mashfa S 101, 107, 113, 152, 180; B 6; C 213; A 2;

T VII: 1; R 19, 2i.

SBB. subb A 43.

SBH. misbSh A IO; T 11:2.

SBR. sabr (opp. shukr) S 44; W 53 ; Ka^cbi.

SHH. sihhaT VI: 1.

SHIT sahw (opp. sukr) K 41.

SDQ. sidqA 47, 53; S 29; T III: 1 ; U 29. sadiq S 128, 129. siddïq S 88, 89, 90. T L4.

SRE tasâdf S 21, 96. tasamtf.

SFY sqfaT III: 1, V:9,X:i9. $d>HTI:8, III:I. istiftS 13.

SLB/S 112.

5LD. istilâdT III: i.

SLM. istilSm Bâk.

SLY. salât R 23; U 25.

SMD. samadiyya S 104. masmûd S 58; Z 20.

5N^C. san^c R4; T XI:8; S 100; J 1. san^ca (pl. sanâ*^) R 9, 15, 25, 26.

SHR. sayhùrQ 10; U 5.

S1TR. süraS 99, 113, 181 ; C 214; A 1, 2, 8 (13), 52; Q x; R 13, 15, 26, 27. taswïr A 13, 25.

3.            See tawfilif.

4.            Cf. Rei'. Et. hl., 1932, IV (“Le Christ dans les Evangiles selon Ghazaii").

SITE sûjiyya Khark. 2, 3; T V:8, lasawwuf C 191; D.

SYR. tasytr T HI: 11.

SYM. siyam akbar R 23. simsâm(at) al-siyâm T V:2i.

DDD. didd ty.addâd) K 7; T VI: 19.

DRR. darüriQ 1. idtirSrK 8, S 116; B 18, 23.

DM R. damïr (opp.'iw) T III: II, IX:2, X:5; A *1 (3), 8, 25, 44, 47; D (M. Il, 25, 38, 61). idmàrD', K43.

DMHL. idmihfolTXw.

DYA. diyâ (mukhammara) K 18; A 9; R 13. istida? (opp. nazar) A 2, 67.

DYR. dayr (qhayr) T VI :6.

DYE dayf'D (M. 37).

TB^C. tab^c Bâk 19. tabi^ca S 109. Cf. Eranos, 1945.

TRQ tanqa T V; 36. tarq D.

TS. «sînU i.

TL^C. tal^ca (pi. tulü^c, tawâli^c) K 15; S 94; A 47, 55. ittilâ^c S 16, 130; R 2;

C 183 ; A 67. mutâla^ca S 184.

TM S. lams (opp. rams) B 31; Yazd (- C ipi ); T V:37<

TWT. tawtC 172.

TW^é t_S^ca S 58, 72; R 26. mutâ^c P.

T WF. tawâfbLôo; D.

TWL. tûl (opp. W) T XI: 16.

TYR. layrân B 26.

ZLM zâlim fynuqtadid) S 133. zulumât U 16.

ZNN. zann Q 9; A 3, 51 (53). zann T IL6.

ZHR, zâhir (opp. batin, ishâra) S 84, 171; T IV: 4, X:}. zuhûr S 162.

^CBD. ta^cabbudK$î. ma^cbüd R 9; T VI: 13. ^cubüdiyya Q 7; S 75; B 15.

^CBR. ^cibâra K 3 ; S 42; Z 20; D. i^ctibar U 28. ^cibra Yazd.

^CJB, i^cjâb H 4.

^CDD, ^cadad (nSqis) A 9; C 173. ^cidd T X:9, 23 (XI: 1).

^CDL. i^ctidâl (opp. ^cadl) A 5.

^CDM, ^cadam (opp. wujîid) S 5, 86, 113.

^c£)hR. ^cadhârïy (M. 26).

^CRJ. tni^crâj (pl. ma^cârij) A 2.

^rRS. T V: 37-

^cRp, ^card (opp. tül) T XI: 16.

^CRF. ^cârîfT I (cf. Qui. 2:141; Hazm III, 201; IV, 206): 5, 13, VL24, 34, X:24, XI: 1, 20, 24; Q 14; S 112. ^cirfan C 169; T XL24. ma^crifa Z 4 dâl (12); W 39, 40; T V:36, XL ta^camif K13, 49; C 169. ma^crifa (asîiyya) S 4b So, loo, 152; R 4; C 184; A 13, 29. ma^carif K15, S 49; R 8. ma^crûf TXL24.

^CZZL. ^cAzazil T VI: 18, 26, 30.

^CZL. ftizâl A 5, *1 (8).

^cShQ. ^cishqC 213, 214 (cf. A 49); W 92; Daylatnï (^cAtf 21a, 28b-3ia, 47b).

^CTR. ^cawatir al-qurb A 44.

^CZM. ^cazama R 2, 4; U 24. ^cazatnatayn (= azal and ah ad) S 68.

^CQB. ftiqâb K 8.

^CQL. ^caql D(M. 22, 66); A 33, 62; S 4; R 9; TI:p, VI:io; K 12, 17; S 4; C 179-

^CLL, ^c ill a A 53; W44; TX:i6; G. mu^cill S60, 168, 173.

^CLQ ^cala>iq K22; B 20; T II:i. V:32.

^CLM. ^ciltn (opp. kashf ma^crifa) S 30, 122, 152, 172; A 14, 34, 53; J 7; D (Q. II, M. 10, Q. IV p.20); K2, 54; TX:i9, XI. ^cUm ladunnl S 117, 83 (cf. R 6, T IV:9). ma^cîüm S 168, 155; B 27; T VI: 1, XI: 10.

^CML. ^cawâmil C 174. Ma^cntüî lahu S 85; Z 19.

^CNY. ma^cna R 17; C213; TV:36, VI:i, IX: 14, X: 19, XI:2l; D; [A 46]. ^cWD.^ciwadK 53; S 53, 56.

^CYN. ^cayn S 126; A 47; R 22, 25; D (M. 65). ^cayn al-^c_ayn S 195; T V:23, VI; i, X: 15. ^cayn aîfam^c P, ^cay3n R 5; S 84; C 169, 193; T V:37.

G&RR. maghrûr T X:4.

GhFR. ghujran [A 44].

GhFL. ghafla (opp. dhikr) S 106, in; H 1.

GhLB. ghalaba S 84.

GhMD. ghâmid S 113 ; A 31.

GhNY. ghanï (opp.faqïr) K 26.

GhYB. al-Ghayb (= ghayb al-Huwa) S 41, 84, 108, 152; R 1, 22; A 51. ghayba (opp. hudür) A 10; D.

GhYR., ghayr (pl. aghîyâr) S 124; B 22; T VI: 16; A 1.

GhYY. ghâyaT 11:8; A 46.

FTR.JitraA 12 (18).

FTN. maftun A 46.

FTYfata A 43. futuwwa T VI:20-2i. fitya D (Q. II).

FDY fadaytuka D.

FRD. fard (pl. ajrad) C 181. tqfïd (opp. tatvhîd) T VI:8; B 14; Kashf 36. ifrad K 51; S 148. infirâd K 15; D (Q. VIH); ^caf 29b; Z 13; A 5, 12; C 213, 214; T III: i. tafarrud A 9, 25, 51. fardântyya T VI:8.

FRS.firdsa A 67; S 74. tafarrus Q 9.

FRSh, farashT 11:2.

FRD. fard T XI: 16; S 112.

FR^c.far^c (opp. asi) A 34.

FRQ.farq T XI: 6-10. ijtirdq K37; S 126, 172. tafarmq C 181.

FQD.faqd (opp. wajd) T III: 1, XI:3, 22.

FQR.faqîrA 42; £21,25, 26b; W 38; S 132, 179. iftiqârKzï; S 132.

FSL.fasi (opp. wad) D; T 1:9, XI: 1. infisàî S 17, 42 (opp. ittisal).

FDD. iftidâd S 191; Lwna^c 231; M.

F'L-jfl (pl, af^câl) Z 27; Q I; C 214. mafülât T IX: 13.

FKR.fikr K48; A 32 (34); T X;ï2.fikra A 12 (18).

FNY.fanâ (bi) S 165. fana (^can) S 165; Yazd. 3.

FHM.fahmT V:n, IX:?, X: 19, XI: 16; R14; A 67 (58). mqfhwnât T X: 17.

FWT. tafâwut S99, too,

FWZ. mafdza T 11:8, III: 1, IV: 1.

FY fîT VIIL3.

FTD.faydC 172.

QBD. qabd A 16; D (M. 30, 33). qabda S 77 (cf. 29), Cf. Qur. 39:67; As^as 159.

QTL. qatlD (Q. X, M. 23).

QDR, qadr S 70. qudra R 2, 17; T VII: 1; Z 9; A 10, 12 (15, 18); C 214;

S 39, 145. taqdïr S 54, 113; T VI: 11-17. maqadir S 54, 113; T VI: 17.

QBS. quds R 8, 16; D (Q. IV, M. 30); A 9, 38. taqdïs D (M. 28); A 12, 46, 51 (53); D(M.6s); T VI: 10. ard muqaddasa R 16.

QDAL qidam (opp. hadath) A 1, 3, 5, 7, 12, 13, 51, 63; R 5; S 108. qadttn TXL4.

QRB. qurb S 84, no, 150; A 3, 5, 8, 12-14, 36, 44; Q 1. qurba R 2 (S 5, i8i>; T 187.

QRN. tnaqrün (opp. manüt) S 69, H 6. iqtiran S 72; ^cAttâr 18; Ju ray ri St No. 42.

QSPE qaswat (al-qalb) S 139, 142; D.

QT^C. qat^cS33- munqati^c T XL9.

QLB. qalb A 9, 12, 37, 46, 51, 53; D (M.23, 62); T VL5, XL15; S 130;

C 163, 190. taqltb S no, ïïi, 150.

QHR. qâhiriyya S 31.

QITS. qaws R 10, 24. qâb qawsayn T V:23<

QIA'L. maqâl (opp. haqtqa) T IX:7. miqwd A 2.

QITM qiyâm (bthaqq) A I, iO; S 14, qiwâm Fânï; A 29; S 114, 175. maqatn (pl. maqâmât) S21; B2ï; A 5; Q 14; T III: 1; S 123.

QWY. quwwa tnukhayyama R 11.

QYS. miqyâs (al~^cadam) S 86.

K? ka^annï T 11:5. ka^annahu T XL23.

K³S. ka^s A 16.

KBR, kibnt ahmar U 41.

KRR. karrât À 2; OK 466.

KRM. karamSyy, 180.

KSB. kasb (pl, aksâb) S 24.

KSW kiswa S 116, 192.

KShF. kashf S 38; A 22, 45, 51, $5; S 34, kashüf K48. mukâshaja T VI: 16; A 38.

KFR. kufr D (M. 20), A 3, 7, 32, 35, 41, 48, 58, 66.

KFH. mukâfahat al~khitâb S 77,

K LF. taklïf S 17, 49, 204.

K LL. kulR (opp, ba^cdi) A 38; D. jumlat al-kull D.

KLM. kaiâm T X: 10, 1:9; D; R 4. kalimaR 4, 24.

JWN. kân T XI:2; S 174. makân (^curf al) T XI:2; S 174, 155- hawn (pL akwân) S 25, 90, 137, 175; T X:26; A 33 (35)- takuân S 55, 193, 18$, kun \ S 63, 118, 137.

KYD. kayd U 10.

KYF. kayfiyya U 45, 46 (c£ U 39, 44; Q 12; R 19)-

LA. 13 T VII: 3, X: 22. talâshï (see LS H Y), lâ^iya [lâyity D (M. 55)-

LBB. lubb (pl. albab) A $5; C 190.

LBS. talbïsStf; D (M.66); A 12, 50; T VI: 14. iltibasTVLi; A 8, 53; U ï.

LBY. labbayka D.

LHZ. lahza (pl. luhüz, alhâz) T VI:?.

LHQ. muïhaq (opp. mazïd) T IX;?.

LDhDh. taladhdhudh S 116.

LSN. lisân (al-Haqq, etc.) A 12, 29, 34, 53; R 26.

LShY. talâshï A 10; T 11:4, XI:20.

LTF. lattfa (pl. latâ^if) C 190, 213 ; S 166, 208.

L^CL. la^call S 4.

LHM. ilhâm S 83.

LHW. lahw(opp. sayr) A 15.

LW. lawlâkaA$3-

LWH. la²ik D (Q. VII), 21; R 23 (alühâ).

LWN. taludn K 43. mulauwanât T X:2<5.

M. mint T L15, V:27, IX:9, X:i9; A 46; R 22; D (M.65).

AL4. ma³iyya T X: 19.

MThL, mathal K 3; T X: 1; A 2; U 20. mithâl (opp. shahid) P.

MHN. tnihna S 115, 156; B 23.

MHW. mahw (opp. ithbàt) C 169, 178, 191.

MDD. madad (al-Rüh) K x8.

MZJ. imtizâj D.

M^c. ma^cA46; TXL20.

MKR. tnakr S 45, 46, 71; C 213.

MKN. tamkïn (opp. talunn) S 155; T 1:1.

MLQ. tamalluq C 190.

MLK. malak R 7, 11; S 103. tnalik C 214. matnlük C 214.

MITT, rnawt S 103.

MYDN, maydan (pl. mayâdîn) A 5; T 1:17.

NBT. istinbdt S 2; B 5 bis.

NBY. nabt (opp. rasül) A 10.

NJ Y. munâja A 9.

NDM. nadîmîA 15.

NZL. nuzül (Kull Layla) R 22, 23. manâzil J 4. intizâl A 5.

NZH. tanzïh T X: 1; A 13, 51; S 7, 108.

NSB. nasab S 90.

NTQ. nutq S 50, 93; A 7, 12, 14, 37, 53; C 182; D natiqa (cf. rüh).

NZR. nazar (opp. khabar) C 184, 213; R io, 25; T 11:4. ManzürT II14. HdzirDfM. 55, Q- HI).

N^CT, na^ct (pl. nu^cüt, opp. wasf) S 15, 206; C 178.

N^CY. ni^ca A 2.

NFKh. nafkh A 10; D(M. 21).

NFS. nafs (pl. nufüs) D p. 127; K 27; S 27, 54 bis, 113, 189, 191, 197; Z 13 yah (22); C 175, 178, 184; A 5, 7, 38, 65, 66 (c£ S 163, 176). najas (pl. anjas) S 203; C 163; A 44; T V:20.

NQS. manqûs TIX:4.

NQT. nuqta asliyya S 41, 45; U 22; A io, 27, 64; T IV:2, V: I, 1X:4.

NKR. nakira (opp. ma'rifa) T XI: 1, X:4; A 7.

NMS. namüsl D 38 [cf. A 40].

NHY. nihâya K49; T 1:9, XI:2.

NIVB. inâba S 143.

NPCR. Nûr S 107 (pl. anwâr) U 1, 17; S 30, 99, 100, 101, 107, 109, in, 113, 137, 16i; A 9, 10, 28, 33, 40; T 1:6,1:1; Z 15, 16 yah (25, 26); R 8, 18, 26; OK 447.

NITS, nâsüt (opp. lâhût)C 178; D (M. 5, 42); T V:37; A 10, 53. nâsütiyya A 1, 10.

NWT. manüt S 69; G.

NWL tanawul (nür al-shams) A 51; D.

HTF. hâtif A 8.

HJR. hajr D(M. 13,23).

HJS. hâjis S 158.

HDM. hadma rühaniyya T IX: 11-12.

HLL. hilal S6; Z 5 bis zdl (14); R 26. tahlil C 214.

HUG istihlâk A 1, 7, 9, 10, 30; Yazd. 3.

HMM hamrn T VL33; D. himma T 1:1, 7; D.

HN³. tahriPa C 214.

HW. huwa huwa U 38; A 20; S 205; C 214; T 1:14, X:7, *5- huwï A 2. huwiyyaA 7, 32, $0, 53; S 155; D (M. 55); ^CAtf (opp. àniyya).

HWS. hawas A 47 (52). tahwîs T VI: io; A 12.

HWY. hawd&2, 43-

HYKL. haykal (var. hâkül, pl. haydkU) Ci78;Si3;G;A2, 8;D (M. 53).

WTR. witr (al-qaws) T V:29.

WThQ. wathïqaT V:jé. mîthâqR 12, 19.

WJD. wajd K 24; B 13; C 169, 173. mawdjid K4&; Z 14 bis yaz (23); U 27;

D (M. 19). tawâjud K 39. ifrâd al-wàjid S 148. wujûd K 15; FSnt U 40, 43;

T XI:4; R 26; D (Q. VIII, M. 40)- mauÿüd T VL‘34. ^Jîjâd Z 17 ktf (27). WJH wajh (Allah') A I, *1 (8). wujüh S 113. tnuwâjaha S Çljihât T X: 17, 22. WHD. wâkid, ahad, wahîd, muwahhad T V 111:2, 6-1 o, VI:6; R9. ahad Z 12 yad (21); B20; A*i (7). tawhïd(opp. tajrid, tafnd)V 32;K 15,51; S 166, 167, 173, 207; A 47, 39, 57, 62, 63 (52, 39, 42, 43, 48, 59); Q 1, 2; C 163, 185; Z 15 yah (25); T VIII:3, IX:7, 8, 14, X:7, 14; B 2. ittihad B 19. tawahhudK 15. wahdâniyya S io, 108, 90; B 19; C 187; A 53.

WHSh. wahsha A 38 (36). isffhdsh T XE25.

WHY. wahyA.2, 10; Z4^ (12); S 159-

WDD. tawaddud A 20; R 13.

HARD. mawarid A 67.

HAST. wastât (opp. haqâ^iq) S 17, 49, 169; B 24.

IT.SL. wasila S 26.

WSM. maysamï>(Q. VII).

HAS HAS. wwtttf$TXI:2$.

liASF. wâsif, mawsüf T IIL9. wasf A 12; Q 1. sifa C 213; T V'36, X:9~io, 18; A 7. ittisâf S 13.

PFSL. u>asl T XI: 1. ittisdl K 36; Z 28; T V:34-

WZB. muwâzaba S 112.

1VQT. waqtK$2', S70; T VI:i$; W 36, 51; QijAji (53)- tnawâqît S47- ITQF. mavtâqif S 93.

WQY. taqwd S 149, 15*-

WKL tawakkul K 30, 31; S 73, 67, 182, 24; J 5; R 17,

WLH. unlahj 8; R 22. tawalluh K 34.

WLY wall (pl. awliyâ) K 51 ; A 3, 14; R 21, 25. istila (al-Haqq) Q 8. mawlâya D.

WHM. wahtn (pl. awhâtn) S 72; T V:u; A 13, 25, 37, 47, 51.

YTM. yatïm R 2; D (Q. II). (Cf. the Ismailis; yattm Abï Tâlib.) YSR. maysür (opp. maqdür) S 65.

YQT. yaqüt ahmarR 13, 15.

TQN. yaqm (^cilm, ^cayn, haqq al) S 120, 201, 202; R 6; A 22 (28); U31. syn. tinnîn W 46,

2.    Earlier Terms and Themes
“Orchestrated” by Hallâj

From the preceding list, I shall now consider several terms that Hallâj deepened and orchestrated in his works.

I undertook the same sort of comparative work for his poems, in my edition of the Dîwân (1931), pp. 110-30. The information published there should now be augmented as follows:

The metaphor of mixed perfumes (D, M. 41) was taken from Bashshâr (Yâqüt, Udabâ, VI, 67).⁵ The Hallajian theme of perilous love (D, M. 24) was taken up by Mutanabbï (fa ^ahla'l-hawii... ); the theme of the wan­derings of the seeker of God (D, M. 12: and zidnï tahayyuran) by Mu^[50]ay- yad Shïrâzï (Diw, ms. SOS, London); of the Guest who takes all (D, M. 23) by BahâMdïn Zuhayr (Diw. ed. 1305, p. 55; commentary by K. Yafi); of the fragile temple of the body, by the NusayrI Khasîbï (D, M. 53; and Diw, Khasîbï, ms. Manchester, 120a). This last poem is also attributed to Suhrawadri of Aleppo (Alwah ^cimâdiyya, ms. BerL 153a), who took up other Hallajian themes (D, M. 22, 52; p. 130: his great ha^iyya).

Note also that Fakhr Râzï s “great tafsir” contains a commentary on nos. 68 and 69 [M.] of Hallâj s Diwan (Tafs. kab., I, 149).

^}MN. ³îtnân, faith. Hallâj sees in it “the nocturnal light of the stars” (Stf 19), which does not reveal the divine Sun (cf. Harawi ~ Wâsiti, ap. Luma^c 314, ^CAQ. Hamadhâni, Shakwa 39).

'’HL. ahi, cognatic family, as a result ofphiloxenia (jiwâr: as opposed to âl, agnatic family; cf. Rev. Et. hl. 1946, 151). Hallâj (Taw. V:34; andÂlûsï, Tafs. 1, 231) spiritualizes the Shiite idea of the ahi al-bayt into the divine hospitality accorded to the gharib (cf. ghurba; and divine adoption of the yatîm).

BDL. Abdâl, Budalâ (cf. Suyûtï, Khabar dâll, quoted in Machriq 12, see bib., s.n. Anastase), the apotropaic saints, intercessors for humanity since Abra­ham, according to the hadlth of ^cAbd al-Wahid Ibn Zayd (Hilya, V I, 165; but see herein ch. 5 n. 344). Cf. Jahiz, Tarbl^c, 97-98; Tirmidhi, Nu- wâdir, 69, 158; Ja^cfar ibn Mansur al-Yaman, Kashf, 123; Ikhw., II, 9$.

B^CD. ba^cdl, the share that is mine (= God; as opposed to my all — my cre­ated being). Cf. Ibn Sab^cîn, K. ba^cd al-Wahid (title in Ibn Taymiyya, Sab., 93). Hallâj “essentializes” this paradoxical Manichaean term: “^cïsâ ba^cd min Allah” (Ibn Tâhir Maqdisi, Bad³ III, 122).

HJZ. hajiz, the barrier that separates (from God: role of the Prophet, of the Mlm), Taw. V:22 — n Shiite idea (Nusayri ms. P. 1450, 99a; Mustafa Yusuf Salam, 129), juxtaposed with Sin or Saint, who by his teaching supplies a conception of God (lauâl al-zakat, 409).

HQQ. haqq, (1) in law, an ambivalent term, “debt” or “claim”; (2) in Hel­lenistic philosophy, the truth (objective truth, as opposed to sidq, sub­jective sincerity); (3) in mysticism, very early, the implied subject of the inspired saying, of the preaching that personalizes and realizes; the (open) Real, Creative Truth in act. Because of the Sufis, this dynamic term, fundamentally Hallajian and closely tied to the Qur³ân (50:41: sayha bi’l-Haqq; cf. 42:17) became the common name for God in the Turkish, Persian, and Indian lands. The statement attributed to Hallâj, “And al-HaqqT is well known: “My ‘I’ is the Creative Truth” (cf. DI, 1913; Qush. 161 ; Stf 168, 173).

The formula “bihaqq ..“by the claim of... on ...,” formula for an oath, of Mu^ctazili and Shiite origin (fkmal 204 ; Bdkürd 49 : "bihaqq al- Masïh ibn Utnm al-Nür,” ms. Ng. 4), was used in mysticism by Hallâj (relying on the doctrine of the two natures, divine and human; cf. Luma^c, 260).

haqtqa, (1) in grammar, the literal (as opposed to majaz, the figura­tive); (2) in philosophy, the real meaning of a term; (3) in mysticism, haqiqa is used in the sense of “closed” or finite reality (as opposed to the “open” or infinite Real; as “deity” is to God), which, through static bad usage, finally came to mean the ultimate (ideal) divine reality of the universe (already in ^cAttar).

 

HLL. hulül, (1) in grammar, the incidence of the accident of inflection (i^crâb); (2) in the law, the application of a statute: substitution of the curator for the testator (Ibn^cÀbidïn, IV, 597); (3) in Hellenistic philos­ophy, the (illuminating) information of the passive intellect by the ac­tive intellect, and of the body by the immaterial soul; (4) in mysticism (Muhâsibî), intervention of divine grace in man (fc^ida); ($) divine visitation, in the Shiite Imam (= badâ: Ghayba, 41, 63), in the saint (Hallâj). A term with Christian resonance, condemned by Mu^ctazilite theologians and Bâqillânî (against Faris the Hallajian), for whom speak­ing of a “place,” a point of impact for immaterial realities, was to mate­rialize them. Hallâj himself rejected the term (in his prose, C 178).

KhTT. khatt al-istiutâ, equatorial writing (Akhb. 32, 34). The 28 Arabic let­ters were traditionally identified with the 28 astral mansions of the zo­diac (and Fatima with the western reddening of sunsets when the Moon [= the Imâm] appears; this Shiite metaphor (Ja^cflir ibn Mansûr al-Yaman, Kashf, and the Hurûôs) is “sublimated” by Hallâj in a via negativa (Lâm-Alif).

KhMD. khumûd... taht mawârid..,, “the ember kept hot... under the rain of ash ...” Hallajian metaphor taken up by four contemporaries: Su- bayhi (Hilya, X, 354; Stb 60);* Abü ^cUthmân Maghribï (Baqlï, I, 44); Su^clükî (Qush. 182); and Wâsitï (Baqlï, I, 539; cf. id. on Qur. 12:83).

DHRY. dhânyât, the burning simoom of the Judgment (Akhb., no. 2). This Qur’ânic term (Sura 51) is the oldest known example of apoca­lyptic exegesis in Islam; for spreading word of it, Sabigh ibn^cIsl, a say- yid of the Hanzali clan of the Tamim, was ordered flagellated by the caliph ^cUmar (add “QSt, II, n<5” to the reference given in my “Salmân Pâk1933, p. 27). - ghamama, zullat Madyan.

RWH. Rüh Ndtiqa, the Speaking Spirit (color: white). Term of Ismaili origin (OK, 441, 445; Abü Hâtim Râzi, A^clSm, 200), which Hallâj was the only Sufi to use. Also rüh qadïma (eternal spirit), an extremist (cf. R 17) Hanbalite term (cf, also Rabâh, Kulayb; Nuri in Qush. 126) con­noting the Rüh al-Amr of the Qur’ân, the Holy Spirit; also connoting the secret guest of the holy soul. Opposed to the nafs nâtiqa (the speak­ing soul) of the Hellenistic philosophers.

Sh^cSh^c. Nür sha^csha^cânï, “scintillating light,” the first emanation of the Nür ^cuiwî (supreme light) according to the Qarmathians (Malati, f. 16). The nür sha^csha^c3nï is a rüh sha^csha^canï, “spirit scintillating (with love),” in­forming the heart of the believer in the second flash of divine love (^cAmr Makkï, ap. Daylamfs ^cAtf, no. 39, cf. Hallâj, ap. ^cAtf, 48a). It is also the red light (Ibn ^cArabï Tajalliyât, P. 6640, 67a), which will radiate

The numbering Massignon uses is also that of Pederson's edition. from the center of the Sun of Judgement (Nusayri theory: Balansi, 84- 85; I^e tidâl, II, 73, article on Fatima; OK 460: Pâtir; Khasïbî, Hidâya, 263a; ^cAqïda halabiyya, 4b; Kilâni, Ghunya, 11, 132).

ShHD. shahid (pl. shawâhid, rather than shuhüd), means (1) instrumental (“purified”) witness in sacred law; (2) an authoritative grammatical ex­ample in verse; (3) a living being (especially a human being) who ex­presses and bears witness to God (by the beauty of his face, which becomes suspect of idolatry; or by the accent of his speech). The third sense is relevant to the mystic “holders” of this term (qâ^ilün bi‘l-shahid: after Abu Hamza and Nüri: Hallâj, Fâris, and AB Wâsitî; Abû Hul- mân), which was rejected starting with Ibn Yazdânyâr (Sarrâj, fragment of the Luma^c, ed. Arberry).

DM R, damfr, the conscious self of man (as opposed to sirr, his deep uncon­scious). Taken horn the grammatical meaning of “pronoun” (- mudtnar, according to the Basran school; as opposed to maknï, Küfan school),

ZLL. zill mamdüd, the shade extended (Qur. 77:30) of Paradise, which is ambivalent (Ja^cfar ibn Mansûr al-Yaman, Kashf, 69, where it is the Sin). ^cShQ. ^cishq, love as desire (as opposed to mahabba, the static idea of love).

Audacious term, of Hasan Basri’s school (cf. herein, ^cAbd al-Wâhid ibn Zayd); its theological definition by Hallâj is explained at length, as to origins and consequences, in “Interferences philosophiques et percées métaphysiques dans la mystique hallagienne : Notion de ^’Essentiel Dé­sir’” (“Philosophical Interferences and Metaphysical Breakthroughs in Hallajian Mysticism: The Notion of‘Essential Desire/”] in Melanges Jo­seph Maréchal, Brussels and Paris, 1950, 2:263-96).

GhMR. taghmïr al-qalb, the anointing of the heart: Ibn ^cAta (Htlya, V, 302; Faris, on Sura 12).

QWM. maqâmât, the stages or degrees of mystical union (as opposed to ahwSl, the states of mystical union), from the point of view of the mys­tic's effort (as opposed to the point of view of the gifts of divine in­forming grace). The traditional list of maqâmât comprises two parallel series: ten degrees, and nine gifts (the X: tawba, wara^c, ztihd, [yn6r], faqr, shukr, khauj [raya], tawakkul, rida; the IX: mahabba, shawq, ^uns, qurb, hayâ, ittisâl, qabd [bast], Jana [baqa], jam^c [tafriqa] — according to Sarrâj, Lwna^c, 42, Qush. 38, ^cAwanf, IV, 232, 276, 290; Kalabadhi gives seven­teen; Harawi gives one hundred manazil, in ten groups of ten). Hallâj, who goes beyond these, toward the Master of the “XL” degrees and gifts (Taw. III:i), once enumerated “twelve dawdft” corresponding to Ja^cfar's twelve burüj [Essai, 1st and 2d French ed., supplement, J 8].

N.B., by the time Dhû'1-Nûn Misri was working out these lists, the profane poets Ibn Dâwûd (Zahra 19) and Niftawayh (ap. Mughaltay, 42) had made lists of the (8, or 5) mental stages of the malady of love, with analogous technical terms (istihsân, mawadda, mahabba,[51] khulla, hawa, ^cishq, tatyim, walah; ira da, mahabba, hawa, ^cishq, tatayyum). Cf. also Ibn Hazm’s list (Mudâwât al-nufils, 36).

K^CB. ka^cba, the Black Stone of the Haram in Mecca, symbol of the pri­mordial Covenant of souls. By extension, Hallâj, in his infamous '‘Let­ter to Shâkir ibn Ahmad/* for which he was condemned, uses the name ka^cba for the human body of a witness for God who offers himself as an Abrahamic victim to the sword of the Law (Ibn Dihya, Nibras, 103). This sense is taken up by ShushtaH (Diw. Hallâj, p. 137).

kun, “be,” "fiat," Stf no. 1. Used eight times in the Qur’an (Muqâ- til, in Passion Fr 3:1x5 n 4/Eng 3:104 n 32), each time for “^cIsa and the Judgment” Kun is the word that realizes directly, that creates with­out a middle term, “without anything else*’ (bi-laysa; which the Ismailis contrast to bi-aysa), e.g., the Throne, Tuba, Adam (according to Ta- waddud, 44). It is Ibn ^cArabi’s Jahwâniyya (ms. P. 6640, 72b, 76a; Ism. Haqqi, Rüh, II, 329; Must. Yf. Salam, 249). It is contrasted with cre­ation by the “two hands,” yadayni (cf. this word), which give life (— ^cilm + qudra, Akhb. 2).

LBS. talbls, murky ambiguity. Mukhammisa Shiite term, meaning the god ^cAli*s illusory plurality, reflected in the other four “people of the mantle” (Bashshâr, in Kashi, 253). Term limited by Hallâj to considera­tion of the taklif ^can al-wasa^it, the legal duty concerning mediate causes (which allow access to God only by their disappearance).[52]

La kill, divines nature (as opposed to human nature, nâsüt). Both are Syriac Christian and Manichaean terms reworked by the Ismailis (MaJati, Tanbih) and Nusayrîs: Khasîbi (Diw. 22b: lâhüt — Ism — Mim; 34a: na~ sût = qudra + tjâd ~Sïn). Hallâj, according to Daylami (^cAtf 48b) and Ibn ^cArabi (Fut. IV, 367), is the only Sufi to have used these two terms, which Ibn Khaflf would later condemn. Cf. ïkhw. Safa, III, 97; OK 472; Ibn al-FSrid, v. 455.

LHM. ilham (Qur. 91:8), private inspiration (as opposed to wahy, angelic inspiration), accepted as a legal source by the Shafi^cites alone (Bagh- dâdl, Usûl). According to Harawi, this was the basic problem, which the judges, by condemning Hallâj, rashly decided (Harawi, Tab. s.v. ; cf. Madârij, I, 24-27, II, 277; Hujwiri, 271, 284; FakhrRazi, Taj's. II, 426). Stf 83, 84, 119.

LWH. la²ih, the shining appearance of God. Hallâj’s term (Diw., p. 26, 48; R.iw. 23: alûhâ), daringly taken up by Harawi at the end of his Manazil al-sa^inn (Madarij, HI, 332), to Ibn Taymiyya’s great indignation (Mjw- haj, HI, 86, 93).

MWT. law kushifa lamatü"³ (Stb no. 1), death, conceived as the raising of the veil of the Name imposed on us by God. Quotation from a pro­nouncement by Sahl (sirr al-rubübiyya: cf. herein, ch. 5, sec. 4. Hallâj's very phrase is grafted onto the rhyme of a phrase of Sari Saqati : “man ahabba Allah ^câsha; wa man mâla ila’l-dunya tâsha; wa'l-ahmaq yaghdtl wa~ yarüh ft lâshi*’ (Kitab rawh al-^cànfin, attributed to Najm Kubra, printed at Constantinople, 1275 a.h., p. 80).

NZR. nâzir al~^cayn, the nadir of the eye (inaccessible; as opposed to bâtin al-qalb_f the inside of the heart: Akhb. 50). Sublimation of a Shiite term (Ja^cfar ibn Mansür al- Yaman, Ta^wtl al-zakat, 98).

YD. yadayni = the two hands of the Creator (min aysa) - qudra 4- baqâ (Ibn Taymiyya, Fat. V. 241) or ni^cma 4- ihsdn (Ibn al-Jawri) or Nür sha^c- sha^canl 4- hiktna (mystical Druze manuscript, 29). Mode of creation by the yadayni mabsütatayni of God (Qur. 5:69; Ibn Taymiyya, i.c. V, 72) — du^ca 4- ^cibada (HaJlâj, ap. ^cAtt5r, Tadhk., in supplement). Superior to creation ex nihilo by the kun according to the Ismailis (Sab^ctniyya, 22) ; or inferior, according to Hasan Basrî (Qüt, II, 87; Shahrast., II, 124).

Ya Hü = Qdyim Nâtiq (Y. Khachab, Nasiré Khosrau, 155), as opposed to Ya Stn ~ Qiyâm Salsal (cf. Akhb. 27). Hallajian term of Shiite origin (Nu- sayri: yâ Hü = ^cAli ap. Bak. 10, 1. 8; Khasibi: ^cabd Taha wa al-Yâstn [Diu/. 2b]; Muzhir, I, 180; Al-Tfâtr, and nür Tâsînt [Khasîbï, Diw., 18a]).

RÊMAKK

On the process of interiorization (tadmïn)⁶ specific to semantic symbol making in Semitic languages, especially Arabic, cf. Khadir Husayn, ap. Majalla de I’Ac. de langue Arabe, Cairo, i (1934), 180-99, and my studies:

a.   in Eranos (Zurich) : “Le Temps dans la pensée islamique/’ 1949 [Opera Mi­nora, ed. Moubarac, Beirut 1963, 2:606-12; “Time in Islamic Thought/* trans. Ralph Manheim, in Testimonies and Reflections, ed. Herbert Mason, Notre Dame, 1989, 85-92], for the words waqt, hâl, wajd; “L'Esprit dans la pensée islamique,” 1946 [called, “L’Idée de l’Esprit dans l'Islam/' O.M. 2:562-65; “The Idea of the Spirit in Islam,” trans. Manheim, in

6,           In the fragment Stf [Sulami’s Tafstr] 84, Hallîj explains that true “closeness" is achieved by a mental “approach." Which is not external annexation of the object by gradual analysis of its differentials but inner substitution of oneself for the object, by being transported into the midst of it in a mental decentering analogous to the Copernican decentering of Ptolemy ’s system of understanding the world. This method is the basis of all of HallSj’s parables, from those in the Taw&tn to the parable of the crescent moon (Stf,, no. 6). It is not an intellectualization detached from the experience of love’s ecstasy; it is a conversion from a system of rectangular coordinates to one of polar coordinates (cf. the cartography of the seven Iranian kishutfr, ap- G.Budé (II, 1943, HZ-431; cf. review Arabiea, 1943, no. 1).

Mason, ed. cit., 74“79]; “L'Onirocritique,” 1945 [O.M. 2:554-61 ; “The Interpretation of Dreams”]; “L'Homme parfait/' 1948 [O.M. i: 107-25; “The Perfect Man”], p. 300 ff. of the Eranos Yearbook for the chrono­grams of Maryam, “290,” and of the Seven Sleepers, “309”; translated into Arabic by ^CAR Badawi, Cairo, undated). [See also, on these sub­jects, “The Notion of 'Real Elite* in Sociology and in History,” in The History of Religions: Essays in Methodology, ed. Eliade and Kitagawa, Chicago, 1959; reprinted in Mason, ed, cit., 57-64).

b.    in Dieu Vivant (Paris); “Le Pèlerinage” [“The pilgrimage”] and “So­yons des sémites spirituels,” cahier XIV [O.M 3:823-30; “Let Us Be Spiritual Semites”], on literal biblical exegesis.

c.    in the Roseau d’Or (Paris): “L'Expérience mystique et les modes de styl­isation littéraire,” 1927 [O.M. 2:371-87; “Mystical Experience and The modes of Literary Stylization”].

d.    in Etudes carmélitaines (Paris): “La Syntaxe intérieure des langues sémi­tiques et le mode de recueillement qu'elles inspirent,” 1949 [O.M. 2:570-80; “The Inner Syntax of Semitic Languages and the Mode of Meditation They Inspire”]; “Le Coeur,” (qalb) 1950 [O.M.2:428-33].

e.    in Lettres d’humanité, G.Budé (v.2, 1943, 122-43), Paris: “Comment ra­mener à une base commune l’étude textuelle de deux cultures, l’arabe et la gréco-latine” [O.M. 1:172-86; “How to Find a Common Basis for the Textual Study of Two Cultures, the Arabic and the Greco-Latin”]; trans, into Turkish by Burhan Toprak; reprinted in Revue du Caire.

f.     in the Mardis de Dar el Salam, Cairo: “Valeur de la parole humaine en tant que témoignage,” cahier 1, 1951 [O.M. 2:581-84; “The Value of Human Speech as Witness”]; “Les Feuilles archéologiques d'Ephèse et leur importance religieuse pour la Chrétienté et l'Islam,” cahier 2, 1952 [O.M. 3:104—18; “The Archeological Excavation of Ephesus and Its Importance for Christianity and Islam”].

ANALYSIS OF THE LEXICON

i.     Inventory of the Technical Terms

A, Classification According to Origin

i)           qur’ân

The lexicon's principal source, the one to be consulted first, is the Qur’an. These Muslims knew it by heart and would assiduously recite it in order to create a setting for their daily meditations/ In forcing them­selves to recite the text uninterrupted from start to finish (khatm) they aimed to achieve the discipline of istinbat^ the immediate elucidation of the meaning of each verse, considered in context, at its place among the other verses. As in the Hanbalite rule, "Do not (like the critical com­mentators) look for two separate passages from the Qur’an in order to juxtapose them; read the Qur’an from beginning to end."^{[53] [54] [55]} Those who meditate a text to live by it tend to employ a simultaneous, synthetic con­sideration of the whole, instead of piecemeal, analytic consultation of iso­lated elements, the legal cross-referencing preferred by lawyers.^[56]

In the lexicon, we have seen that some well-known mystical terms were borrowed from the Qur’an: dhikr, sirr, qalb, tajalli, istimS^c, istiqama, is- thud, istind^c, istifa, sidq, tkhlâs, riyd (8:49), rida, khulq, ^cdm, nafs mutma^inna (89:17), saktna, tawba, da^cwd_f yaqïn, Allah = Nür (24:35) - blaqq (22:6).^[57]

Moreover, by direct derivation, the Qur’an supplied khulla (4:124), tawakkul (3:153), Jutuwwa (from jitya, 18:9), tarns, süra, dunüw, (53:8), ladunnt (from ladunnâ, 18:64), hâl (from yahitl, 8:24), tabfa (from taba^ca, 4:154), and sayhür (from yushar, 22:21); the Juqahâ and mutakalUmün used the same process of etymological derivation for their respective vocabular­ies. The Qur’an is also the source of the following pairs of opposites : zdhir- batin (57:3), tül-^card (57:21; 40:3), qabd-bast (2:246), mahw-ithbdt (13:39), sabr-shukr (3 :136-38), fanâ-baqâ (60:26-27).

There is no need here to point out the antique, foreign elements (Ara­maic^[58] and Persian^[59]) within the Qur’ânic vocabulary because these words were almost certainly Arabized well before the seventh century a.d.

Two objections might be raised to the preceding list. First, each of the terms appears only in the Qur’an: identifying them as the seeds of large and complex mystical theories would seem excessive. Response: In the Qur’an they are mutashâbihât, “ambiguous terms” that stop the reader and do not yield to the first analysis. The process of istinbdt, the frequent, com­plete rereading of the text with a view to “swallowing” after much “chew­ing,”^[60] brings the intelligence, in the course of each new recitation, into violent contact with these words. The troublesome terms must be ab­sorbed at any cost; therefore the verbal resources already assimilated by reading the rest of the Qur’ân are made to crystallize around them. This phenomenon of crystallization occurs constantly in the mind of any care­ful reader, whether of a poem, code, or catechism: the difficult words are the important ones; when brought to light they are the key to the pas­sage. The intelligence attacks them like knots in order to explain and understand the whole, eventually to participate in the guiding intention of the author.

Secondly, there is the objection that quotations of Qur’ânic terms can be mere pretexts, smokescreens used by innovators to hide the extraneous sources of their condemnably borrowed theories. Response: With certain pseudo-mystics, the possibility of a more or less undeniable deception of this type is not to be excluded.^[61] But such a phenomenon of mental decay^{[62] [63] [64]} cannot provide the basis for a valid explanation of the growth of any religion's dogma. Every religion, like Islam, has at its foundation a specific body of '‘prophetic” preaching. From this source it offers each adept an identical structure intended for the realization ab intra of a way of life. The sructure is characterized by “individualizing points'* on the basic design of the catechism, and by “vital points'* of contact with social reac­tion. These points are marked precisely by the mutashâbihàt, terms that are said to be ambiguous because each believer may elucidate their meaning through a devoted effort of his whole being: by engraving them onto his memory, testing them with his intellect, putting them to work in his con­duct.ⁿ Having asserted this, one may concede that certain lukewarm and disillusioned believers have made Qur³ânic mutashâbihât the locus for para­sitic grafts, as they artificially joined foreign concepts to their decaying re­ligious systems.

n) early NAHW

The second source is all of the purely Arabic disciplines of the first de­velopment of Islamic civilization: early grammer (before Sîbawayh), the reading of the Qur*3n, pre-Hanafite jurisprudence, and the critique of the hadith (before Yahyâ Qattân)?¹ It was grammar that furnished the mystics with the specialized meanings of the following terms (some are Quranic) : dnmïr, htiifa huwa, sifa (opp. wasf), haqiqa (opp. majaz, maqàl), shahid, (opp. mi that), jam^c (opp. farq), mcfrifa (opp. nakira), hulül, hSl, rasm^illa, khafî (opp. jah, concerning shirk), tajallt, iqtirân, mulhaq, ishara.^[65]

Hl) EARLY KALAM

The third source is the purely Arab theological schools before ^cAllaf and Nazzâm: Khârijï and MurjPi, Qadari and Jaban. The words they clarified for the mystics are ^caql, ^cadl. tawhtd, ^carad (opp. dhdt), sifa (opp. na^ct), sura, (opp. ma^cnà) qadïm (opp. muhdath, Qur. 21:2), tanzih, ^cazama, thubût, tvujüd (opp. ^cadam). Other terms refer to very old legendary themes, crystallized by certain hadtth in the second century A.H.; we cannot be sure whether they came from pre-Islamic Arab or foreign sources. E.g. : subuhSt al-wajh, durra bayda, kibrit ahmar, shabb qatdt, ism a^czam,'⁴ dîk abyad, ^canqâ mughrib;¹⁵ and invocations like yâ munawuÂr al-qultlb, dalU al-mutahayyifin, ghSyat al- su^âl u/a'l-ma^mül.¹⁶

IV) HELLENISTIC LEARNING

The fourth source is the scientific teaching of the time, presented in a sort of koipt) [Aoiwe], or technical Aramaic lingua franca, that eastern philo ­sophical syncretism constructed little by little over the first six centuries A.D.'⁷ by copying terms from either Greek or Persian. This syncretism is not exclusively Hellenistic, but contains Iranian (and perhaps Sogdian) ele­ments; nor is it purely Neoplatonic or Hermetic, as some of its compo­nents are gnostic, “Bardaisanian,”’⁸ or Manichaean. It is more secular than religious, althouth it borrows certain Christian, pagan, and Mazdean ritual terms.¹⁹ It is one, with its disparate elements combined into a single ency­clopedic classification. Examples are, in medicine, the Syro-Persian terms of the school of Jundisâbür;²⁰ in the zodiac, kadkhodâ (Persian), borrowed as the antithesis of kaylaj (Greek: vàikôç [hulikos]);²¹ the books of Agatho- demon (Hermeticism), which were combined with the books of Jâmâsp (Mazdeism).

Founded on the Aristotelian scientific canon and Hellenistic medicine and alchemy, these technical teachings were rapidly translated from the Aramaic into Arabic/² They influenced Islam along two lines. Gnosticism (astrology, alchemy, talismans) affected extremist Shiite sects; metaphysics, Sunni theologians?³ Examples:

14.            Passion, sec index.

15.           Ibn al-Kalbl (ap. Ibn Mukarram, Lisdn, see under ^canq) gives a pre-lslamic etymology; ^CA.M. Kindi (Risala, 12) gives a Buddhist origin.

16.            Jawshatt Wûrof Hidi Sabziwari, lith. 1267, p. 75, 78, 393.

17.           As early as the sixth century a.d. Aramaic was overcoming Greek in the Eastern dissident churches. In the eleventh century, Arabic would take its place.

18.            Daysâniyya of the Fihrist [cf. ch. 2 n 143].

19.           Fundamental point: there was no direct, autonomous action of Greco-Syriac paganism or Persian Mazdeism on Islam; the propaga ting force of those two religions was already com­pletely spent by that time. It was through the intermediary of Eastern philosophical syncretism that certain pagan and Mazdean terms were brought into Islam; they first had to encapsulated and cleansed by various initiatory teachings; Harranian gnosticism, eastern Manichaeism (which, at the same time, in the Byzantine lands, was producing the movement of the Paulicians-Bogomils) and neo-Mazdakian communism (the Khurramiyya, converted c, 245 by DindSn to Ismaili Qarmathi- anism). On the other hand, we shall see that for a brief period there may have been some direct action of Hinduism on Islam (see below, sec. 3.E).

20.            E,G. Browne, Arabian Medicine, 34—35 (cf. 28, 33).

21.            Passion, see index.

22.            Ibid., Fr 3:14-15/Eng 3:7-8.

23.           Mu^ctazilites; and even the Syrian monophysite Christian, like Yahya ibn'Adl, who is a sort of pre-Averroist.

a)           Literal borrowings. Arabic terms artificially diverted from their usual meanings (^ciUa, siira, istihâla, idmihlâl, kawn [opp.Jàs&f], tabt^ca [the four temperaments], rawâ^ih [chemical effluvia]); Arabic equivalents forged from corresponding Arabic root-material (huwiyya, anniyya, talasht, ta^al- luh, wahdaniyya);’⁴ words simply transcribed and Arabized (jawhar, istaqsât, kunndsh).

Borrowings classified by subject: astrology (d/fàk, adwSr, akwar, nawniz, zij,¹⁵ mihrijân, jawzahar, kardâj, etc.); medicine’⁶ (kunnash [in Syriac -jain'i in Arabic], tawallud, nazar [opp. khabar], istidldl, tarbiya [= cosmetics], aqrabadhm, bazzahrd, tiryâq); logic (the ten categories, or dawâ^ir, of the pseudo-Empedocles); political morality (books of akhlâq, the Hellenized Fürstenspiegel of Anushirvan and Buzurjmihr; cf. Miskawayh; dtwan, waztr);²⁷ asceticism (jihad al-nafs of Ibn al-Muqaffa^c; macrocosm and mi­crocosm; anwâr [celestial, incorruptible, spiritual substances, separate intel­ligences,’⁸ as opposed to the ajsâm in the works of ^cAli ibn Rabban and Jibrâ/ïl Bukhtyishû^c [Bukhtïshû^c];[66] Tadmir al-maydan of Ibn Hayyân]).

b)           Structural parallels. The doctrine of the opposites (light and darkness, books of mahâsin wa addàd); the discipline of the secret (starting with the Elchasaites and among the Manichaeans: k atm ân, ifshâ al-sirr)', the doctrine of countable causes (without tasalsul, but with the negation of the [virtual or actual] infinite, beginning with ^cAli ibn Rabban)/⁹ from which comes the role of causality in Hanafite law/° as well as medical etiology and ther­apeutics, perhaps imitated by the mystics for the “maladies of the heart*'; the doctrine of the transmigration of souls that contaminates certain the­ologians, both Mu^ctazilite (Ibn Hâyit, Ibn Yânüsh) and Qarmathian (Abu Ya^cqub Sijzi allows it, if within a given species)/' spiritual, astrological de­terminism of movements and destinies: God himself cannot suspend the laws (falak) (therefore, the irresponsibility of souls [ibaha]).^J2

2.    The Method of Interpretation

A. The Guiding Principles:
Chances of Error, Pseudo-Borrowings

The preceding inventory is no more that an attempt to classify the data of the problem to be solved. Only a complete study of the early Islamic mystics’ authentic works (enumerated here in chapter 4) will permit us, as we construct the lexicon of their Arabic, to answer the endlessly argued question of foreign influences’³ on Sufism’s development.

The philological method is the only one that will permit the presenta­tion of serious evidence, i.e., evidence that will be able to bring the spe­cialists into agreement if certain rules are strictly observed:¹⁴

i)                     After indicating literal coincidences between two texts and justi­fying them chronologically and geographically, one must still demonstrate that there was a real genealogical kinship between the thoughts carried in those texts. Without that demonstration, the question remains unanswered.

ii)                   Gathering a list of items, accumulating examples of parallelism be­tween the schematic formulas in two works, does not prove that a didactic relationship existed, that the two authors were teacher and pupil.

iii)                   An observation after the fact (given results and ramifications in society) that the guiding intentions of two prominent mystics have converged does not show that an agreement was made, or a word given; in short, that there was collusion. Two sincerities can be alike, without allegiance, and both be right.

These rules must be observed by literary critics who wish to avoid con­fusing original work with plagiarism. Not all writers are pirates dealing in themes from legend. Novelists do not necessarily sink into unconscious ventriloquism in imagining they can invent (as it must be admitted they can); nor poets, in believing they hear an inspired voice from within.

The cautionary measures are even more important for a historian of sci­entific methods; without them he risks confusing the inventor’s imagina­tion with the skill of the man who puts the invention to valuable use, the industrialist with the engineer, the capitalist with the technician.

They are absolutely indispensable to anyone wishing to savor and com­pare the works of mystical writers. The scholar will not succeed as long as

33.           As foreign, that is, to the Arab world as to Islam. Imitation, ad extra’ influence, ab intra.

34.          They do not seem to be strictly observed by Kremer, Cullutgeschiehtliche Streifziige auf dem Gebiete ties hlams (C.S.), i873.

he only classifies technical terms and compares the structure of the authors’ statements of dogma; he must personally redo the moral experiment,^[67] re­living the experience by putting himself, at least hypothetically, in the place of his subjects, in order to gain a direct, axial understanding of the consequences of their rules for living*

In comparative literature, especially in the field of popular myth, it is admitted, a little too easily,^[68] that imitation of X by Y, or borrowing, has taken place, on the sole evidence that identical separate elements, such as the princess with golden hair or Tom Thumb, are found at the same spot in the fabric of two different fairy tales. If this purely formal comparative method is to be adapted to the study of philosophical and mystical lexi­cons, it must be changed profoundly. Two sailors from different counties, on a brief shore leave, can swap stories in sign language in the time it takes to buy each other a drink. Two philosophers will communicate more slowly, have more trouble making contact, perhaps need time for reflec­tion. Two mystics will understand each other with even more difficulty: they must form judgments of each other and test the sincerity with which they put their rules for living into practice. Each must see the results of the other’s rule.

When a storyteller composes a fable — groups themes, characters, and anecdotes in certain circumstances of time and place — it is said that the fa­ble has sprung entirely^[69] from his creative fancy. No set of axioms justify­ing the arrangement of images needs to be assimilated in order for listeners to understand. Therefore the fable, though transposed into other idioms and civilizations, can still be recognized by its basic structure.

When a philosopher or learned man organizes his research and con­structs a theory, the ideas collected are concepts that have been elaborated over time and removed from the material from which they were once ab­stracted. Their arrangement no longer depends upon a narrative sequence of specific occurrences, accepted in order and without argument, as in the case of fairy tales.^[70] The ideas are arranged in general logical categories; another mind, in order to penetrate such a theory, must climb the scaf­folding of its rational logic, discovering the base, joints, and niches along the way. For example, in order for a historian of scientific methods to af­firm that the Arabs borrowed a certain algebraic solution from the Indians, he must show not only that the givens of the problem, as presented among both groups, more or less coincide,³⁹ but that the structural process used to find the solution was the same.⁴⁰

A fortiori in mysticism. In my view, in order for Nicholson to assert that a tenuous introspective definition or a new technical differential, such as the fana bt’l-Madhkûr of Sufism, was borrowed from India (Patanjali’s dhyana), he must show not only that the same isolated elements exist in two authors, as he would have to do in the case of pure, imaginative fancy; and that the constructive process used to introduce this new differ­ential was analogous, as if the mystical definition were a hypothetical sci­entific postulate; but also that the authors demonstrated the convergence of their guiding intentions by an equal conviction in their rules for living, and, if they were contemporaries, that they personally showed a burning mutual desire to convince each other:⁴’ he must prove in effect that the two were interpermeable.

Moreover, mystics do not, like literary authors, only consider intellec­tual themes for their own sake,⁴² or, like scientists, only seek a solution that will generalize their ideas.⁴³ They consider the reality that practicing a constructive method can enable them to discover. One last, purely reli­gious problem therefore arises: the reality that the mystic seeks is only known to have been achieved when we can observe the consequences, personal and social, of his life.

B. Some Fortuitous Coincidences

ISOLATED TECHNICAL HOMONYMS

i) By a fortuitous coincidence of two independent thoughts with a limited register of corresponding images⁴⁴

The primordial point: kha (Sanskrit); neqodâ rishônâ (talmudic); nuqta asliyya (Hallâj) : coincidental terms, without any real kinship among their respective processes of formation.

J$. Because the problem will arise a priori in every thoughtful mind independently undertak­ing an examination of the science in question.

40.           Since there may be several independent processes leading to the same result (the demon­strations of a proposition, in mathematics; the various routes of an ascent, in mountain climbing).

41.           This is the true mystical goal of sincere apologetics (cf. Leibniz and Bossuet, and, more deeply, the cases cited in RMM XXXVI, 57). The poetic outrageousness of the Arabs overshoots this goal in the odd legend of the two friends mentioned by Stendhal (De I'amaur, book 2, ch. 53, “fragments"), excerpting from the KitBb al-Aghârû (Fr. Le Livre des chansons],

42.           Art for art's sake.

43.           The passion for discovery; for the hunt (more than the catch), for the game (more than the stakes), for the search (more than the truth).

44.           Images of universal human experience.

The archtypical man: insan qadtm (Manichaean); adam qadmcin (Kab- bala); insdn kâmil (Jïlî) : same remark.⁴-⁵

n) By borrowing for a particular purpose, without subsequent parallels of usage

The Highest name of God: shem hamforash, or the ineffable tetragram (Kabbah); ism a^czam (Sufism).

The column of light: “central column” (Talmud); “column of praise” (var. ^câmûd al-subh: Manichaean; ^câtnüd al-nür: Tustarî);⁴⁶ the role of the dawn⁴⁷ in the Nusayri theogony.

The sparkling of wine (tasha^cshu^c) poured into a cup: symbol of theo­phany, through talbis and takhmtr (as much for the Nusayris as for the Sufis) = the opalization or irisation of the (human) water into which the divine wine is poured (Passion, Fr 3:49, 53 I 24, 308 n 3, 353 n i/Eng 3:41, 45 I 23, 290 n 74, 335 n 10).

Decorative motifs such as these, set into two systems of dogma, do not necessarily play the same role in both contexts. During a plea, if a lawyer takes up the opposing party’s position word for word, he is not implying that it is as valid as his own. The habit does not make the monk, nor the note the song: we could not infer, simply because two authors have used the same words,⁴⁸ that there was even an understanding between them; experimental verification is required.

PARALLELS IN THE MANNER OF PRESENTATION

i) By natural, junctional coincidence, when reason is properly exercised by both mystics on the same body of typical patterns with common themes (life, death, distributive justice)

These parallels are mentioned by Ghazâlï in his Munqidhf⁹ on the sub

45.           Cf. the invocation “God of gods, Lord of lords,” which is found simultaneously among the Sabians (Ibn al-Sabbîh, ap. ShahrastSrd, 11, 47) and the Sufis (Ibn Adham, ap. Passion, Fr 3:15/ Eng 3:8). Cf. the zuhiir Multi, the “clothing of spiritual light,” which is found, having appeared by diffèrent processes, in Christianity, in Manichaeism, among the Sufis (Junayd, "Daw5”: Mbits al- nfir; kiswa of HallSj and WSsitl), and among the Yogis (Patanjali, H, sec. 52). A fortiori we must absolutely refuse to see borrowings in paired words like “divine light," '‘illumination of the heart,” “silence and solitude," and “God and the Beloved,” which are common to mystics all over the world. Merx, Andrae, and Wensinck (Dove, P. Ixxxiv, 11), seduced by Reitzenstein's hypothesis that the initiation rites of all forms of early Asian religious mysticism had a common source, ap­plied it inappropriately and supposed it confirmed the opinion that such word-pairs were bor­rowings, as had already been suggested by certain esoterically minded historians of freemasonry in the beginning of the nineteenth century.

40. Passion, Fr 3:301/Eng 3:283; Kremer, C.S., 39.

47.             Dussaud, Nosetris, 88.

48.            The problem of homonyms and synonyms (Passion, Fr 3:93 tf/Eng 3:82 ff.),

49.    Cairo edition, p. 19; here B. de Meynard’s translation (p. 38) is insufficient [Recueil, p-941- ject of some maxims he was said to have stolen from ancient philosophers: ‘‘The truth is that same of them^s° are the fruit of my own meditations, and, as the proverb says, 'The hoof sometimes^{[71] [72]} falls in the hoofprint.’” In other words, the range of the intellectual process and the rhythm of discursive thought are more or less commensurable and synchronous in those de­voted to serious reflection, since the operation of reason is the sole means of understanding among men. Science — true, experimental science — is not the precarious and artificial result of a blind entangling of atoms. It is a collective conceptual construction that is always growing; since its begin­nings we have been working on it together, and that work is at the very heart of our being as thinking creatures. We assimilate and elaborate our individual experiences according to analogous processes, in order to put them into accord. For example:

Perinde ac cadaver [“like the corpse”]:^[73] “Mithl al-mayit fi yaday al- ghasil,” said Tustari, well before St. Francis of Assisi and St. Ignatius of Lo­yola. Asin struggled to discover a common source (St. Nilus and St.John Climacus), but for solitary men living in groups and dying without grave­diggers, the case was of sufficient immediacy to suggest the image.

Breath control: Patanjali’s pranayama, rhythmic dhikr on the breathing pattern “hü! ha! hi!” in modem Islamic orders, and recitation of the Lord’s prayer in the exercises of St. Ignatius Loyola. Patanjali practiced this disci­pline to make the will master the reflex of breathing, because he con­sidered^[74] the link between breath (prana) and the actualization of thought (vrtti) to be indissoluble. The Muslims practice it to concentrate their ec­static hearing (sama^c) because, during recitation, the alternation of breath­ing^[75] best scans the heart's three vocalizations of the divine H. St. Ignatius practiced breath control^[76] to tighten the frame around his mental contem­plation by fixing the manner of recitation and the average length of prayers said aloud. The three motives and goals are different; the only common trace is regularization of breathing. All mystics are ascetics: they know that they have bodies to tame and that as long as the human body lives, it breathes.

it) By borrowing, to rival each other in zeal and discover who is right

For example :

Vegetarianism (tanahhus'):*⁶ common to Christian, Manichaean, and Mus­lim ascetics. Among the Manichaeans, as St. Augustine indicates/⁷ its exact purpose was to free the points of divine light imprisoned like captives in the dark matter of the vegetables. The disciples of St. Anthony gave it an entirely different meaning, that of bodily mortification for the ascetic him­self. The Muslims agreed with the Christians, with certain nuances/⁸ a sort of “perpetual vow” of vegetarianism (qüt) was the means by which the members of a Shiite mystical sect, the ^cAbdakiyya Sufis’⁹ of Kûfa, bore witness to the ardor of their wait for the imminent coming of the Mahdi.

CONVERGENCES OF GUIDING INTENTION

i) By concordance in the development of morals and dogma

For example :

The wager (on the hypothesis of eternal life): Pascal and Ghazali, moved by the same apologetic compassion for unbelievers, formulated this idea in the same terms and patterns, although Pascal knew nothing of Ghazali.^{[77] [78] [79] [80] [81]}

«) By legitimate borrowing

The borrower feels the richness of an argument barely outlined in the book in which he finds it; having meditated, he in turn takes it up, strengthens it, gives it full weight. Some of Ghazïli’s arguments that re­mained sterile in Islam were made fertile in this way by the Jew, Bahya ben Paquda,^{[82] [83]} and the eastern Christian Bar Hebraeus.⁶³ The same argu­ments gave better results to the coreligionists of the two borrowers than to those of the inventor. Another example :

The replacement of the hajj (the pilgrimage of sacred law) by devo­tional activity, a thesis of Hallâj’s school of mysticism: An outstanding ex­ample of guiding intention outlined by predecessors (in order to combat the ^cumüm al-ntaghfira’s lax inclinations)^[84] and given full weight by HallSj him­self. It first appears with Hasan Basil, who remarks^{[85] [86]} that the only “blessed pilgrimage” (hajj mabriir) is the one from which the pilgrim returns as an ascetic in this world and desiring the next life. Ibn al-Munkadir^6s calls this pilgrimage “the one that wins passage to Paradise.” Soon we find moral counselors giving practical advice of greater and greater boldness: Abu Hâzim Madam advises a young man to abandon the pilgrimage and devote the money intended for travel expenses to supporting his mother.^[87] Bishr Hâfi suggests^[88] that a large sum hoarded for the pilgrimage^[89] be distributed as alms. In a very lovely parable, Dhü’l-Nün Misrî speaks^[90] of a man from Damascus who gave up the pilgrimage in order to relieve the distress of a famished neighbor hic et nunc The mystic says that God, solely for the sake of this man, who had “made the pilgrimage in spirit” (hajja bihimmatihi), granted a pardon to the pilgrims gathered at ^cArafat that year. Finally Ibn ^cAta, commenting on a gloss by Ja^cfar on Qur. 3:96, notes, “Whoever has deprived himself of everything for God sees the road of the hajj open wide before him, for there is the foundation (qitvam) of the call (to all Muslims) to the hajj,'*^[91] Hallâj’s thesis, which I have analyzed elsewhere at length,^[92]’ is the correct dogmatic conclusion to be drawn from these premises.^[93]

3.   The Role of Foreign Influences

A.    The a priori Thesis of Iranian Influence

The proper share of certain external influences on Islamic mysticism re­mains to be assigned.

Ghazâlï^[94] defines mysticism as the thorough, inner examination of reli­gious experiments and of their results in the practicing believer. If we adopt his definition, we must recognize that in any religious milieu where there are sincere and thoughtful souls, cases of mysticism will be observed. Therefore, it is impossible for mysticism to be the exclusive privilege of one race, language, or nation. It is a human phenomenon, on the level of the spirit, that those physical boundaries could not contain. We cannot ac­cept the exact sense of the overly popular theory of pro-Aryans like Gob­ineau and anti-Semites like Friedrich Delitzsch,^[95] that the Semitic peoples are completely unfit for the arts and sciences in general,^[96] and that mysti­cism in the Semitic religions is of Aryan origin. Naturally, the theorists deny the authenticity of Islamic mysticism, which is portrayed as a form of the racial, linguistic, and national reaction by the Aryan peoples, particu­larly the Iranians, against the Arab Islamic conquest. Renan, P. de Lagarde, and more recently Reitzenstein, Blochet, and E.G,Browne, have helped to spread this theory.^[97]

It is an a priori theory that wrongly generalizes from a few special cases.^[98] It assumes the indemonstrable idea that Iran in the seventh century a.d. was peopled solely by Aryans with an entirely Aryan culture.^[99] In re­ality Shiism, which is presented to us as a specifically Persian Islamic heresy, was propagated in Persia by pure Arab colonists, who had come from Küfà to Qum.^[100] The Kurds and Afghans, pure Iranians by race, have al­ways been anti-Shiite. The lists of great Muslim thinkers said to be of "Persian origin,” because their nisba refers to a city in Persia, are mislead­ing.^[101] Most of these men thought and wrote only in Arabic, and were no more separate from the Islamic world, whether they were the sons of clients (tnawâlïf¹ or Arab colonists, than was Lucan of Cordova or Augus­tine of Tagaste from the Roman. Incensed heresiographers^{[102] [103]} have imag­ined numerous "Mazdean survivals” that “conspirators” are supposed to have smuggled into Islam; Firdawsl’s Shâhnâmeh, celebrated as the hand­book of this Iranian nationalism/³ demonstrates above all an archeological enthusiasm, almost as impartial as the Trojan patriotism of Virgil writing the Aenei d.

Finally, this theory, supposedly erected to the glory of the Iranian race, would lead us to perceive unconscious disloyalty in its most illustrious representatives. The theory insinuates that the great Muslim thinkers of Iran, contrary to their explicit statements, gave allegiance only for appear­ances’ sake to orthodox Islam, and that they made considerable efforts to twist and mold it to their narrow, national bias. The explanation is psy­chological, and it will not convince anyone who has lived in intimacy with the works of these great men. No one’s loyalty is greater than Sib- a way h's in Arabic grammar, Isfahan!’s in Arab folklore, Tabari’s and Fakhr Râzï’s in Quranic exegesis. These Persians did nothing to alter the purity of early Islam; in fact they went to greater lengths than anyone else in self­denial and the sacrifice of personal inclinations, in order to safeguard the universalism of their beliefs. It would be rather presumptuous to argue that they did not succeed,⁸*

The limited truth, unduly generalized by the theory of Aryan superior­ity, is that the general grammatical characteristics (vocabulary, morphology, syntax) of our Indo-European languages determine that when an idea is expressed in them, its outer form will differ entirely from its clothing in a Semitic language. The idea’s Aryan presentation, the only one familiar to Western orientalists, is periphrastic, made of words with unstable, shaded contours and changeable endings, words fit for apposition and combina­tion. Very early on, verbal tenses in these languages became relative to the agent, egocentric, polytheistic; the words also have a didactic order, and are arranged in long hierarchical periods by means of graduated conjunc­tions. The Semitic presentation of the idea is gnomic, employing rigid words with immutable and always noticeable roots. The few changes al­lowed are internal and abstract: consonants are interpolated for the general meaning, vowels altered for the precise shade.^{[104] [105] [106]} The conjunctive role of particles is inseparable from the vocalic changes in endings; verbal tenses, even today, are absolute (they concern only the action) and theocentric (they affirm the transcendence and imminence of the One Agent); and finally, word order is lyrical, with phrases parceled into staccato formulas, condensed and autonomous. Whence the misunderstanding of those who, unable to perceive the powerful, explosive concision of Semitic languages, pronounce them unfit for mysticism. They are, after all, the languages of revelation of the transcendent God, of the Prophets,^[107] and of the Psalms. And the Psalms, historically, are the mystical text most widely known among men.^[108] In Islam, the Ma is a psalm,^{[109] [110]} the two suras of Vbayy are psalms, as are the mu^cawwidhatayn. The munSjSt of the first Sufis are psalms as well.

Unable to hold the racial and national ground, the partisans of Iranian influence retreat to linguistic territory; they can show only that certain languages (Semitic) are less appropriate than others (Aryan) for the didac­tic exposition of ideas; a rather secondary observation in religious matters, particularly in mysticism. Like Christianity, Islam has been preached in all languages, including those least like Arabic,⁸⁵ most stripped of grammar, such as Chinese. Mysticism, more than any proselytizing mission, can do without long grammatical periods; in the extreme case, onomatopoeia is enough: the cry that is understood if it is from the heart.^{[111] [112] [113]}

In neither the grammar nor the literature of the conquered provinces was there a serious reaction against the Arab conquerors’ Islamic doctrine. For one or two generations, almost imperceptibly, writers of Greek (Syria) and Persian⁹’ (or huzvaresh in Mesopotamia) continued to be employed at keeping the financial records concerning deeds to land, just long enough for new civil servants capable of writing Arabic to be trained. The Raq- qashi family, famous preachers in Persian, would quickly learn to excel in Arabic sermons on the Qur^an, in Basra.⁹*

B.    Requirements for Demonstrating Foreign Influence

In summary: In order to prove that a linguistic influence from a foreign source entered, permeated, and operated within a system of dogma in a given milieu, it must be shown:⁹³

i)           historically, that there was daily social contact and ferment between the two milieux. If this contact was not intellectual, it must at least have been practical; at a certain time, translators must have effected a transposi­tion, borrowing stories and verbal elements from the foreign idiom.

ii)           philosophically, that religious disputants and apologists adapted vari­ous concepts and partial, incompletely formulated theories from the for­eign idiom. It is therefore important that this idiom should have contained, directed, and transported analogous dogmatic constructions. Only such an intellectual and moral affinity⁹⁴ makes possible a hybridization of the con­quered milieu and the religion of the conquerors.

The first condition is met for the Aramaic (and the Arabic) of the Jew­ish and Christian circles (desert tribes, manufacturing colonies in cities), as well as the Mazdean (huzvaresh) and especially Manichaean circles (manu­facturing colonies in cities), which were allied to the schools of eastern syncretism (dispersed physicians and philosophers). The condition is not met for the Pracrits of India (only one Indian merchant colony: Basra).⁹⁵

By the criteria of that condition, the Hebrew-Christian milieu was the most important in relation to early Islam, because, at the time, it possessed analogous sketches of theology⁹⁶ and theoretical mysticism, and above all an admirable and widely read manual of prayer, the Psalms. In the second rank were the syncretist Helleno-Manichaeans, who were trying to annex theology and mysticism to their synthetic philosophy.

C.    The Hebrew-Christian Milieu: Asceticism and Theology

We must first examine the possible influence on the Muslim believers' ritual intentions of the Hebrew-Christian group, the Arabic or Aramaic­speaking ahi al-kitâb, with whom the Qur³ân specifically authorizes⁹⁷ the pursuit of exegetical discussion. In practice, even conscientious cotnmen-

9J. RMAf, XXXVI, 40 ff.; Passion, Fr 3:7, 2$7/Eng 243,

94-           This would be a tolerable definition of a word much abused since Goethe.

95-           Nor for Syria's peasants, who are supposed to have remained pagan (?), according to Dus- saud's rash hypothesis: his equation Nîzirenï-Nusayrî falb apart because, as I discovered in the field, the jur^cat aI-NSzir3n, northwest of lake Hums, still exists, without any geographical or ety­mological connection to the country of the Nusayris (RMAf, XXXVIII, 272).

96,           There is no precise textual basis for Kremer and Becker's hypothesis on Christian theol­ogy's influence on Ma^cbad and GhaylSn (Qadaii school). Galtier, in his study of the Thousand and Owe Nights {Mémoires, Cairo, i 78—79), has shown the inanity of the “Talmudism” that Chauvin supposes to be in the legend of Milik ibn Dïnlr.

97.           Qur. 10:94; 5: <8. See a work by Biqa^ci allowing references to Christian and Jewish scrip­ture, in order to avoid the wave of hadlth qudsl (cf. Steinschneider, Pol., 390). Biq5^cl, Nairn al-durar. tators like Mujahid^{[114] [115]} and Muqâtil" were reproached for these discussions, which were called dangerous. But a series of historical and legendary ex­amples establishes the reciprocal curiosity, the awareness of an intellectual and moral affinity, that I believe to be indispensable for the beginning of doctrinal hybridization between two milieux.

Geiger,^[116] Kaufmann,^{[117] [118]} Merx,'⁰² Wensinck, and Hirschfeld^[119] have in­sisted on this affinity, for the Hebraic milieu; Merx, Asin, and Becker,^[120] for the Christian.

HEBREW-CHRISTIAN ELEMENTS^[121]*

(IN ARABIZED ARAMAIC FORM)^[122]

r) Literal borrowings (theological and ascetic words'). — Arabized words (nouns ending in -an, or of the form fâ^cûl; adjectives ending in -Snt): Qur’an, Rahman, tüfân, furqân, burhân, sultan; lâhût, nâsüt, nâmüs; fârüq, jabrüt, ntala- kût; hâkül (haykal); kawn (= kyân3, meaning both nature and person); tuba, rabbânï, rûhânï, nafsànt, juthmânî, sha^csha^c3nï; wahdâniyya, Jardâniyya, rahba- niyya; ^cubüdiyya, rubübiyya, ulühiyya, kayfüfiyya. And

— Arabie words borrowed from Aramaic patterns or types, and then spe­cialized: sS³ih_t râhib, ghulam, (deacon), sawma^ca, ^cuk3z, tarbiya, satira (truth), tab^c (from which comes tabfa); Bâti, bariya.

ii) Structural analogies. Eschatological meditations on Hell and Paradise (Qur^Jan; literature of the kutub al-zuhd, al-ahwal, al-tawahhurn);^[123] meth­ods for the examination of conscience (muhasabat al-nafs) ;^[124] scapular (khirqa, beginning with Ibn Harb);^[125] rosary (subha, beginning with Junayd); the talmudic rule of the blue and black threads for breaking the fast; Farqad’s süf (Christian tendency);¹¹⁰ the muraqqa^ca. The Arabic Gospel translations used in Islam¹¹* at the beginning (Ibn Qutayba,”² Warrâq, Sulami,”³ Ibn Jahdam,¹¹⁴ Ibn Hazm, Ghazâlî) have not yet been studied seriously. Wen- sinck is now trying to prove that Stephen bar Sudaili, Isaac of Ninevah, and St.John Climacus were read by Muslims.¹¹⁵ I have pointed out Ara maisms in Junayd’s syntax.¹¹¹⁵

Hi) Fertile hybridizations. During the first two centuries, Arab Muslims and their Christian compatriots lived among one another in Taghlib, Hira, Küfà,”⁷ Najrân,”⁸ San^câ.”⁹ It seems established that hermitage architec­ture was copied; the first khânqSh were at Ramla (Abu Hashim) and Jerusalem (Ibn Karrarn). Until about 250/864’*° Muslim mystics went to consult Christian hermits on theology: ^cAbd al-Wâhid ibn Zayd, ^cAttàbî, and Dârânî recorded curious encounters.¹²¹ While the anecdote about Bistami in Rum¹¹² may be apocryphal,¹²³ the one about Hallâj in Jerusalem appears to be authentic.’²⁴ The caliphal decrees¹²⁵ requiring distinctive clothes for Christians put an end to this life in common. Muhammad ibn Faraj ^cAbid (d. 282 a.h.), answering Muhammad ibn Ishâq Kûfi,’²⁶ asked, ¹¹ From what source does such wisdom (hikma) come to damned monks?” ’'Legacy of the fast, which you find so painful?’ And Ibrâhîm ibn al-Junayd (died c. 270), editor of the Kitâb al~ruhban of Burjulâni (d. 283), said¹²⁷ he found as an epigraph to one of Burjulânï’s books (that same book, no doubt) these meaningful lines: Maiv3^cizu nthbân ...

no, V.i.

in. For Christian recensions, see, Graf, Christiith. Arab. Lit., 1905.

112. Ta^Jwï)_t pp. 262, 270, t8t.

I [3, Jaw<iini^c, ms. Laleli e$i6, f, 165b (“ Matt. 8:22}.

ti4, Bahja, ms. Damascus.

i ï 5. Cf. Noldeke, Awn. lit., in Kuh. Gegcnw., 1 ïj. Since Wensinck (on Isaac of Ninevah), no one has pursued the study of possible Syriac models (hagiography, discourses on morals, philoso­phy). Tor Andra c undertook research on the subject, echoes of which are found in his posthu­mously published book on Sufism, l Myrten-trüdgdrden, Stockholm. The great Gesthichte der rhristlkhen arabischen Literaturby Georg Graf (Rome, 1952) is a valuable source for the Arab period, to be com­bined with the recent discoveries in the Sinai (cf. Mourad Kamil, Les Mardis de Dar el-Salatn, 11 [1952], Cairo, 205-18).

H6, Passion, ch. 14, Fr 3357/Eng 3:339.

117.            Lam me ns, Mo^cawia, 156, 256, 300, ff. Cf. studies of L,Cheikho.

118.            Mission ofEuphêmion (Ibn ’Arabi, Muhâdatôt, I, 131, 94; RHR, XXVHI, 13).

119.            Ibn‘Arabi, MuhSdardt, 1, 182.

no. Afterwards, the "visit to the convent" is no more than a Bacchic theme for poetry.

«21. Ibn^cArabî, Muliâdarât, II, 353"54, 39.

122.            Ms. Paris 1913.

123.            Like the stories of Hasan Basris conversion and Ma^crûf's burial in‘Attar.

124.            Passion, Fr 1 ; 162—63, 3:23 3/Eng 1 : 121-22, 3:220.

125.            De Goeje, Conquête de la Syrie, 148.

126.            Cf. I^e tidal, s.v.

127.            Hilya, under the name Muhammad ibn Faraj ^cAbid.

Monks' sermons, accounts of their acts, true tidings from condemned souls.

Sermons that cure us as we gather them,

though the prescription comes from someone damned.

Sermons from which the soul inherits a warning (S'fera) that leaves it anxious, wandering among the tombs.

Sermons, though the soul hates to be reminded of them.

that incite the heart they have discovered to suffering.

Take this for yourself, you who understand me: If you know how to defend yourself from evil,

hurry! Death is the first visitor to be expected.

[Recueil, 1929, 14—15]

A certain number of ascetic Islam’s early works seem to be free transpo­sitions of Christian writings: the Sahâ^if Idris wa Miisa, Wahb’s false Psalter (Zaêür),¹’⁸ and his Mubtadâ and Isrâ^ïliyât; the Akhbâr al-mâdiyin of the Murji’ite ^cUbayd Jurhumi,’²⁹ and especially the parables attributed to Je­sus, which Asin published under the title Logia D.Jestc... agrapha, of which almost identical versions can be found in DustuwiPi (d. 153), Muhâsibï, (d. 243), andjâhiz (d. 255).'³⁰

D.    Near-Eastern Syncretism:

Sciences, Philosophy, Hemieticism

Muslim believers had an affinity for a second group, the technical teachers (medicine, alchemy, abstract mathematics, astrology) of the Near- Eastern syncretist milieu defined above. Renan, working with Chwol- sohn’s confused data, was the first to perceive the milieu’s existence;¹³' Horovitz¹³² and Wensmck¹³³ have recendy defined its characteristics. It held the precious deposits of the corpus or organon of the science of na­ture, which, as a descendent of Hellenistic experimentation, was cast in the Aristotelian mold. The Neoplatonists had already, in the third century, annexed certain elements of Hermeticism;¹³⁴ the Manichaeans, in the fourth century, astrological and gnostic elements (Renan says “Elcha-

528. lbn^cArabî, bfyhShanit, I, 237; cf. Ghazâli, Ihyd. Cf. mss. Oxford Nicoll 79; London Supp. 261; Paris 1397 (Chcikho),

129.           pihrist, 89.

130.           Asin, Logia, nos. 6, 53; Muhïsibï, Nasifth, âb; Bay Un, HI, 72.

131.           JAP, 1853, sth series, II, 4J0.

L32. Uber den Einfuss tier gritzhish. Philos, auf die Entwickl. des Kalam, 1909,

133.           Book of the Dove.

134.           I have grouped some pieces of information in appendix 3 of Festugière’s Hermétisme, Paris, 1943, 384—400, to be complemented by P. Kraus, Jabir, Cairo (IFAO). sake”).* In the sixth century, the corpus itself, literally translated from the Greek into Aramaic during the Syriac national awakening, was being taught in the same way at various centers in Syria, Mesopotamia, and the area of Susa; these were medical, alchemical, and semi-initiatory cen­ters where Jewish and Christian (especially Nestorian) teachers came into contact with semi-pagans (Harranians), Bardaisanians (daysàniyya), and Manichaeans/³³

Upon making this contact with Jews and Christians, the Muslims hesi­tated somewhat to imitate them. Throughout the second century of the Hijra, some isolated individuals, some zanâdiqa, Ibn abï'I-^cAwjâ, I bn al- Muqaffa^c, Jabir, and, to a lesser extent, the extremist Shiites, took the risk. Ibn Mu^cawiya adopted the astronomical calculation of the new moon.¹³⁶ Jâbir used isolated letters of the alphabet to represent, in fixed systems of notation (alchemical, algebraic, syllogistic/³⁷ and medical)/³⁸ the perma­nent natural functions of things.¹³⁹ Finally, Ibn al-Hakam rediscovered the Aristotelian theory of the process of sensation (mizaj al-ajsUrn) and per­ceived the immateriality of the concept (sunh).

It was only in the third century that a work of fiction adapted from the Qur’an, the romance of the Sabians, allowed the generalization of contacts between Islam and the scientific syncretist milieux. The school of Harran, persecuted in 148 and 159,¹⁴⁰ was summarily ordered to convert to Islam; in 208 its members succeeded in convincing the Caliph Ma’mün that they were descended from the monotheistic Sabians mentioned in the Qur^ân¹⁴¹ and that they should have the same status as Christians and Jews, with whom debate was legal.

The ruse worked. In the same period, an Ibâdite from Fârs, Yazid ibn abï Unaysa, announced¹⁴¹ the imminent arrival of true “Sabiamsm,” “not

*On th» point, it teems (since the deciplwcing of the Codex Manichaicus Coloni ensis in 1970) that Renan may wel! have been right as to the origin of these elements, since die Mughusiia of al-Haslh (see Fihriit, p. 340), among whom Mln! was raised, are now known to be identical to die Ek basait es of Christian heresiography; on die question of the identity or nonidentity of the sects Eîchasaitcs, Mughtasiia, Manda earn, Sabians (Sàbat at- Ôttl&’ih), see, e.g., S. N.C.Lieu, Mottbhaewn, jo-32. None of which answers the question that Massignon raises (see ch an 143) of amalgamations within Muslim tradition of Bardaisan and Ibn MaymQn, both of whom were referred to as Ibn Day sin.

135.           Cf. the odd, semi-Manichaean gospel fragment, in Ikhutân al-taft, IV, 115-17.

i3<5. This work, p. 141.

137.           Which makes the old grammarians indignant (Yîqüt, U<iabS_t Hl, 105-24, after Tawhldl).

138.           Tables of medicines.

»39- Which presupposes the concept of nature (iubiSr), of the natural properties of things (a concept absent from early Muslim kalâttt}, It is the idea ofjafr rationalized (cf. Passion, Fr 3:105/ Eng 3:95, and the idea of Ars magna in Ramon Lull); see the collation given at the end of this chapter.

140.             Destruction of its great shrine.

141.           Qur. 2:59; 5:73; 22:17; seeming to mean, according to Bïrünl (Athâr), the Mandaeans or Mughtasila of W3sit [known since 197° to be a false identification!.

142.             Shahrastânl, I, 183.

that of Was it or Harran," which was supposed to absorb Islam and recon­cile all sects and castes. By about 2io^cAbdallâh ibn Maymün al Qaddâh, a man from Mecca, was dying in prison in Kûfa after founding the astonish­ing secret society^[126] that was supposed to realize this ideal program; the Qarmathians or Ismailis?^[127]

For two centuries, under severe Ismaili discipline, Hellenistic “Sabian- ism," in the threefold form into which it was organized by Qarmathian propaganda, diffused the following throughout Islam: an expanded spirit of scientific research;^[128] syncretism that reconciled all religious confessions by using a methodically graduated theosophical catechism;^[129] and initiatory communism that propagated a ritual of companionship and an understand­ing among trade organizations, and led to the institution of the political Ismaili imamate, or Fatimism. Ismail ism’s egalitarian religious tolerance is well defined by the encyclopedia of the Ikhti’ân al-safâ,^[130] by the aposto- late of Naftr-i-Khusraw (d. 481),^[131] by the politics of Hasan ibn al-Sabbah (d.518), founder of the sect of the Assassins, whose "new propaganda" could still argue for "Sabian" universality of khalïliyya.^[132] The wars of the Crusaders clipped the wings of Fatimism;'^[133] the same stroke saved Sunni orthodoxy, which was being threatened. On the other hand, the great sci­entific teaching favored by the Fatimids passed to Europe and infused ini­tiatory eastern elements'^[134]’ into the corporative movement in our early universities.

How much did eastern syncretism, at least in the transitional forms^[135] of Hellenistic Sabianism and Qarmathian Ismailism, affect the Muslim mystics?

In the third century A.H., at the time of their first encounter, early Is­lamic mysticism and Hellenistic philosophical sycretism possessed indepen­dent lexicons and opposed doctrines.

Lexicons. Mystics use the terms of classical kalâtn in their ordinary senses, not in the specialized manner proposed by the philosophers: e.g., kawn, instantaneous existentialization (not genesis, natural growth, opp. fasâd); and tabi^ca, habit imposed upon a creature, as a visible seal or distinguishing mark (not one of the body’s four internal humors). The mystics also fol­low the rules of Arabic grammar in choosing their terms, unlike the trans­lators of philosophy, who divert usage artificially. Tahlluh, for example, meaning "mystical union” to the Mu^tazilite Mas^cüdï’⁵³ and the Hallajian W5sitl/^M is taken by the hellenistically inclined ^cAli ibn Rabban to mean “devout fervor”;’⁵⁵ wahdâniyya (which means, in dogma as in mysticism, “the pure divine essence”),'⁵⁰ is chosen as the translation of the Greek

(henosis, “unification”),’⁵⁷ which the mystics had rendered as itti- hsd.^if& Sunni mutakallimün and rühïiniyya employ meanings opposite to those given by the physicians under Hellenistic influence for the follow­ing paired terms: rüh—najs, tül — ^card, süra~ma^cnâ (Hellen.: hayûlâ— süra), wait—nabi, haqq ~haqtqa,^îy* athar—khabard^flQ

Doctrine. The mystical proposition of nuqla (cf. süq al~suwar is in contrast to Hellenistic metempsychosis (tanasukh).'⁶¹ The mystical thesis of divine, liberating friendship (khulla) cannot be identified with the idea of the soul’s anarchic emancipation (khalïliyya=ibâha). In the fourth century a.h,, some Qarmathian infiltrations were made: ultra-intellectualist psychology deper­sonalized the soul, reducing rüh to ^caqV^6z in Tirmidhî and Tawhidi; overly rationalist theology exhausted and attenuated divine transcendence,^{[136] [137] [138] [139] [140] [141] [142] [143] [144] [145] [146]} lim­ited the science of knowing God (Ghazâli’s laysafîl4mkân), and compart­mentalized God’s power (Neoplatonic ithbât aLmaqâdîr in Suhrawardï of Aleppo). Finally, the Covenant’⁶⁴ and the Nocturnal Ascent,^l6i two essen­tial points mentioned but unexplained in the Qur*an, became the means by which Qarmathian exegesis penetrated the Islamic mystical milieux. As early as the third century, Tustari perilously’⁶⁶ likened the Covenant (mf- thaq) to the Qarmathian doctrine of the preexistence of souls, which were said to emanate and then be reabsorbed as divine, luminous particles. Though Haliâj did not adopt this idea,¹⁶⁷ Wâsitï used it in his teaching.’⁶⁸ When the Hallâjian thesis of divine transforming union was condemned by law, the mystics returned to Qarmathian exegesis: from the Qur^anic Ascension’s qâb qawsayn¹⁶⁹ they extracted the idea that mystical union was complete even without the transfiguration of the soul’s substance, that union went no further than the moment of perfect intellectual vision'⁷⁰ when the cluster of discourse that defines the divinity for us is dissolved in the void, at the precise moment the senses’ ecstasy begins.

After three centuries of sustained struggle by Kharrâz/⁷¹ Haliâj/⁷² Taw- hïdi/^7î Ghazâlï/⁷⁴ and Suhrawardi of Aleppo¹⁷⁵ ~~ and at the very moment the Fatimids' and Ismailis’ political power was crumbling — Ibn ^cArabi made decisive/⁷⁶ irremediable concessions, which surrendered Islamic mystical theology to the Qarmathians¹ syncretist monism. He depicts all of creation, no longer souls alone, as emanating from God through a five-stage cos­mogonic evolution, the correlative of a rational, symmetrical clarification of the science of God. As for mystical union, we are supposed to become God again by an inverse movement, an ideal five-stage involution that sums up all of creation in our thought."⁷⁷ After Ibn ^cArabi, and thanks to him, the Hellenistic syncretist vocabulary would dominate.¹⁷⁸ The concern

164.           Ibid., Fr 3: lié/Eng 3:105.

165.           Ibid., ch, 14.

166.           Ibid., Fr 3:30t/Eng 3:283-84.

167.           Ibid., Fr 3:U3/Eng 3:101-2.

168.           Ibid., Fr 3:157-58, 375-76/Eng 3:145, 357-

169.           Ibid., ch. 14.

170.           Talisti, a word rejected by Hailîj (KalSbidhI, no. 17 [in Essai, 1st and 2nd eds., appendix]) and allowed by Qurashi.

17 t. Against Tirmidhl.

172.            Against SJlimiyyan concessions.

173,            True precursor of Ghazâlï,

174,            Passion, ch. 14.

175.            Who is the last nonmonist (tarjih, mutiâjâl), in spite of the encyclopedic tendencies that his adversaries exploited before Saladin, the conqueror of the Fatimids, to have him executed as a Qarmathian. After Suhrawardi, the vocabulary, for example, of Ibn al-Firid, the poet, or of Ibn Hammüya, the chief of an order, is unconsciously infected with monism.

f 76. Prepared by Semi-Qarmathian works, themselves suspect, of (he Spanish school : Ibn Bar- rajân; Ibn Qasyl, (author of the Kkal^c al-tnflaytt, which is preserved, with a commentary by Ibn ^cArsbi, in Ms. Shïhid ^cAli, 1174); Ibn ai-^cIrrif; and Musaffar Sibtl.

177. Passion, Fr 2:414 n 3 /Eng 2:39s n 101.

t?8. “The misdeeds of Hellenic culture,” denounced by Suhrawardi of Baghdad in a contem­porary work- to be in theoretical agreement with it would win out over introspection during ritual practice and analysis based on experiment. Although hin­dered by the fervor of believers like ^cIzz Maqdisi, Yafi^ci, Ibn Sïma’üna, Zarrûq, Niyâzi and Nâbulusi, the theory forcibly made experimentation conform.

Ibn Taymiyya, Ibn al-Qayyim, and Dhahabi, in the eighth/fourteenth century, justly stigmatized the Qarmathianism of Ibn ^cArabi and his disci­ples; the only error of these commentators was their simultaneous reproof of early mystics as resolutely anti-Qarmathian as Hallâj and Ghazali. (Note that the latter was indeed haunted by an esoteric tendency.)

The responsibility for the divorce between ascetic discipline (ritual and moral) and mystical theology lies with Ibn ^Arabi’s school, which elabo­rated a subtle theoretical vocabulary aimed at unverifiable cosmogonies and "ideogenies,” and gnostic hierarchies that are beyond experiment (Far- ghânï, Jili, Kawrani).*⁷⁹

The school consummated the schism between the Muslim mystics’ call­ings and their effect on society. The Qarmathian discipline of the secret was substituted for the duty of brotherly correction; mysticism became an esoteric science not to be divulged,¹⁸⁰ the preserve of closed circles of ini­tiates and intellectual fossil groups,¹⁸¹ Gobineau-Verein or Stendhal Clubs of ecstasy, opium dens of the supernatural.

E. Hinduism and Islamic Mysticism

This last problem is not the least delicate. Unlike the experimental sci­entific and philosophical information collected from Greece and Iran, India’s contributions had not been incorporated into Near-Eastern syn­cretism by the eighth century A.D., the time of Islam’s sudden expansion. The case of Hinduism¹⁸³ is therefore exceptional: it had the opportunity to exercise an independent influence upon Islam, through a direct channel to its mysticism.

William Jones¹⁸³ suggested this possibility, but he did not seriously dem-

179. Ard satnsam; arithmomancy.

r8o. Lines of Sïdi Majdhüb, v.s. herein p. r i.

l8t. Nevertheless, among the Sanüsïs, there are social, or rather political, ramifications.

182. And not of a Buddhism, which I believe must Be excluded. In the eighth century, Bud­dhism in India (Hsu an-Tsang) was in an advanced state of decay. The arguments set forth are eas­ily dismissed; of the translation of the KttUb al-hud of Lihiqi we have only the tide; the hypothe­sis of the ttauvihSra of Balkh has now been abandoned; the resemblance of the Sufi's kashktll to the Buddhist beggar's bowl may be fortuitous; the legend of Ibn Adham, the “beggar prince” of Balkh, is an adaptation of the Manichaean version of the story of the Buddha (Barlamn and Joasaph), not a direct imitation; finally, a passage from Jihiz cited below (ch. 4, sec. 6) and used by Rosen, Nicholson, and Goldziher [fWeJunjjen, Eng. trans. 142] to advance the theory of Buddhist influence, is in fact directed at Manichaean ascetics.

183 Asiatic: Researches, tSoj, HI, 353 ff., 37⁶ onstrate an influence with his comparison of later monist Sufism and the Vedanta school, or of Jalâl Rumi’s and Hafiz’s poetry and the Gita Govinda; Tholuck, then Kremer/⁸⁴ Rosen, and recently Goldziher, have shown that they accept the hypothesis to various degress.^{[147] [148]}

What ideas can we be certain were exchanged between Hinduism and Islam? What were the social hybridizations of these ideas in practice? Of what does pure Hindu mysticism, especially Patanjali’s, consist? Finally, what must we think of Bîrûnï, who connects several specific texts, mostly of Patanjali, to sayings of the Muslim mystics Bistâmî, Hallâj, and Shiblï?

Scientific information was directly exchanged between India and Islam during a very short period (ioo~i8o a.h.J. Knowledge was transferred through Basra while Sind belonged to the caliphs and before the Hellenis­tic syncretist corpus was translated into Arabic.

Exchanges observed in mathematics: “Indian” numbers (detwiqgan);^[149] some astronomical tables translated by Fazârî in 154/771 ;^[150] astrological information (Indian jafr, instead of the anwâ³\ namüdhâr); calculation of sines (instead of chords) in trigonometry. Borrowing of information in medi­cine (observations of Charaka'^[151] and Mashqar)^[152]*⁹ and erotology,^[153] perhaps after encapsulation in Pahlavi translations in the manner in which borrow­ing is proved to have taken place in romances (Panchatantra, Jâtakas) and in moral and philosophical writings.^[154]'

And that is all. Bîrûnï, commenting on the sketchy information avail­able to his predecessors Zurqân Misma^cî^[155] and Iranshahri,'^[156] emphasizes that the Muslims’ knowledge of India, even after three centuries of con­tact, is superficial. A reading of the Fihrist leads one to agree. Indian aston­ishes: Muslims, though interested by its bizarre customs'^[157] and natural wonders,^[158] do not seek to understand it. The philosophical school of skep­tics drawn to Hinduism, the Sumaniyya (introduced into Basra by Jarir b. Hâzim Azdi/⁹⁶ 120--140 a.h.), was an aberration that disappeared quickly after offending the conscience of theologians such as Jahm?⁹⁷

Horten's conjectures^{[159] [160] [161]} on the Indian origin of the skepticism of some of the mutakaUimün are useless."^[162] Kremer’s and Margoliouth's, on the poet Ma^carri’s supposed conversion to Hinduism,^[163] remain unverified.

Direct contact stopped in the third century. Hinduism, with its com­plex idolatry and causal chains intertwined ad infinitum (karma, samsara), found itself losing metaphysical ground to Islamic occasionalism’s forceful witness to a living, threatening, transcendent, and personal God. In sci­ence, by 180-200 a.h., Arab translators of Hellenistic syncretism^[164] pos­sessed a doctrine that was clearer, fuller, and more homogeneous than the one maintained in the Indian schools. The syncretist doctrine was also closer to Islam: it taught the search for causes (but not actual infinity) and the one divinity (not explicitly transcendent), supreme giver of order and prime mover; it had an astronomic calendar (which was homogeneous, unlike the multiple astronomic days of the Hindus); it used less time-con­suming methods of calculation and more condensed lists of predicaments and causes of error; its egalitarian political theory unified social morals and behavior (without the compartmentalization of the caste system) and finally justified requiring the whole community to observe the fast and pilgrimage, where Hinduism would have considered those acts to be supererogatory (nafal), strictly optional and individual.

The first serious cases of fertile hybridization between Hinduism and Is­lam appeared in India as a result of Muslim missionary activity. There were two types of these cases, mystical and Qarmathian:

Sunni Mystics: in Cranganore and Maldives, conversion of the Moplahs (Mapillas) by the disciples of Malik ibn Dinar (d. 127); in Gujarat, conver­sion of the Dudwalas and Pinjaras by Hallâj (d. 309); in Trichinopoly, of the Labbais by Nathar Shah (d. 431/1039) ; in Porto Novo, of the Marecars ; in Cutch, of the Momans, by Yusuf al-Din Sindi (seventh/thirteenth cen­tury). Then came the missionary work of the orders (on which see below).

Qarmathians: in the time of Harun al-Rashid, Ismailis began to take refuge in the Sind:³⁰² conversion of the area around Moltan (c. 200), where there are still some Dâüdpâtras of Khairpur (cf, Bahâwalpür and Baluchis­tan); conversion of the Bôhoras of Gujarat by ^cAbdallâh Harrâzï (460/ 1067); of the Wakhan and Afridi tribes by Nâsir-i Khusraw (473/1080); of the Khojas of Gujarat by two neo-Ismaili apostles, Nur Satagar (d. 535/ 1140) and Sadruddin (d. 834/1430).

Propagandists of these two types gave rise to several phenomena of so­cial hybridization.²⁰³ Some low castes²⁰⁴ that had been converted to Islam combined the strict canon with Hindu customs; some vain practices slipped into Sunni mysticism (Mehdcvis/⁰⁵ Rawshaniyya, Nûrbakhshiyya).

The Qarmathian syncretist catechism had already been adapted by its Muslim founders to the other forms of monotheism, to Harrânian pagan­ism, and even to Mazdeism. It was effortlessly annexed to the Hindu the- ogony. Among the Khoja caste, ^cAli became the tenth avatar of Vishnu, in anticipation of the strange syncretist encyclopedias later concocted in Per­sian (e.g., the Dabu tan of Mobed Shâh^2Gf> and the Mazdean Dwütîr).²⁰⁷

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Sanskrit classics appeared in various translations in the language of the Muslim conquerors, Persian,^2OK with encouragement from Fayzi, the brother of Akbar's minister, Abu’l- Fadl (Baghavad Gita_f RSmdyana), then from Prince Dârâ?⁰⁹ On the other hand, versions of various qisas, Muslim hagiographical tales, were made im­mediately in the popular Indian dialects. The tale of Ibn Adham was trans­lated into Kashmiri, that of Hallâj into Urdu.²¹⁰

Hindu responses to certain kinds of Muslim men of letters are insignifi-

202.            Dasfûr al-munajjhnin.

203.           Arnold has forcefully proved that it was not the conquerors' brute force that assured Is­lams progress in India; Ksfbr’s persecutions in the Mahrat country (1305-6 a.d.), Aurangzeb’s in Rajpoutana, and Tippo Sahcb’s in Mysoor accomplished nothing. If Sikandar's (d. 1417) in Kash­mir and Jattmali’s (1414) in Gaur had more success, it is because they coincided with the conver­sions of princes,

204.            Momans, Bôhoras, Khojas, Moplahs.

20 j. Passion, ist cd., 86 n 1 [and for revisions of earlier thinking on the Mansürls, cf 2nd ed. Fr 2:288/Eng 2;27Sf

206.           In the seventeenth century; 1st ed., Calcutta, 1224/1809 [bib., s.n., Hnl].

207.           Published in Bombay in 1818 [bib., s.n., Firuz Bin Kaus).

208.            Before that, there were only two translators of Indian mystic authors into Arabic: Bîrûni, of whom more will be said below, and Rukn Amidi (d. 615/1218) whose Mirent al-mcfêmt, trans­lated from the Amrlakunda of a Yogi, was later imitated by Ibn ^cArabi (Brockelmann, G.A.L. I, 44°, 443)-

209.           The Muslim-Hindu "conversations" of prince Dara Shukuh with the Kabirpanthi Baba La^cI Das (whose tomb I saw in old Qandahar in 1945 ) have been published and translated (by myself, with Huait) in JAP, 1926. Cf my Recueil, 1929, pp. 160-64 for his Persian translation of the Upanishads. We know that in reaction to Hindu pantheism, Islamic mysticism in India repu­diated the wahdat al-wujiid (existential monism) in favor of al-shuhild (testimonial monism: Simnani, ^CAU Hamadhani, Serhindi, Iqbal).

210.            Cf. cat. Luzac, XHI, no. 310.

cant compared to the popular conversions achieved by the Islamic mystics. It was they who increasingly led the Hindu masses to Islam. Colonies of Muslim holy men, after fleeing Persia during the Mongol invasions, grew and multiplied in Northern India; from the seventh /thirteenth century onward, the hermits’ example of austerity and ministering gentleness con­verted Hindus, who founded villages around their masters* sacred tombs:²"

Mu^cin Chishti (d. 634) in Ajmer; Qutb Kaki in Delhi; Jalâl Tabrizî (d. 642) in Bengal; Farid Shakarganj (d. 664), the ancestor of the Kilânî "sayyids,” in Pâkpattan; Jalâl Surkhpôsh (d. 690), ancestor of the Bukhari “sayyids” in Ucch (Bahâwalpür) ; Muhammad Gïsûdarâz in Belgaum; Abü ^cAlî Qalandari in Panipat (d. 725); Shâh Jalâl Yamanï at Sylhet in Assam (d. 786); ^cAlï Hamadhânï in Kashmir (d.791); and^cAbdallâh Shattâri (d. 818).

In India, Islam was spread not by war but by mysticism and the great or­ders of mystics: Chishtiyya, Kubrâwiyya, Shattâriyya, and Naqshabandiyya. To follow the “Centuriators”of Magdeburg and describe local devotion to India’s Muslim holy men as '’survivals of idolatry”²¹¹ and “pagan infiltra­tions/’²’³ is to forget that victors can only obtain a social reconciliation with the vanquished by giving while asking for nothing in return, and by lend­ing without hope of gain. It is also to forget the two liberating ideas that the converts were bound by their consciences to hold:²¹⁴ a sovereign and transcendent God, and an individual immortal soul. With two others, per­haps: the notions of supernatural grace (prasâda) and of devotion to a per­sonal God (bhakti).*¹⁵

Islamic mystical influence beneficially pushed toward the reconciliation of castes, in humble vocations like Baba Kapur’s (d. 979/1571) in Gwalior, and brilliant apostolates like Kabir’s (d. 924/1518). Though a student of the Hindu Ramananda, Kabir taught hymns to his disciples, the Kabirpanthis, in which they could celebrate the one God —the personal God Who answers prayers, has characteristics, and is accessible through transcendent revela­tion, rather than the supreme, indifferent, quasi-virtual divinity perceived by the schools of polytheistic syncretism. The hymns of the Sufi Farid Sha­karganj were incorporated into the Adi Granth of the Sikh sect (Nânak, d. 946/1539), which tried to reintegrate the Kabîrpanthî apostolate into Hinduism. No doubt the modem polemic of the Arya Samaj,²¹⁶ fighting for

zi i. In the fifteenth century, there were Hindu pilgrims to the tomb of the martyr prince Salar Mas^<ûd, called “Ghazi Miy5n/’ defeated and killed 14 Rajab 424/1033 in the battle of Bahraich (Oude) by idolaters.

212.            Pirzadas, Husayn Brahmanis, Satya Dharma.

213.            Tomb of Hasan Abdil in Attok.

214.           More so than in the very limited apostolate of the Syro-Chaldean Christians of Meliapor.

2 J 5. See the polemic of Grierson and Kennedy on this subject, in JRASB, 1907-8. Tata Chand has recently begun to study the problem.

216. Arnold, Preaching of lilam, 2nd ed., 439, souls against Islam in the center of India, especially at Bundelkhund, demon­strates that the old Indian paganism is not dead. But the social reform of the satyagraha*¹⁷ (“civil vindication of the truth through self-sacrifice*’), now preached by a pure Hindu ascetic, Mohanlal Karamchand Gandhi, shows how close some kinds of Hinduism have come to a Muslim religious and mystical ideal ;³¹⁸ social action is directed not towards freeing ourselves as individuals but towards our communal salvation; actions are founded on the dogma of the personal soul’s immortality, and the soul is devoted to a sort of spiritual “holy war’* through the fast and the practice of the sacrificial virtues accessible to illiterates/¹⁹

It might be asked whether Indian mysticism as presented by Patanjali’s commentators did not help Kabir move toward the disciplined, transcen­dent monotheism of Islam. I hope an Indianist will compile documents on the subject; in conclusion I will simply present a brief account of the char­acteristics of postvedic Hindu mysticism:

Already in the Upanishads, the problem mysticism raises is not of posi­tive unification of the soul through purifying the heart, but simply of preliminary meditation, the negative eradication of all mental images or in­tellectual movements ad extra. This mysticism is original*³⁰ insofar as it re­pudiates all foreign elements, metaphysical or ritual. Consideration of the substance or the attribute, the objectivity of sense-data or the permanence of personality, God’s grace or transcendence, is deliberately refused. The mystical experience, strictly confined to the psychological consciousness, makes a direct attack on the “bond,” the human mind's conditioning to the flesh, by which freedom of thought is paralyzed. The mystic wants to eliminate³³¹ the imposed relation that couples thought to a given object of perception; he attempts to do without the external, partial realities that the mind constantly needs in order to maintain an ordinary, intermittent awareness of itself.

In this mystical system, the question of mind-matter dualism, though not stated in metaphysical terms, is understood. The mind is implicitly affirmed to be superior a priori to matter, as is (angelic) intuition to (hu­man) understanding. The mystic seeks to free his consciousness from the servitude of the five senses and the yoke of discursive effort.

2E7. See RMM, XL IV, pp. 33-63.

218.            As Dr. Abdul Majid has shown, in the Modern Review. Calcutta, Nov. 1920.

219.           Cf. Hasan Basrï, Mublsibi, and Hallâj for an analogous doctrine (Possidit, Fr 3:228 ff., 222 ff., 228 n 4/Eng 3:216 ff., ito ff., 216 n 300).

220.            Its first lucid presentation to Muslims is by Abul-Fadi, in his Ayin-i-akbart, trans,, Hl, 127 ff

221.           In Christian terms, the conceptualization of the logos in the mind must be freed from rhe preliminary process of informing an image. The mystic aims to unsheathe the conscious subject from the perceived object, which is supposed to disappear.

Does psychological consciousness have length, or continuity, or perma­nence? The question was soon set aside. The soul’s permanent individual­ity (atman), as well as the substantiality of the soul and heart (manas)²²² became blurred in the Nyâya school and were rejected by the Mïmârnsâ and Vedanta schools.²²³ Finally, the Samkhya school, for greater simplicity, after denying the dtman and analytically enumerating twenty-four gradu­ated forms of material nature (the prakrti), thought it sufficient to add one last form, the purusha: simple, instantaneous, and impersonal consciousness of the truth, divisible into pieces through multilocation.

The Nyâya school provided a sketch of Indian mysticism’s goal. A deci­sive critique of the discursive intellect’s imperfect functioning led to the search for apavarga, the “final emancipation” from the sadness caused by intellectual error. The goal became precise with the Samkhya school. It is saltvdpatti, "actualization of psychological consciousness,” the purely intu­itive “truth without content” described by Bïrünï.²²⁴ The purusha must at­tain this state by control over the conceptual process.

Patanjali, adept in the principles of the Sâmkhya school,²²⁵ gave Hindu mysticism its classical form in his Yoga-Siltra²²⁶ in which he sets samadhi asamprajnata (see below) as the goal of the mystical search.

Patanjali presents four sets of preliminary training exercises, which must be combined. The senses are mastered through abstinence (yama); inten­tions are bound by ritual vows (niyama) dedicated to one of the gods (Uvara); the limbs are made supple by being placed in various rigid postures in turn (84 asana); the breathing reflex is regulated by the will. This ascetic training eliminates phenomena extraneous to the perceived goal and facili­tates the pursuit of it. Learning to regulate the breath teaches the adept, after he has used abstraction (pratyâhâra) to make his thought a sheath for the five senses, to concentrate his mind at will.

The mystical experimentation properly called "synergy”²²⁷ begins here, with constraint of the consciousness, or samyama ("synderesis”); (1) The first stage is contemplation (dhâranâ), in which thought consists of only three things — a conscious subject (purusha), a state of consciousness (sal­iva), and an object (of some sort) of which the subject is conscious (bud-

Z1Z. Considered two of the nine substances (dravya).

223.           According to Buddhism, the soul is merely an artificial aggregate of five attributes (skatid- has) without a substance to support them. Symmetrical concept of envelopes of personality in Tustari (Passiw, Fr 3:24—25/Eng 3:17—18; but here God occasional istic ally creates their unity).

224.            It is not enough.

225.           Borrowing from the VedSntists, he adds the notion of the “three gwtas" of prakrti (saliva, tamas, rajas) and the idea of tsvaras (perfect ideal beings, divine models to be venerated, virtual figures, children ofBrahmS andMSyâ).

226.           I quote the English translation of M, N. Dvivedi, Tart va Vivechaka Press, Bombay, 1899, iii + 99 4- vii pages, where Ramananda Saraswatî s commentary is used.

227.            Conscientia in the etymological sense.

dhi).²²⁸ (2) The next state is absorption (dhy3na), in which thought be­comes only two things — a conscious subject and an object of which one is conscious.²²^ (3) The final stage is psychological ecstasy (samadhi), in which thought becomes the object of which one is conscious, by a gradual transformation.²³⁰

The final transformation takes place (for vrtti) in three stages, corre­sponding (for purusha) to three new aspects of the conscious subject:

a)           nirodhaparindma (for vrtti)'. When thought has become identified with the object of thought, consciousness is placed in a state of suspension with regard to that object. It is tom away and realizes that the object (which thought has just become) is in itself not absolute, permanent, or necessary. This perilous leap from the mental trampoline, this rapture into the void, corresponds in the purusha to dharmaparinStna, ‘‘the subject's transformation in the property (= haecceity)* of the object."

b)           samadhi samprajnSta (for vrtti) : “conscious psychological ecstasy." The consciousness becomes rooted in indifference towards the object with which its thought has become identified. At an increasing frequency, the consciousness makes thought alternate between moments of suspension outside the object and moments of identification with it. Through this pro­cess, the consciousness learns to be insensitive to suspension and resumption of attention to an object; the change corresponds in the purusha to lakshana- parinama, “the subject’s transformation in character** (= ipseity)."

c)           samadhi asamprajnata (for vrtti) : “unconscious psychological ecstasy." The consciousness achieves supreme simplicity, in which states of suspen­sion and resumption of thought pass over it without a trace. This simplici­ty corresponds in the purusha to avasthsparinama, “the subject’s transforma­tion in condition (=the Real)" = kaivalya. In this state of “solitude," the three qualities (gunas) of nature (prakrti) are reduced to one, the sattva, a state of consciousness that is as pure as the conscious subject (purusha) is purified.²³¹

With a view to comparison, I shall now try’ to transpose Patanjali's vo­cabulary into the technical language of Islamic mysticism;

*"Haccceicy" serves principally to make ciear that Masâgnon means propriété, "property,” tn a sense that happens to be obsolete in common usage, in both French and English,

**Or characteristic. For "haecceity" and "ipseity." see Passion, Fr j;8(/Eng 3:7s and index of technical terms (enttîytt, liiiufytt}, Lala tide's VtwbMre de la philosophie [entries for ettéiti, ipsiitt); Massignons

MMdertàt. “Haecceity" and "ipseity" have sometimes been synonyms, but in Mass!gnons usage, haecceity is simply what distinguishes the individual from all others, die outer contour of its ipseity, or inner selfhood.

228.           Yaga, in, sec. 1.

229.           [bid., HI, sec. 2.

230.           Ibid., HI, sec. 3-13. The term is explained herein, in ch. 2, sec. 2. B., and ch. 2, sec. 2. E

231.           Yaga, III, sec. 55.

âtman ~ nafs; both “soul” and “self.”

manas = qalb; both “heart” and Intellect.”

purusha - rüh; in the double sense of “mind” and “spirit” in Islam.

urtti ~ istinbât, ^ctrfan; elucidation, discursive assimilation of the object of thought.

sattva = nazar, rufa; “state of consciousness.”

buddhi²*¹ ~ manzür; “the object of which one becomes conscious.”

The admirable internal malleability of Semitic radicals will permit a schématisation of the long preceding description of samyama's three stages. In Arabic, one need only perform grammatical operations on the roots, which do not change in themselves ;

a)           In the state of “contemplation” (dhâranâ) there remains only nazir, nazar, and manzür (— dhâkir, dhikr, madhkür; or ^cârif ^ciffan, and ma^crüf; or mushir, ishSra, and mushSr ilayhî; or muwahhid, tawhîd, and muwahhad).^{[165] [166]}

b)           In the state of “absorption” (dhyana) there remains only nazir and manzür. This is the fana ^can al-dhikr.

c. In psychological ecstasy (samadhi)- (1) the state of suspension is the bayn or tajnd of Hallaj ;^{[167] [168]} (2) the alternation of suspension and resumption of thought is Sayyari's jam^c wa tajriqa;²³³ (3) unconscious ecstasy is Hallâ- jian tafnd (not tawhîd)^[169] and Sayyari's jam^c al-jam^c (absolutely not to be con­fused with the transforming ^cayn al-jam^c).

Nicholson’s use o£fan3 mdghayba as equivalents of Hindu words is to be rejected. As Hallaj observed,^{[170] [171]} the Arabic terms are complex and extremely ambiguous. Moreover, in Islam, fana means either “annihilation of thought in its Object” (fana bt’l-Madhkür, ^can al-dhikr; Tustari, Junayd, Hallâj), or “annihilation of the Object in thought” (fana bi’I-dhikr, ^can al-Madhkur: Bistâmï, Sarrâj). Here, in Hinduism, it would mean strictly “thought's self­annihilation, through a cycle of suspension and resumption” (fanâ bi [and ^can] al-jam^c wa'l~tafriqa).^23&

The difference is this: in Islam God is the transcendent Real. Islamic mysticism cannot make that revelation abstract. At the threshold of libera­tion from the flesh, the Muslim mystic's conscience can no longer ignore

the absolutely real Object, the superabundant Truth reflected in his thought. The conscience must bum in that Truth, to be transfigured or destroyed. For Patanjali, the mystical method was stripped of metaphysics and ritual; it was limited to establishing a remarkably balanced and precise introspec­tive formula for the liberation of a man's spiritual nature from the bonds of flesh, the mind’s complete renunciation of all created things. The method concedes that, in exchange, certain practitioners of the preternatural (not to be examined here) may suddenly find that their thoughts have extraor­dinary powers over all of nature (second sight, miracles, which are of sec­ondary importance). Patanjali insists that the purpose of mysticism is not to obtain miraculous powers but to maintain the consciousness in a state of absolute simplicity.

With unusual honesty, in the beginning of his preparatory exercises/³⁹ Patanjali permits something that his masters of the Sâmkhya school reject: semiritual reliance on an is vara, a legendary or historical god or hero, as an admired example. This recourse to the tlvara is allowed for stimulation and discipline of vows and devotional acts, but Patanjali states that it would be of no use in samadhi: the tsvara is an effigy of the imagination, and it would become a vain idol, in which the consciousness would admire itself alone.

The true position of Patanjali’s mysticism is as follows : it has no conclu­sion; in the end it offers a glimpse of a negative state obtained by high- frequency cycles of thought that remove all images from the consciousness. This mysticism is the intuitive destruction of idols and idolatry, the com­plete ascetic experiment pushed to the threshold of ecstasy: mortification of the flesh, extinction of images, perfect denial of the will. Just as Greek rationalism, among the teachers of Socrates, led to an experiment ad extra with the possibility of monotheism, Hindu mysticism among Patanjali’s dis­ciples led to a demonstration ah intra that polytheism is inane.

The mysticism of the Yaga-Sütra is devoid of shath, the supreme feature of monotheistic mysticism in Islam. Shath is a positive state of mental in­termittency, accompanied by dialogue, in which the isolated soul receives the supernatural visitation of a transcendent Interlocutor. In spite of the declarations of the theosophists who translated Patanjali, thinking they could understand him as a syncretist ally, his school prepared many souls in these Indian regions, enslaved as they were to all idolatrous divinizations, including the crudest and vilest, to desire^{[172] [173]} the dogmatic revelation of the personal God.

Patanjali’s mysticism is an admirably practiced asceticism of the con­sciousness. Neoplatonic mysticism seems more comprehensive but is more limited. To accomplish the transformation of substance through ecstasy by which it is claimed that unification with the One may be achieved, the Neoplatonists use only philosophical concepts?⁴¹ These, being naturally in­operative, are overestimated and become idols, in order to make the tran­scendent operation succeed. Only^{[174] [175] [176] [177]} mystics belonging to the three groups of Semitic monotheism, which are founded on the revelation to Abraham, admit that God alone transfigures consciousness during ecstasy by substi­tuting His fiat for the soul’s. This doctrine of mystical union, taught cate­gorically in Christianity and fiercely contested among Jews,^[178] was distinctly set forth in Islam?⁴⁴

The table of Arabic-Sanskrit transposition given above will make it pos­sible to examine the only serious demonstration yet attempted, that mystical union in Islam is of Hindu origin. It is in the admirable work on India by Bïrûni (d. 440/1048). Some of the furtive analogies²⁴⁵ he sketches in pass­ing can be quickly set aside: between Sufi fana and some verses of the Baghavad Gîta;^[179] between the SSmkhya school’s critique of Paradise and the Sufi statement (Bistamfs) that “the recompense of Paradise is not a good thing, because, with it, something other than God becomes a distraction, and concentration is fixed on something besides the absolute Good”;^[180] between the Sufis’ doctrine of miracles^{[181] [182]} and Patanjali’s. This is the prin­cipal passage :²⁴⁵

The Sufis use Patanjali’s method^[183] in the matter of (unifying) concentration on God. They say, “As long as you are working out your expressions, you have not affirmed the one God; and you will not have affirmed Him until He has taken over your expressions by making you renounce them, so that neither the (created) enunciator nor its (human) expression survives.” Some of their state­ments favor the doctrine of unification. For example, one mystic, when asked a question about the Truth, answered, "How could I not notice Him who is my T in haecceity and who is not my *1' in localization? If I insist on this, my insis­tence separates me from him! If I do not insist, my negligence stuns me, and I become improperly familiar with unification (in God)?' Abü Bakr Shiblî re­sponded, "Cast everything away, and you will join Us completely! Not being, you will be! Because news of you will come from Us, and your act will be Our act?’ And Abü Yazïd Bistânü, when asked, "How did you acquire these favors?" answered, "I removed my soul (‘carnal soul,' najs), as the serpent sheds its skin; then I considered my essence. And now you see, my 'I' is He!”

Certainly Bîrüni had some right to discuss Patanjali. He had translated the entire Yoga-Sutra from Sanskrit into Arabic under the title KitSb Pstan- jal al-Hirtdi ji'l khalas min al-amthsL^iil (Long passages are reproduced in his studies of India, which still exist in manuscript at Constantinople.)²⁵¹ His title for the book, which means Liberation from the images, is quite a good translation of the Sanskrit Vrttinirodha.^iyi But what is the real worth of the four textual comparisons quoted above? The first text is by Hallâj; I have analyzed its theory of the shahada,²⁵⁴ which surpasses Patanjali’s samadhi in that it describes not only renunciation of the soul but also actual transfor­mation in God. The second text, anonymous and probably late, is perhaps a commentary on Hallaj’s Anâ’l-Haqq.²^ The third, by Shiblî, is, like the second, an elliptical condensation of Hallaj’s thesis. The last, by Bistâmï, in spite of its outrageous conciseness, is monist only in appearance?⁵⁶ Never­theless, Hindu analogies²⁵⁷ could be found in his method.

Appendix:

Table of the “Philosophical” Alphabet ( JAFRy^

Sources: Nasïbî,Ja/ijâmi^c, London ms. Or, 2,333; Baqli, ShathiySt, 22 ff, Ibn Sina Nayrüziya (cf. Mémorial Avicenne, IV, Cairo, 1952).*

♦When darificatwns or additions front this article are particularly help fa!, I have inserted them, in brackets.

251.           The critical edition of the Arabic translation by Bîrüni of Patanjali’s Yogo-Sütra (with Sanskrit facing page) was remarked upon by J. W. Hauer (and H. H. Schaeder) in OLZ, 1930, 273-82,

252.           Kôpr ms. 1589; recopied in the margin of sec. 52 (Sinti al-shaykh al-kabtr - Ibn Khafif) but not mentioned in the printed catalogue of the library, p, 116.

253.            Patanjali, Yoga-Siitra, ÏÎ, sec. 27.

254.            Passion, Fr 3:143, 246/Eng 3:131, 232,

255.            Passion, Fr 3:55~5*, 7^Eng47, 62.

256.            Below, ch. J. Critique of his '‘ana huwa," in Passion, Hallajian Text II, Fr 3 ; 71 / Eng 3:^2.

257.           Sindî, who taught bun fana bi’Ptawhïd (Qush I, 107-8), had arguably been in contact with Hindus. But his nisba refers to Sind near Abiward. (Yq. Ill, 167).

258.            The letters are in the order of the abjad, the old Semitic and numerical order, (a) the two senses {till. ^CW), and typical words in Hallâj, Tirmidhi, etc....; Naslbi is indicated by N., Baqli by alif = i. The basic element that is a part of every composition (ma^lüf ). The one; theoretical unity, a parte ante (azal, fardâniyya). grammar (gr.): pre­fix of the first person. Hebrew (Hebr.): bull [i.e., the animal], teaching. Christian (Chr.): convenience, foundation.¹⁵⁹ Cf. fatha (mansüb). Ban (Ibn Sînâ).

bâ - 2. Introduction. Putting into relation (asl li'l-ta^lïl, N.). gr: li’l-ilsâq. Hebr: house, visitation. Chr: house.¹⁶*^{3 c}Aql (Ibn Sînâ).

jïm = 3. That which complements. Beauty (jamal, N). Hebr: camel. Chr: fullness of elevated things (gamma). Nafs (Ibn Sina).

dâl - 4. The equilibration of created things (N), Their permanence (da- warn). Hebr. : gate, tablets. Chr; genesis of created things (delta).^{[184] [185] [186] [187] [188] [189] [190] [191]} Tabi^ca (Ibn Sina; hayülâ for the Ismailis).

dh3l = 700. What is fundamental in the thing or idea (dharra, dhât, N).

hâ — $. “ah"; the guide that straightens (huda). The enunciation of the sub­ject (“I") (huwiyya BS, ^caql, ^cadad tâmm, N). gr: silence, third person suffix. Hebr: window. Chr: he who is in the creation¹⁶¹ (epsilon). Al~ Nâtiq (Ismaili ms). Bân bt’l-idâfa (Ibn Sînâ).

wâw — 6. Oath. Unconditioned connection (wujüd mutlaq, isra, N). gr; U’l- ^catf [conjunction]. li’l-jam^c fï’l-hukm dün tartîb fï’l-zamân.^26î Hebr: an­kle, sign. Chr: the Sign (digamma). Cf. damma (marfü^c). ^cAql bi’l-idâfa (Ibn Sînâ).

zâ ~ 7. Realization. Growth, increase (zuhd, ziyâda, N). Hebr: javelin, life. Chr: life¹⁶* (zeta). Nafs bi’l-idâfa (Ibn Sînâ).

hâ — 8. Actual or enlivening inspiration (hâl, wahy, ghayth shamil, N). Hebr: the living. Chr: the living (ëta = 8).¹⁶⁵

*khâ ~ 600. Good; immortality, (khayr da^im, N), (khi = 600).

tâ - 9. Primordial purity of God; sanctity, felicity of the contented; bounty (tahâra, tilbd).^{[192] [193] [194] [195] [196] [197] [198] [199]} The letter was exchanged in Arabic with the Hebrew tet (ta) ~ beauty. Good (Chr.) (thêta = 9). Hayülà (Ibn Sïnâ).

— 900, The via remotionis. Appearance of God (zuhür, tanzth N).

ya = 10. Intellectual allegiance offered [conforming adherence]. God's help (yad al-qudra); divine speech (BS). gr: li’l-idafa; possessive suffix, third person prefix. Hebr. the hand, the principle (yod), Chr. the Lord, Yahwe.³⁶⁷ Cf. kasra (majriir). al-Qâyim. Ihdâ^c (Ibn Sïnâ).

kdf ~ 20. The appropriate statement or expression of an idea (kafi). The idea of the fiat (Khh! N). gr: comparison. Hebr: meanwhile. Chr: Ec­clesiastes.³⁶⁸ Takuân (Ibn Sïnâ) [the structure imprinted on all that is created].

lâm = 30. An idea's becoming explicit, in its comprehension (tadammnn). The gift of grace (mujâdala, ala, abad), divine transfiguration (N), divine disguise (BS). gr: hatf al-tajallï. Hebr: instruction (lamed). Chr: the im­mortal.¹⁶⁹ Amr (Ibn Sïnâ) [the divine commandment].

mint = 40. The determination of an idea, in its extension (mntâbaqa); its divine status, its name (ism, maqam, mulk, mahall); emergence of the ac­tion of the spirit (BS). gr: sign of the past participle. Hebr: water, soul. Chr: about Him and by Him.³⁷⁰ Khalq (Ibn Sïnâ) [the created uni­verse].

nün = 50. Access to union. Accomplishment of the fiat. Consummation by fire (tamattiA bi ittisâl, N). gr: sign of the passive; of the indefinite (tan­win)', corroborative suffix, Hebr: the fish in the sea. Chr: the eternal.³⁷' M + Y (Ibn Sïnâ).

sin = 60. Everlasting glory of God (sand), the manifestation of His names (N); preaching, gr: sign of future tense. The Hebrew and Syriac letter samekh, meaning promise, assistance (Chr: strength and succor), disap­peared in Arabic and was replaced by sin (obedience to the Command­ments), which was doubled (see 5/11»),³⁷³ (Xi ~ 60).

^cayn = 70. Fixed essence; the original meaning (maSid); the source of the intellect (BS). Hebr: eye, perennial spring. Chr: same as in Hebrew.³⁷³ (omicron — 70 + omega - 800). Tarttb bi*LAmr (Ibn Sinâ) [the concatena­tion imprinted on the universe by the Amr].

★ghayn ~ 1000. The mystery of the divine plan, the assigned limit (ghayb, ghayra, ghâya, N).

fâ = 80. The link joined or made, the disposition of language [causal link­age]. gr: It'l-lafib, tarttb, tasabbub. Hebr: mouth (peh). Chr. word, im­age (pi ~ 80 + phi = 500) ?⁷⁴

sâd ~ 90. Sincerity (saying the truth); exact discrimination (sidq, ittisâl wa infitâl}', the spirit (BS). Hebr: justice (tsâde}. Chr: truth and sanctity (psi = 700 + sampi = 9oo)?^7s L + M + K (Ibn Sinâ).

★dad — 800. Separation. Being deprived of God’s presence (dâllün}.

qqf- 100. What is decided, imposed, assured; said, certified (qâla, qahir, N) (Taw. X, 19). Hebr: call (qof). Chr: sure vocation (qappa ~ 90). Pre­assembly of all (= S + Y) (Ibn Sïnâ).

râ ~ 200. What is divided, given out by lot [the announced lot]. The mes­sage (fabb; iddâ al-huqüq, rasûl sadüq, N) ; the differentiation of the at­tributes (BS). Hebr: head (resch). Chr: the beginning. Return to the One

Q -v Q) (Ibn Sïnâ).

★shin ~ 300. Personal destiny, voluntary fate (mashvh, mashhüd, N) (Taw. X:ï9). gr: pause (disapproval, remembrance). The double in Arabic, when the Hebrew ria was made into two letters; obedience to the Commandments (Chr: same as in Hebrew: sigma}.

ta = 400. Signal of ecstasy, discovery, return to God (tawba, N). gr: prefix marking the second person; sign of the feminine; sign of the oath. Equivalent in Arabic of the Hebrew taw (ta} — the end, the conclusion, the signature (Chr: the consummation: fa»)/⁷⁶

★tha = 500. Consolidation, bearing fruit (thubüt, thamara, N).

The lUmalif [Zâ], the “last consonant” (Tirmidhî, quest, 141), of which the grammatical function (harf al-salab} is pure indefiniteness, nakiraf⁷⁷ the inverse of the alif-lâm [«/], the article, whose grammatical function is pure determination (adât al-ta^cnf}.^l7i For Ibn ^cArabî (Fut, I, 83), alif + lam ~ wujüd (mutlaq + muqayyad}.

The alphabet was used cryptographically in this way in order to denote and combine various bits of metaphysics, as if by algebra. The practice

274.            Cf. Qarifi (ap. QSsimi, Usui, 44).

275.           Halbj (on Qur. 7:1); Ja^cfar, ap. Baqls on Qur. 112; cf, on Qur. 19, Hallîj (Akhb., 46 (51 ]; Taw., Vî; ÏX, i).

276.            Hallâj, ap. Akhb., 39.

277.           Tahânuwl, s.n. Which is why HallSj says, "the knowledge of (isolated) consonants is in the ... "Cf. Taw., XI, i.

278.            Al-lajatli H'1-âhad.

turned into kabbalistic magic¹⁷⁹ under the influence of Shiite gnostic dreamers confusing the use of acronyms with the possession of objects. On this sort of magic, see principally Ismaili and Hurûâ texts?^{80 [200]}

GENERAL CONCLUSIONS

i.     The Innate Originality of Islamic Mysticism

A. Liturgy

The long inventory above allows us to affirm that the Qur^ân, through constant recitation, meditation, and practice, is the source of Islamic mys­ticism, at its beginning and throughout its growth. Complete recitals (qi- rëiïi)^{[201] [202]} and frequent °rereadings’* of the text, which is considered sacred, were the foundation of Sufism, and from these activities developed its dis­tinctive characteristics: reading in groups in a loud voice (dhikr, rqf^c al~ saw!) and the regular sessions established for "recollection,” majalis al-dhikr, in which practitioners recited sections of the Qur’an, as well as prose and verse on related themes for meditation.

These sessions quickly evolved into the traditional spiritual concert or oratorio (samâ^c). The affective or emotional part of collective meditation grew, to the detriment of the introduction (preparing the place of medita­tion) and the conclusion (formulating practical resolutions). The practi­tioners had a legitimate desire to form a liturgical relation to God; to relive, through solemn collective psalmody, the angel’s indirect dialogue with Him Whom the Prophet’s consenting soul had heard and obeyed with mute fervor. But the spiritual concert had its dangers. Teachers of Sufism such as Misri, Junayd, and Hallàj said again and again that only on condition of self-mastery could a humble soul attract, if God wills, the un­predictable grace of shath, the divine speech that attacks the soul directly through the unwitting reciter’s voice, in the form of the consecrated words. Whether or not shath leads the soul to ecstasy (wajd) is a detail of little im­portance, as Junayd and HallSj remarked.^[203]

Unfortunately, the samâ^c was not always conceived in this way; in the fourth/tenth century the Khurâsânian MalSmatiyya¹ were denouncing the Sufis of Baghdad for throwing themselves into samâ^c and dhikr with the kind of secret pleasure or spiritual lust that Hallâj had already judged and condemned, particularly in these lines:^{[204] [205] [206] [207]}

It is You, not my dhikr, You, who take me to ecstasy!

Oh! That my heart may never become attached to my dhikr*

Dhikr is the median pearl (of a finely wrought gorget) that hides You from my sight,

When thoughts of it allow my mind to be encircled.

For these Sufis of Baghdad, sessions of dhikr, like certain Welsh revivals, were supposed to bring listeners to ecstasy by force, almost mechanically. The absolutely essential thing, shath, which is the source of ma^crifa, was confused with ephemeral accessories: the physical tremor of ecstasy (wajd) and the loss of sensory perception. Starting in the fifth/eleventh century, the types of dhikr formulas that were used to obtain the loss of the senses spread and diversified with the development of the orders. Dhikr were lita­nies of the names of God, and they have been the subject of numerous studies in the West. I have noted elsewhere the formula used by the neo - Hallajian tarlqa.* It is important to remember that the main procedure for attaining ecstasy remained the chanting of the words from the QurÙn.

In the seventh/thirteenth century/ groups under the influence of char­latans from India began to use stimulants and depressants, such as the hash­ish, coffee, and opium (banj, asrdr, maslakh) condoned by some of the Qalandariyya. These narcotics served only as supplementary aids, intellec­tual stimulants, or tools for hypersensitization of the hearing.

What were the results of this disorientation of mysticism in the fourth/ tenth century, this deviation towards the stubborn pursuit of ecstatic trances? In addition to the preternatural phenomena (telepathy, prediction, conjuring of objects, etc.) common to all kinds of mysticism (and discussed elsewhere)/ there were certain salient original traits specific to Islam.

The oldest is the raqs, the ecstatic “dance” of jubilation.^[208] In the begin­ning there may have been some sincere, spontaneous cases of this kind of ecstasy. But since then, several religious orders have been artificially at­tempting to reproduce the original circumstances by forced, concerted theatrics. The circular dance of the Mevlevis, to the sound of the nay (small flute), is well known. It has recently been considered an imitation of planetary rotations and orbits (sic).

The second trait, more suspect, is the tamzïq, the ecstatic “tearing of clothes” during a trance. The practice is dangerously close to hysterical ex­hibitionism. Shibli tried in vain to prove that it was canonically permissi­ble (in the presence of Ibn Mujahid, who told the story to Ibn ^cIsa).⁹ He saw it as a manifestation of divine arbitrariness comparable to David's slashing the horses in Qur. 38:32. We might see it in the same light as the screaming ecstasies, much like sorcery, that discredit the dhikr sessions of the RifaSyya (Basra), Bayumiyya (Cairo), and ^cIsawiyya (dialect “Ais- sawas,” Meknes)¹⁰ in the eyes of the reasonable Muslim public.

The third trait is the extremely suspect nazar ild’l-murd (“Platonic stare”), a mute, serene gaze at the beautiful faces of the novices sitting in the first row of the circle of initiates (halqa). The stare is performed either before (to provide images for stimulation), during, or after ecstasy. In spite of condemnations by the wisest observers, it was accepted under various pre­texts. In answer to the critics, Abu Hamza (d. 269) taught¹¹ that looking at what might not be desired was permitted, in order to mortify the desire it­self (sic, this is morose voluptuousness). To enter into ecstasy, Ahmad GhazSli (d. 517) like to place a rose between himself and the novices face, as a sign of separation.^u Ibn Tahir Maqdisi in the twelfth century, and then Nabulusi in the seventeenth, strained to make these esthetes' acrobat­ics appear legal; they were responding to various scandals caused by such practices, and a lowering of the public's opinion of certain Islamic orders.

B. Allegories

The Qur³5n¹⁴ is also the source of Islamic mysticism’s typical allegories: the fire and light of God (Qur. 28:29; 24:35); the veils of light and dark­ness placed over the heart (41:4; 39:8); the bird, symbol of the soul’s res­urrection, or rather its immortality (2:262; 3:43; 67:19); water from the sky (50:9 etc.); the tree representing man’s vocation and destiny (28:30; 14:29; 36:80); the cup (ka^s), the wine (sharSb), and the salutation (salam; qawl 36:51), symbols of the special ceremony in which the privileged saints (muqarrabün) are enthroned in Paradise (56:18, 25; 76:21). Certain

9.           Hiiya; Ibn al-Jawzi (preface to the Safwa) reproaches Abü Nu^caym for putting this anec­dote, as well as texts by Muhâsibi (Maliabba) and Antaki (translated here, below), into his collec- tion.

to. Tremearne’s recent studies lead one to think that these practices are in fact infiltrations from animist sorcery.

11.          See his anecdotes collected in the Kitâb aï-muittammln of Ahmad Dlnawari (d, 341 ; Tagr., II,

334; Ibn Qutayba, Tadwil, 458) and reproduced by Sarrâj {Masârd, 14, 21, 63, 76, 88, too, 108, 120-25, 142-43, 227).

12.          Ibn al-Jawzî, Nâmiïs, X I.

13.          Passion, Ft 31254/Eng 3:240

14.          And not Pahlavi literature at all.

images peculiar to Hallâj are also linked to the Qur’an, such as the moun­tain path (ghirbtb, Qur. 35:25), and the new moon (hilâl)^{[209] [210]} as a symbol, generally, of the revelation, and, more specifically, of the appearance of God discovering himself to the soul.

One of these allegories had an exceptional flowering. The enthrone­ment ceremony of the privileged saints in Paradise became the correlative of the mystic s itinerary’ (safer) in this world. The source of the allegory is the hadlth al-ghibtafe Certain saints in Paradise will enjoy the greatest glory, which will be conferred on them at the yawtn al-mazïd.^[211] The theme, bor­rowed from Raqqâshï by Ibn Adham,'^[212] condensed by Ibn Hanbal, and taken up again by Misri,’^{[213] [214]} bursts into magnificent fullness in Muhâsibï’s Kitâb al'tawahhum™ After a solemn procession out of the communal Par­adise and a banquet served by the Angels, the chosen friends of the divine Essence are greeted by Its own voice.^[215] It celebrates their worthiness and brings them into familiarity with It.^[216] Kharrâz, Tirmidhi,^[217] and Hallâj still permitted this allegory, which subsequently shrank and withered because of polemics about divine union and the preeminence of the saints.^{[218] [219]}

In the fifth/eleventh century we begin to find the allegory hidden by the very curious poetic symbolism of the monastery (dayr)fe intended to forestall canonical censure. After a long journey, the saints leave their walking sticks at the door of a monastery, enter, and drink wine poured into goblets by cup-bearers (the sâqï = the Angels). Then, by candlelight (shanf), a mysterious being suddenly appears and greets them. He has the solemn, beautiful features of a young man (shabb qatat, tarsâbacheh in Persia, shammSs in the Maghreb).^[220] The saints prostrate themselves^[221] before this Idol, which contains the divine Essence.^[222]

This form of the allegory is remarkable. Its features were exaggerated (but, contrary to current orientalist opinion, not invented) by the extreme sensuality of the Persian poets.^[223] It combines the Qur’anic setting of the

CONCORDANCE WITH DOGMATIC THEOLOGY 77 yawm al-mazïd with the poetic scenery of the Christian convent, to which the pre-Islamic Arab poets and their Bedouin caravan leaders used to come for wine.³⁰

2.    Concordance of Mysticism’s Basic Problems
with Those of Dogmatic Theology (Kalâm)

Because mysticism is simply inner experimentation upon the proper practice of a religion, it is always possible³¹ to make a tabular one-to-one concordance of mystical termini technici (istilâhât) and the corresponding theoretical loci (mas^iV) of dogma.^iZ I have pursued this work in detail for the first three centuries of Islam.³³ The results confirm the existence of a strict parallel in development between Islamic dogma and mysticism.

The principal results can be summarized as follows:

a)             EXPERIMENTAL CONCEPTS OF MYSTICISM THAT CORRESPOND TO

THE PROBLEMS OF DOGMA

Divine justice (^cadl); conciliation of precept and decree — ridô (Hasan), leading to discussion of the reality of the ahwâl (Misri, Muhâsibî; against Junayd); tawakkul (Shaqiq), leading to discussion about the permissibility of the aksâb (Thawri, Muhâsibî, Tustari; Tirmidhi; against Shaqiq, Ibn Karrâm, Nûrî); for or against '‘poverty”.³⁴

How can we reconcile divine "movement” of our actions with the tran­scendence of the divine act? Hasan’s tafwïd. How does God move us? In preeternity (Ibn Sâlim’s taf^ctl, Wâsitï’s qidam al-muhdathât, Abu ^cAmr Di- mishqî’s azaliyyat al-anwâr), or by an innovation of grace (actual: takhllq of Ibn Karrâm; actualized: taqaddum al-shawâhid of Faris), or by the Hallajian fiat. How does the divine "motion,” inserted between the two khâtir, op­erate in man? As an opportune memory (fa^ida), an intellectual light (anwar), or a persuasive presence (shawahtd).^}i

b)             THE DOGMA OF DIVINE UNITY

How can the incomparability of (balkajiyya) of revealed attributes be af­firmed? the mystical experience of tanzih; the anitithetical attributes (Abû

30.           Abü Nuwâs perversely amalgamated this literary tradition and the glorification of an- tiphysical love. Cf. ch. 4 n 514.

31.           As I have indicated in the Actes du /14 Congrès International d’histoire des religions (1912), Leiden, 1913, 121-22.

32.           The same son of concordance should be made for mystical terms and their loci in the hadith (isnad, mursal, samâ^c and in the usiil al-Jiah (daîil, niyya, istînbât),

33.           Passion, ch. 11 and 12.

34.           Passion, Fr 3:239 n 6/Eng 3:225 n 3>.

35.           Passion, Fr 3:120 ff., 34/Éng 3:108 ff, 26-27.

Hamza s qurb wa bu^cd, Kharrâz s ghayba wa hudûr and fana wa baqâ; takhalluq [/>: astnâ Allah or bi akhlâq Allah]). Passing from tajnd to tawhïd (Hallâj). Is the attribute “love” essential (Qur. 36:25)? Inseparability of the attributes and the essence (Hallâj)?⁶

Modes of the transforming union (Kharrâz’s ^cayn al-jam^c-, hulül al-fawa^id (Muhâsibï, Ibn Karrâm), then zuhür al-anwar (Tustari, Tirmidhî, Wâsitî), finally tajallt al-shawâhid (Hallâj, Fâris). What becomes of the human per­sonality (nafs, ruh; ana, anniyya)V

Is the QuPrân created or uncreated? Experimental differentiation among ma^cna, lafz, and nutq (Ibn Hanbal, Muhâsibï; Hallâj)?⁸

c)             ESCHATOLOGICAL PROBLEMS

Is faith enough for salvation? Experimental information about the nec­essary minimum of hope (Yahyâ Râzi's rajs) and attrition* (Tustari’s tawba). Distinction between ^caql and qalb, between mu^tnin and ^carif (Ibn Karrâm, Muhâsibï, against the majority, whose opinion was followed by Tustari and Tirmidhî). Will it be possible to see the divine essence? Notion of the transfiguring tajallï (Rabâh, ^cAbd al-Wahid ibn Zayd) as opposed to merely intellectual awareness (ru^ya). What will be the recompenses of Par­adise? Notions if ihsân, istifâfyya, ghibta.ⁱ⁹

d)             LEGAL STATUS OF ACTS

Is the use of naming, which applies the name to the named thing, al­ways legitimate? Is Quranic hikâya permissible? Concept of the da^cwa, le­gitimate preaching of the huwa huwa (Tustari, Hallâj), differentiation of ^cilm and ma^crifa. Notions of islitna^c and istinbât. The problem of observa­tion (tahaqquq), as distinguished from reality (haqlqa) and the Real (Haqq). Attributability of acts, responsibility of agents?⁰

e)             POLITICS

Differentiation of prophet and saint: the characteristic of infallibility and the grace of impeccability. Equality of rank among the prophets?¹

Certain experiences of the mystics have even contributed to the found-

* '’Attrition" in the sense of incomplete penitence for one's sins, based on fear of retribution.

36.           Passion, Fr 3:141 ff., 117 ff./Eng 3:128 ff 103 ff

37.           Passion, Fr 3:181, 32 ff., 23 n 2, 52 ff., 3 75-76'''Eng 3: ^t69, 25 ff, ^{16 11} 29, 44 ff, 35⁶“5^S-

38.           Passion, Fr 3:154 ff./Eng 3:14j ff.

39.           Passion, Fr 3:159-61, 24 n 2, 162, 176, 218/Eng 3:146-48, 17 n 36, 149-50, 163-64, 206.

40.           Passion, Fr 3:93-94, 192, 70, 197, 85~88/Eng 3:83, 180, 60, 185, 74”77-

41.           Passion, Fr 3:211-12, 220-21/Eng 3:199, 208-9.

ing of schools of dogmatic theology; Fadliyya, Bakriyya, Karrâmiyya, Sâümiyya. I have shown that in this sense Hallâj was recognized as the true leader of a school (Hallajiyya).

3.    List of Dogmatic Criticisms Incurred

The precise moral and dogmatic range of the theses experimentally es­tablished by the Muslim mystics can be measured by the censures they in­curred from various jurists and canonical authorities.

The Imâmîs were the first to react. They condemned Hasan Basri for three theses: or the precept of fraternal correction (without dissimu­

lation or violence); rida, the state of reciprocal contentment between God and the soul; Hasan’s “compromise” between predestination and free will,⁴*

Next, they condemned Abu Hâshim ^cUthmân ibn Shank of Kûfà. He had offended them by his monastic rule (khânqâhj, his habit (suf), and his doctrine of physical premovement (jabr).^4î

Nevertheless, there were still mystics among the Imâmî traditionists at Küfà until about 220/835. Most notable were Kulayb,^cAbdak,^cAbdallah ibn Yazïd ibn Qintâsh Hudhali, and the illustrious poet Abû’l-^cAtâhiya of the Butriyya Zaydi sect.^{[224] [225] [226]} Nevertheless, as early as the third/ninth century, Imâmïs and Zaydis had agreed that the mystics were to be outlawed.^[227]

The Khârijites accepted some ascetic penitential practices, but they con­demned Hasan Basri for his refusal to revolt, his submission to authority, and his theory that the intention is more important than the external work.^[228] The Khârijites never ceased condemning mysticism.

The Sunnis were much more divided. The first censures had their source in the strict traditionist (Hashwiyya) circles where the mystics were classified as zanâdiqa (Manichaeans), a subclass of the Rühâniyya (“spiritu­als”). Abu Dâwûd Sijistâni (d. 275), author of the Sun an, condemns^[229] a “group of four [sic] zanSdiqa”: “Rabâh,^[230] Abu [Muhammad]^{[231] [232]} Habib, Hay- yân/° Hariri, and Râbi^ca.” Among the group are two saints who have be­come universally revered. The heresiographer Khashish Nasa³i (d.253) ex­plains this condemnation of the mystics. Some, he says*¹ (he is speaking of Dârânî], pretend that by virtue of meditation (Jikriyya) they may enjoy (in this world) the spiritual life of God, the angels, and the prophets, and dine with the houris. Other mystics, he says, including Kulayb and Rabâh, teach that when love of God has supplanted all other attachments in the heart (khulla), legal bans are no longer valid (rukhas). And some, such as Ibn Hayyân, teach a method of ascetic training (especially of the diet) that so mortifies yearnings for the flesh (and repugnances) that when the training is finished the "ascetic” gains licence to everything (tbaha). Another group [including Rabâh and Kulayb] maintains that the heart is distracted when mortification becomes too vigorous; it is better to yield immediately to one’s inclinations;*² the heart, having experienced vanity, can then detach itself from vain things without regret.** One last group, according to Na- sa°i, affirms that asceticism (zuhd} is applicable only to things forbidden by religious law, that enjoying permitted wealth is good*⁴ and that riches are superior to poverty/*

These more or less tendentious charges are aimed at the quietist defor­mation of mysticism: khulla, ibâha, tafdil al-g ha ni.

At first, the accusations of Sunni Mu^ctazilite heresiographers were di­rected only at individuals. Kahmas (d. 149) was indicted for holding that God could be perceived "by the sense of touch” (mulamasa); ^cAbd al- Wâhid ibn Zayd (d. 177) was faulted for his claim that it was possible to see God "in this world, in proportion to one’s good works,” which leads to hulül; Abu Shu^cayb Qallâl (d.c. 170), for maintaining that “God rejoices in or is saddened by” the acts of His saints.*⁶

In the following century, Mu^ctazilite theologians became more gener­ally and violendy critical. They stigmatized the “mystical states and sta­tions” professed by Dhü’l-Nün Misrî, the superiority of saints to prophets affirmed by Ibn abî'1-Hawwân,*⁷ and the doctrine of transforming union (muta^c) preached by Hallâj. Bistâmï (subhSnï, jantia, mi^crâj), Kharrâz (taqdïs, ^cayn al-jam^c_t and Tustari were sentenced to banishment; finally, Hallâj and Ibn ^cAta were put to death.

Moderate Sufi writers subsequently began to reserve a chapter of their

51.           In Istiqâfna, extract ap. Malatl, £ 160-67.

52.           C£ the Rasputinism so frequent among Slavs (even Soloviev is inclined to it: Trois etiire- tiens, Fr. trans. Tavernier, 56-60),

53.           Ibn Adham interrupts a fast to receive a friend (Thawri, ap. Makkl, Qût, II, 177, 180). C£ Dârânï (tn Makki, Qfît, II, 174-75).

54.           “Eating delicious dishes in an incitation to find satisfaction in God” (sir Dârânï, ap. Makki, Qiif, II, 177-79).

55.           Proposition of Yahya RSzI. Cf. Passion, same references as in n 34.

56.           Asffarï, Maqâiat, £ 97a.

57.           Ibn al-Jawzi, Nâmüs, X I.

manuals for the special heretical dangers to which one is exposed by mysticism. Sarrâj, in his makes a list: tajdil al-gham, fans ([%:]

al-^cubûdiyya_f al-bashariyya, al-awsâf), hulül (bil-anwâr, bi’l-shawâhîâ, bi'l- mustahsanâl), tafdïl al-walt, ib3ha,faqd al-ihsâs, the question of the Rûli.

In the Ghalatât,™ Sulamî makes the same list more systematic. He adds ru^ya fi’l-qulüb and shath. On the other hand, he defends⁶⁰ the legality of the following “dispensations” (rukhas) : raqs, samâ^c, ^curs, nazar ila’l-murd; Hujwîrî only mentions them [with tamziq (kharq)] in his Kashf⁶' in order to register his disapproval. In the Ihyd, Ghazâlï takes the same position as Sulamî, more or less.

Ibn Tahir Maqdisi, in the Sqfwa, also justifies the dispensations (mizak, tamzîq, raqs, $ama^c; a small piece on the nazar). He was the first to give the characteristic formula of spiritual discipline, “obedience is more important than observance” (“al-khidma afdal min ai-^cibâda”); therefore, in spite of the resulting scandal over pharisaism, a spiritual guide can tell a disciple not to say a certain prayer, not to go to the mosque on a given Friday, not to make the pilgrimage, if God (and his own soul) command it.

On the subject of later Sufism, it is useful to consult Turkumânî (Lu- ma^c),⁶² Shâtibî (I^e t is am), and ^cAbdarï (Mudkhal),⁶³ who made long lists of the bida^c_f innovations, for which they reproached the mystics. On Sufism in T urkey there is Hammer’s analysis, published long ago, of the arguments between the schools of the religious jurist Abû’l-Su^rüd and the mystic Berkevi, and the twenty-one points for which the canonical authority Qa~ dizâdeh reproached the mystic Sïwâsï in 1066/1656.⁶⁴ In the last hundred years, analogous polemics have appeared periodically, in a slew of pam­phlets in Egypt, Mecca, and Java-Sumatra.

4.    Specialized Appropriation of Technical Terms

The doctors of sacred law and dogma make numerous complaints against the mystics. The one most important here concerns the special meaning, the incomparable experimental flavor, that the mystics suppose adheres to and inheres in each technical term or set of root letters chosen from the vast resources of ordinary Arabic language. In mystical thought, these terms are not simply images stripped of their sense objects, or schema­tized flames for rational concepts. Above all, they are allusions pointing to

$8. Ed. Nicholson, 409 ff.

59.           Ms. Cairo VII, 228, Cf, Passion, Er 3:24g/Eng 3:235, and all of ch. 13.

60.                      ap. Ibn ai-jawzl, Nâmüs.

61.           Nicholson trans., 416 If.

62.           Luttiif fi'f-hawâtiith wa’hbida^e, ms. Cairo, tasauno., no. 701.

63.           These two books were printed in Cairo.

64.    Hammer, Gesch. Osnt. Reich., VI, 679, and V, 576. the spiritual realities, the sanctifying virtues, that only the persistent prac­tice of a concerted rule for living can allow the mystic to discover and sa­vor, as he gradually acquires them. He must put the words into practice before he can understand them. This doctrine of the ahwal and the maqa~ mat, which Misri and Muhasibi made explicit, is characteristic of all mysti­cism. It is congenital to Sufism.

The ability, which poets possess, to engrave the characteristic mark of personal experience of the universe onto common words, is even greater in mystics. This phenomenon can be seen as early as Hasan Basri, who used ordinary words/⁵ such zsjiqh, niyya, nifâq, rida,^{[233] [234]} for internal experi­ment and moral introspection, by which he deepened their range remark­ably. Ibn al-Mubarak^{[235] [236]} did the same for qira^a⁶* and futuuwa, Shaqiq for tawakkul. The new usage was explained in definitions that were later modified and refined by the nuances of successors’ personal experiments.

These terms have no absolute worth out of context. They are valuable only in relation to their common goal, like distance markers on a road. On the '’soul's road towards God” they represent successive stages. Each one of them can be understood by gradual assimilation; Harawfs Manaztl al-sa^Jirin systematically explains how the meaning of a single word is deep­ened as the mystical experiment progresses.

The technical terms undergo a gradual warping. Their deliberate, grow­ing appropriation for a meaning more and more personal and enlivening to the reader is only one stage on the way to the happy conclusion of the inner journey. The reader is given a direct warning (^cibra) intended to awaken his conscience; his thought is dissociated from the appearances and forms of human actions and works. His attention is focused on the in­ner part of his actions, on the divine grace giving a distinct mode to what is actualized in him. Hallaj notes, "When works are considered, He for Whom the works are accomplished is lost from sight. When He in Whose sight we act is considered, the consideration of acts becomes invisible.” That is the goal.

Finally, in all phrases or actions, even those that appear the least impor­tant, the attentive mystic grasps the anagogic sense (muttala^c), which is a divine call. Then a dialogue begins between the humble, meditating soul and the transcendent, divine Wisdom. For the soul, words take on the fullness specific to their momentary reality, in which God is heard to speak; the soul reforms its vocabulary in the image of the divine speech. At the threshold of mystical union, the phenomenon of $hath intervenes.

An exchange, a switching of roles through love, is offered; the consenting soul, without suspecting it, is invited to desire, and to express in the first person, the point of view of the Beloved Himself Shath is the supreme test of the soul's humility and the seal of its election.

The first sketches ofs/iat/i appear in Ibn Adham and Râbi^ca; Bistâmî de­scribes his intoxication at a glimpse of it; Hallaj gives undeniable instances of shath, of which he also provides penetrating psychological analyses. Shîblî alludes to shath frequently,⁴⁹

After Shibli, cases of it in Islamic mysticism become rarer, and their value declines. The shathiyât attributed to Kilânï, Rifa^cï, and Ibn ^cArabi are almost unreadable in comparison to those of their great ancestors. The giddy pride that already intrudes in Bistâmî and Tustarî pushes those later mystics to make embarrassingly puerile statements:⁷⁰ "My foot is on the neck of all the saints,’* "Here am I, the Throne of God/’ etc. They submit to the theologians and make every effort to maintain the distance between inaccessible divine transcendence and acts of worship; then, in revenge, they take pride in being at least beyond the range of other men.

5.   The Question of False Attributions

A. Hadith Mursal and Hadith Qudsl

Shath is ecstatic language: the mystic claims to be a simple mouthpiece, the inert bearer of another voice, a channel for the word of God. The phenomenon of shath is the key to two of early Islam s particular features, studied in hadith under the names hadith mursal (loosened)⁷' and hadith qudst (sacred).

In the third century A.H., the founders of the critical science of the hadith indignantly denounced various "falsifiers” (wadda^cun) for inventing and spreading statements supposedly of the Prophet, which, of course, they would have been unable to trace by genealogy (isnâd) from witness

69.           The most complete collection of the theopathic speech (shathiydt) of the first Muslim mystics is the one compiled by Rûzbihin Baqli (d. 606 a.h.) during his great labors on Hailâj. It appeared in Arabic under the title Manty al-a$riir bibayân al-anwàr; then in Persian (with alter­ations) as Shark al-shathiyàt, H. Ritter has reproached me for not publishing these texts, after using them for so many years. No "Lexicon of Mystical Terms in Islam" could be published before an edition of Baqll's work. H. Corbin and A. R. Badawi are considering one. (Star/i-e shathiylif, H. Corbin, ed., Tehran and Paris: Institut Fra neo-Iranien, Bibliothèque iranienne, XII, 1966. The Arabic text of the Manty has not yet been edited.) I was at least able to give an analysis of Baqli’s two collections, in "La vie et les oeuvres de Rûzbehin Baqlï" in Florilege Pedersen, Copenhagen,

282-86 [Opem Minora, II),

70.           How infinitely preferable is the humble response of Nasribadhl, when he was told, "There is nothing in you of what makes true lovers"; "It’s true, I have nothing of theirs except their sobs; and those sobs set me afire" (Qush. 172).

71.            Goldziher, Muh. Stud,, II, 141.

to witness back to the putative source. Certainly there were counterfeiters, motivated, for example, by economic interest, political ambition, sectarian bias, and even the perverse desire to deceive?² The muhaddithün identified an additional category of fraud, to be distinguished from the others : sâlihün, pious men, inventing hadith “in order to touch the hearts of the people,” and fabricating imaginary tsndd in order to spread their sayings. These are either simple calls to prayer, penitence, or love of God, or promises of comprehensive indulgences (rukhas) in exchange for the performance of supererogatory acts.^{[237] [238]} The mentality of these falsifiers is more complex than that of the others, and it merits more careful study.

In the third century, some of the pious men, being caught in the act, had, at least according to their admissions, fabricated isfiâd, as the cases of Abu ^cIsma ^cAbdi,^[239] Jawbiyari, and Ghulâm Khalil apparently show. They illustrate the eventual absorption and perversion of a psychological process having its origin, and its early permissible forms, in the preceding cen­turies. With the caution of men of the world, the pious falsifiers were try­ing to use legitimate chains of transmission as a protective cover. They wanted to continue to tap and channel information about dogma and cus­tom from their preternatural source : the divination or mysticism and states of dreaming or ecstasy in which they consulted Muhammad and other de­ceased prophets, and even questioned God supematurally.

There were several methods to evoke the prophets, most notably Zu- hri’s,^[240] used by Ibn ^cUkkâsha in the famous dream in which he consulted Muhammad. (Ibn Hanbal attested to this event’s authenticity before Mu tawakkil.)^[241] The earliest mystics published communications directly ob­tained from a dead prophet as hadith mursal, i.e., authoritative prophetic texts permittingno dispute.^[242] The commentator allowed himself to “loosen” or shorten the isnâd, because the hadith’s content was so convincing.

The second case is hadith qudst: in the statements collected in mystical experiments, God speaks directly, in the first person (and not indirectly, quoted as an interlocutor, as in the Qur^an). Here, a grave problem is posed by direct mystical union (superior to indirect prophetic revelation). Most of the first Muslim mystics did not dare to make an open claim to it. Hasan Basri and the pseudo-Ja^cfar gave their ahâdïth qudsiyya as marâsil (of Muhammad). After trying to be more straightforward, Ibn Adham retreated^[243] and gave a hadtth qudsi as a mursal of John the Baptist. Others gave them as sayings of David, Idris, etc ^[244] Dârânï, taking more extreme mea­sures, refused to divulge any of his ecstatic experimental results (tanktt al-haqïqa), except those explicitly confirmed by Quranic and traditional authority. Bistâmî confessed them in the same way, emitting QuPânic words almost completely removed from their contexts as choppy, ecstatic cries in the first person. Tirmidhi, without giving further details, said that his results were a confirmation of the traditional discipline he was impos­ing upon his inner life. Like the others, Hallâj had found ahâdtth qudsiyya through mystical experimentation; he alone was honest enough to publish them as such. They are his RfWyât, of which the isnad is ilhâmt (ecstatic);^[245] he set forth not a historical succession of dead witnesses but a contempora­neous ensemble of phenomena in which divine grace is affirmed.^{[246] [247] [248]}

The traditionists’ critical polemic against the ''apocryphal” ahâdtth of the mystics is of a great importance. As the arguments become more and more acrimonious, they underscore an irremediable divergence of points of view. HammSd ibn Salama stigmatizes the "ignorance” of the Yahya ibn Sa^cîd Qattân, speaking of Malik ibn Dinar, Muhammad ibn Wasi^c, and Hassan ibn abi Sinân, declares that "the most condemnable thing about the conduct of the pious with respect to hadtth is that they accept them from any source.”⁸¹ Posed like this, the problem raises two questions, one of method and one of morality.

If the muhaddithün had succeeded in imposing their method and elimi­nating all hadtth with apocryphal isnâd from the "authentic" collections, believers would now have only dried meat^[249] to feed meditation: a few prescriptions concerned only with hygiene and civility, sandal cleaning, and the right wood for making toothpicks. Purely formal criticism of isriad is ideally no more than a servant who sweeps the house. If it becomes the basis for constituting the corpus of Islamic tradition, and if a given reli­gious precept's social rank and importance are simply made to correspond to the degree of soundness of its textual transmission, the result is the un­due elimination of the most important precepts. In theory and in private judgment, the acceptability of a witness should be examined before the content of his testimony/⁵ but in practice and in society the content must take precedence. In order to obtain exceptionally valuable testimony in a court of law, there is no hesitation to change the manner of questioning witnesses, or even to force their confessions. A method of historical crit­icism that only accepts the accounts of witnesses who are professionally honorable/⁶ summoned and recorded by proper procedure, will miss¹*⁷ most of the unusual events and, in recording the others, will fall into all possible traps of prejudice and personal interest, which the forgers of docu­ments will have set for gullible, positivistic investigators.

Next, the question of morality. The ahi al-hadîth school, horn Yahya Qattân to Ibn al-Jawzi and Dhahabi, condemned the “perversity” of au­thors who, like Raqqâshi, Namîri, Murri, Muhâsibï, and, later, Makki and Ghazali, had cited apocryphal ahadtth in their works. They would have been reprehensible only if they had acted knowingly (as Ibn Tahir Maqdisi seems to have done)/⁸ which is not the case of Muhâsibï or Ghazali. For these two teachers, the important thing was not to know whether a quota­tion was reproduced word for word, complete and unabridged, or whether X or V had first put it into circulation, but to appreciate and taste its worth as a rule for living, by ceasing to quibble over the form in order to experi­ence the sense.^{[250] [251] [252] [253] [254]} Of course Ghazali stuffed his Ihyâ with hadïth whose isnâd is indefensible. The point is secondary; the Ihya is not a manual of textual criticism but a guide for moral edification. Ghazali took little care over the genealogy of the quotations he was collecting, and very great care over their moral significance for the reader. He was writing not for curious am­ateur archeologists but for consciences avid for moral meditation.

We are led to one last question; how to assess the guilt of those moral­ists who knowingly became waddà^cün, or inventors of hadïth. It is no doubt a mistake, an act of cowardice, to disguise the invention of an tsndd; but the preliminary, venial fault should not compromise the hadith itself, which will have currency among believers by virtue of its content, not by reason of its date of origin?⁰ Ahâdîth are essentially rules of conduct, con­doned hic et nunc. Is it permitted to invent an imaginary sentence, if it is related to a case of conscience? The question is such that it engages the whole problem of artistic invention and personal originality of style. Solu­tions vary enormously between civilizations derived, on the one side, from Indo-European linguistic tradition, and, on the other, from Semitic tradition.

The Semitic tradition since Abrahamic and Mosaic monotheism was introduced^{[255] [256]} has restricted all creative initiative and innovation to God alone. Except for revelations planned and solemnly brought to pass by Him, all private inspirations, especially the profane fancies of the poets, are treated with extreme mistrust. The Aryan tradition, from the beginning polytheistic, idolatrous, and favorable to individual liberty, has been satis­fied with fables, artistic and literary fictions, painting or sculpture, drama or romance. All of these things are denounced by the Semites either as man’s blasphemous usurpation of the role of God, the only giver of life, or as a sacrilegious conception of the truth of God, when He is suspected of telling fables^{[257] [258]} to His servants.

Through deeper meditation, the Muslim mystics conquered their re­pugnances and came to admit that the fact of divine omnipotence did not exclude the exercise and celebration of His gifts to men. The artist is but a perishable image of what the saint may become: the free and living instru­ment of the one Poet, the creative Power. Parables, even about God, may be told, as long as the teller forgets himself, and the parables cause the hearers to think of Him.

This attitude is explained very well at the end of Plato’s Gorgias (sec. 79): ”... Listen, then, as they say, to this very lovely story. Perhaps you will be­lieve it is a fable, but for me it is a true story, and I wish you would regard all I am going to tell you as the truth.”⁹¹ The mystics conceive the para­bles of their catechism as true prophecies that will be verified in time, but which can only be said to be “true” insofar as they have been realized. The truth of their parables is observed a posteriori in what they produce in society, in the swarm of imitations, the teeming variety of images, syn­onyms, and viable applications they provoke in those who have listened to them attentively. This truth is difficult to grasp, alas; the experience of it is limited to those who are found worthy, or who have been humble enough to admit their unworthiness in advance.

B. Authors Responsible for
Certain Famous Ahâdïth Qudsiyya

Abu Dharr: “man taqarrab ... shibran... dhira^can ...” (Muhâsibi, Ri^cdya, i2a, attributes it to Ibn Musayyab);[259] Hanbal V, 153; Nabhânï, Jdmi^c, no. 30).

Ka^cb: “and jails man dhakarani” and the hadtth al-jumjuma (according to Hilya, s.v.).

Hudhayfa; “yad Allah ma^c (var: ^cald) al-jama^cz” (Hanbal, I, 406; taken up by Ibn ^cIyad, according to Malati, 143; Ibn Batta ^cUkbad, Sharh wa ibâna), and the hadîth al-ibtilâ (Cf. Passion, Fr 3:127 n 2/Eng 3:115 n 123 ; Mut~ taqi, Kanz, V, 164; attributed by Ibn al-jawzï, Mawdü^cât, to Yamân ibn ^cAdi).

Ibn Mas^cûd: "tuba liman lam yushghil qalbahu bîmâ tard ^caynahu ,(Muhâsibi, Ri^câya_: 15 a; later attributed to Jesus; cf. Asin, Logia, no 20).

Hasan Basri: “man ^cashiqanï ^cashiqtuhu ...” (according to ^cAbd al-Wahid ibn Zayd; ap. Hilya, s.v. ; included⁹⁴ by Ibn Sînâ in his ^clshq); “tajïh midâd al- ^culamâ^calü dam al-shuhadâ” (Manjanïqî, ap. Suyütî, Lu'd/î,⁹⁵ s.v.; then ad­mitted as a hadtth via Ibn ^cUmar, according to Kürküt, Hanmt ; cf. Hasan’s pronouncement to the contrary, in Ibn Qutayba, ^cUyM«, II, 295); “yâmu- qallib al-qulüb, thabbit...”(according to Ibn Sa^cd, IV, 128; Ibn^cIyad made it a hadith, according to the Hilya); “Khayr al-umür awsatuhâ” (^clqd, I, 250, according to Goldziher, RHR, XVIII, 193).

Yazîd Raqqashi: hadtth ghibtat al-mutahâbbïn (Makkï, Qüt, I, 222; compare Nabhânï, Jâmi^c, no. 31).

Ibrahim ibn Adham: “Kuntu sam^cahu wa basarahu” (according to Muhâsibi, Mahabba [see herein, ch 5 n 72), cf. Makkï, Qüt, II, 67; accepted by Bu­khari) ; “al-^cariffarighan ...” (Id. ; cf. Passion, Fr 3:15 / Eng 3:8).

Fudayl ibn^cIyad(cf. supra): “udhkurünî adhkurukum” (according to the Lon­don Or ms. 8049, f. 30b).

Ahmad Jawbiyârî: “utlubü al-^cUm, walaw bi'l-Stn” (accepted by Ibn Karrarn; Dhahabi, I^ctidâl, s.v.).

Yahyâ ibn Mu^câdh Râzï: “man^carafa nqfsahu, Jaqad ^carqfa Rabbahu” (accord­ing to Suyütï, La alt, s.v.; Ibn ^cArabï, Muhàdatât, II, 369).

Sahl Tustarî: “ma min âya ... ilia walahâ arba^c ma^cani” (according to Tustari, Tafstr, 3,6; accepted by Ghazâlî, Ladunniyya, 16).

Muhammad ibn Yünus Kadimi (d.286, at 100 years of age): “ utlubü* l-hawa^ij ^cind hisan abwujüh’’ (accepted by Sulaini, Ibn Sînâ [^ch^]; cf. Dhahabi, I^etidal, s.v.).

C. Initiatory Isnâd, al-Khidr, the Abdâl

The deception of false attributions was perhaps excusable in mystics who had no civic heroism from which to benefit, but who nevertheless wished, under borrowed names, to initiate their contemporaries into the experiences of their spiritual lives. Unfortunately the practice spread to ar­eas in which authenticity was fundamental. One such problem, hotly de­bated, especially from the fifth/eleventh century onward, was initiatory isnâd, the “chain of mystical supports” attaching orders, link by link, to the most venerated saints, the Companions, and the Prophet.

Muhâsibî’s works (NascPih) prove that, in the third/ninth century, the question of initiatory isnâd was not yet being raised, and, as a correlative,^[260] that the taking of a special habit (khirqa, shuhra bi libSs} was no more than a voluntary act of certain individuals. The institution of collective hermit­ages, as at ^cAbbâdân, and the writing of manuals for the communal life, came long before the solemn affiliation of orders and the ritual wearing of habits.

In the fourth/tenth century, Ja^cfar Khuldi gave^[261] the first known initia­tory isnâd, a sort of written sama^c. He declared that the tâbi^cûn (among others Anas ibn Malik, d. 91), through Hasan Basri (d. no), Farqad Sinji (d. 131), Ma^crûf (d. 200), and Sari (d. 253), had transmitted the mystical doctrine tojunayd (d. 298), Khuldfs teacher.

Shortly thereafter, Daqqâq gave Qushayri^[262]* the following genealogy for what he more explicitly called his “akhdh al-tariq” (initiation): (1) the lâbi^cün, (2) Dâwûd Tâ’î, (3) Ma^cruf, (4) Sari, (5) Junayd, (6) Shibli, (7) Nasrâbâdhï.

In the following century, at the time of the foundation of the great or­ders, this chain was prettified, as ludicrous details were added to the rare, confirmed facts about the orders’ origins. Here is the chain in its tradi­tional form:^[263] (1) ^cAli, (2) Hasan Basri, (3) Habib ^cAjami, (4) Dâwâd Tâ^î, (5) Ma^crûf, (6) Sari, (7) Junayd, (8) Abu SMi Rûdhbârî (d. 322), (9) either Abü ^cAli Kâtib (d. 340) or Zajjâji, (d. 348), (10) Abu ^cUthmân Maghribi (d. 373), (1 ï ) Abü'l-Qâsim Gurgânï (d. 469).^{[264] [265]}

This isnâd of the khirqa was soon criticized. Step 1—2 is false: Hasan and ^cAli never met'⁰¹ (Ibn Dihya, Ibn al-Salah, Dhahabi). Step 3-4 is false:Ha- bîb died in Basra, Dâwûd lived in Küfà (Dhahabi).^I0i Step 4-5 is false: Ma^cruf never went to Küfà (Dhahabï).^{[266] [267]} Step 5-6 is dubious: Sari was only the indirect disciple ofMa^cruf.‘°^[268]

A second isnâd, otherwise identical to the first, replaces steps 1-4 by the line of ^cAlid Imams up to ^cAli Rida (b. 183, d. 203 at Tüs), who is sup­posed to have taken Ma^crüf (d. 200) as his doorman (after Ma^crüf’s con­version) and to have clothed him in his own khirqa, Ibn al-Jawzi (in his Fadà^il Ma^crüf} and Dhahabi point out the chronological impossibilities of this ridiculous legend, which Qushayri accepts.¹⁰³

Two sorts of falsification that the later mystics frequently committed may be included here. One is to put certain sayings and poems under the isnâd of a respected name, in order to avoid censure by the theologians.^[269] The list of examples includes the tafsïr attributed to Imam Ja^cfar (from the fourth/tenth century™see below); the khutab that Tabarsi attributes to ^cAli, which perhaps are by the Imâmï Mufaddal; the false Diwan of ^cAli, which contains pieces by Suhrawardl of Aleppo;^{[270] [271]} “letters,” lightly ac­cepted as authentic by Mehren, from Ibn Abfl Khayr^[272] to Ibn Sïnâ, and from Ibn Sab^cIn to Frederick ÏL The authenticity of Ibn ^cArabi’s letters to Fakhr Râzî is also problematic.^[273]

The other falsehood is to treat the most compromising works of daring mystics as apocrypha. Sha^crawi, for example, declared without any sup­porting evidence that the Fusûs were not by Ibn ^cArabL^H0 Nabhânï has re­cently tried to reject Nâbulusïs authorship of the Ghâyat al-matlübJ’¹

The importance of these critical corrections must not be exaggerated. They remove an awkward overlay of arbitrary details, but they hardly change the curve of the historical development of mystical ideas, as the tra­dition represents them. The Muslim mystics themselves were not embar­rassed to confess their uncertainty as to the intermediaries from whom they might: have received the khirqa, The idea of an uninterrupted chain is quite foreign to Quranic occasionalism, and the mystics accepted it only in order to answer traditionist objections. Perhaps it was infiltrated into their midst, as it was into the other guilds, by the ^cAlid propaganda of the Qarmathians. In the table, which seems to be of Fatimid origin, of the XVII patrons of the major organizations, there are several mystics: Dhü’l-Nün Misri (V), Hasan Basrî (VII), Abu Dharr (XIII), Abü’l-Dardâ (XIV).¹*²

Many mystics, finding it repugnant to use justifications as artificial as these isnâd, say boldly that they have received their khirqa from al-Khidr (or Khadir).”³ The real meaning of this pretense is transparent. "Al-Khidr” is the traditional name of the anonymous figure shown, in the Qur^an, to be the recipient and keeper of the ^cUm ladunnï, a saint of God, and, as the guide given the responsibility to direct Moses”⁴ (Qur°ân 18:64-81), supe­rior to the prophets. The mystic initiated by al-Khidr is sanctified, eman­cipated from the tutelage of prophetic law. It is an axiom of Sufism that al-Khidr is immortal,”⁵ because he is the supreme spiritual counselor who dictates the formulas of prayer to the heart.”⁶ According to Simnânï,”⁷ his complete name is AbüVAbbâs Balyân ibn Qalyân ibn Fâligh al-Khidr.”*

The khirqa khidriyya proves that the certified transmission of mystical ini­tiation by isnâd was only an ancillary argument, for external use. However, the Muslim mystics do not deny that at any given instant there is a precise

112. See Goldzihet’s introduction to Sijistïnï's Kitab al-mu^ammarhf, see also Kutub al-futuwwa, for example, the one by'UbaydalUh Rife's (1082 a.h. : Damascus manuscript Zah, tas. 81).

i ij. Book by Sha'ràwl (Khidriyya, p. 13) devoted to those in contact with Khidr: Ibn Adham, Misri, BistSml, Jurayri, TirmidhI, KilSni, Ibn'Arabi, Shâdhilî. Cf. Khark., 213a, ^cAttâr II, 92-94; HazmlV, t8o. Khadir = “Eliantc Spirit” (n.b., Khidr is a vocalization to be rejected). The Islamic so­lution to the problem of "spiritual guidance” is provided from the eschatological point of view rep­resented by Elias (Khadir is St. Elias of the Carmel) in all of Christian tradition. Much research has convinced me of the basic eschatological importance of the Quran's sura 18, devoted to the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, for understanding not only the psychology of the Prophet but also the social evolution of the generations of Muslims, during the thirteen centuries in which that sura has been read, every Friday, in every mosque. The sura’s second part is a treatment of this problem of spiri­tual guidance (irshad) and of the priority of the spiritual guide (here Khadir, i,e,, Elias; the spirit of Elias, as with St.John the Baptist) over the prophet legislator (here Moses). Cf. in Analecta Ballandi- ana, 1950,11,245—60: "Les Sept Dormants, apocalypse de 1’Islam"; and, in Les mardis de Dar el Salam, Cairo, 1952, II, "Les fouilles archéologiques d'Ephèse et leur importance religieuse pour la Chré­tienté et l'Islam,” 1-24. On Khadir, cf. the Laba; Nu'mân-b-Must. Kôprülüzadeh, Al-^Cadl fi hâl al- Khadir, (ms. KÔpr. (3 J145); KamSlpashazadch, Kashf al-ltâdirfi amr al-Khadir, Hakimoghli ms., 937. Cf. Hallâj on the sins in Y3 Sin and in Mûsa (Akhbâr, 28). The problem of the AbdSl is tied to that of Khadir. On the hadilh al-abdât, consult the sources indicated above, s.v. BDL (and Khatib 11, 182).

>14. Remark of Rabâh Qaysi (Sh. rai». I, 46).

S15. Passion, Ft 2;J47/Eng 2:330. Allusion to Ibn al-Jawzi’s book against this belief (^fAjSlat al-munfazir fl l>Sl al-Khadir, cited in Ibn'AtS Allah, La!â³if I, 87).

116.           A. Ibrâhîm Taymî (Makkl, Qiit, I, 7). Ibrâhîm Khawwïs (Qush. Ill, 53; cf. 1,71, IV, 173).

117.           Apud ^cUrwa, extract in Abulfazl, Ayin-i-akbari, trans. Jarrett, ill, 376.

118.           He "renews his youth" every 120 years in 240, 120, i a.H., 120, 240, 360... ). He inces­santly travels the world and was therefore nicknamed, among Christians in the Middle Ages, the "Tervagant" (hypothesis of J. Ribera). He likes the raqs and practices alchemy. See Vollers’s work. hierarchy of the sanctifying graces, which the divine omnipotence dis­penses in various places on the earth, while insuring that the number of recipients of grace remains constantly fixed."¹⁹ This is the famous theme of the abdàl, the apotropaic saints, who succeed one another by permutation (hadal) and constitute the spiritual pillars without which the world would collapse.* In Islam, the doctrine is older than it is generally believed; in spite of what Ibn Khaldün’³⁰ says, it is not necessarily of Imami origin. By the fourth/tenth century it was already traditional/³¹ was accepted by the Salimiyya and the Hanbalites, and had assumed a great variety of forms differentiated by their complex, previous elaboration. It was mentioned explicitly¹²³ as early as the third/ninth century, in connection with the hadith al-ghihta (taught by Hasan Basri, Yazïd Raqqâshî, Ibn Adham, and Wakï^c)/³³ the Abrahamic khulla, and the "three fundamental virtues.”¹³⁴

In the doctrine’s oldest form, there were "forty” abddl, "forty” being the traditional Semitic number that designates penitence and expiation.^!3Î Three hundred nuqaba and seventy nujaba were subsequently put under the authority of these abdsl, and seven wttand (var.: abrdr, awtâd, akhyar), four or three ^catnud (var.: athafi), and one qutb, (ghawth) over them; the geo­graphical distribution and administrative roles of the figures vary with each author.’¹⁶ These concepts represent a work of the mind parallel to those performed by the Nusayris (on the four arkân) and Qarmathians. Maghribi’s remark that the head of the hierarchy knows his subordinates, "but they do not know him,” refers to a Masonic principle that is applied, it must be admitted, in Ismaili secret societies; it remains unproved that thematic borrowing occurred.

♦See Mauignon,"The Notion of'Real Elite' in Sociology and in Hi» tory ” For reference, see “Remark," ch i

119.            Among the Druze, this idea became the idea of the invariable number of souls (immedi­ate compensation for the deaths by births, with immediate reincarnation of souls).

120.            Muqaddima, de Shoe trans., s.v.

121.            Passion, Fr 3:221-22/Eng 3:209-10; MuhSsibl, f. 233; Mahabba, f, 6; Tirmidhi, Rashit, f. i8o, 319; Junayd, ap. Kai. 54; Suyüti, Khabar dâll, in Mtvhnq, XH, 194 ff. (article in bib., s.n. Anastase.)

122.            Ibn abi’I-Dunyâ specifies the “Abrahamic" moral virtues of the forty abcfàl; they surpass

others, nor by their number of prayers, Easts, mortifications, or model behavior, but by the sin­cerity of their continence, good will, heart s peace, and fraternal advice to all Muslims “ibtighâ « mardât Allah" (Suyûtî, Khabar dull, in XH, 204. Ibn abi*l-Duny3, in his Kiiab al-mdthâ

[Anastase p. 201], gives a shorter recension of the text, as a hadilh of Hasan, through Salih Murrï). Ma^crOf, DlrSnl, NibajI, and Bishr Hàfi tried to define the abdsl (Anastase, 200-204).

123.            Passion, Fr 3:218/Eng 3:206.

124.            Suyütî, op. cit., XII, 204 (SulamI); cf. Passw, Fr 3:31, 44/Eng 3:24, 36.

125.           See the Old and New Testaments, s.n.; Qur’àn, s.n. arba^ein; the “forty martyrs¹' in east­ern toponymy.

126.            See various theories: KattSnl’s (d. 322) in Sh. Tab., 1, 110; AbO ^cUthman Maghribis (d- 373), in Tahînuwî, Kashshdf, 846; Makkïs, in the Qift, I, 109, II, 78; Tirmidhï s in Baqli, 1, 301. Cf. Jami, 21. The assembly of universal intercessor saints (hadra) is now thought to be com­posed of KilSnI, Badawi, and Dasûql, with Rifa'i as president.

We know that the saints particularly venerated by Ibn Adham were Mâlik ibn Dinar, Bunânï, and Sikhtiyânî; by Bishr Hâfï: Wuhayb ibn al- Ward, Ibn Adham, Ibn Asbât, and Muslim Khawwâs.¹²⁷ According to the Makkï,'²⁸ the Sslimiyya venerated Ibn Adham and Shaqiq, Misri, Bistâmî, and Tustari.

Ï27. Tagr. 1, 413.

128. Qlit, H, 76 (s.v. fcW/rt).

THE FIRST MYSTICAL VOCATIONS IN ISLAM

Introduction

It is clear from the preceding chapters that a study of the lives of the first Muslims called to mysticism is of primary importance to anyone wishing to analyze the formation of Sufism’s technical language. The historian of the arts need not exhaust himself over artists’ biographies in order to study and appreciate the fabric of a popular song of even the technique of a classical work. Nor is he obliged to enquire whether Layla was as beautiful as Maj- nun says she was, whether the painter of the Embarkation for Cythera had visited Cerigo, or whether Abû Nuwâs really liked to take part in the li­centious scenes described in his poetry. The basic question will not have been decided; the work’s intrinsic value will not suddenly have come to light. The same is true in the study of science and philosophy, even legal, moral, and political philosophy; the historian can give an appraisal of the range and economy of a system without detailing the intentions that di­rected its makers behavior. The arts and sciences touch man accidentally; they graze our surface.

Mysticism is not the same. It is an experimental science, a method of in­trospection; it aims by definition at reality itself, at the very heart of man, the intention under the intonation, the smile under the mask. Behind a person's conduct it seeks a grace that comes only from God. Therefore, an appraisal of each subject’s degree of sincerity, an examination that makes every conscience transparent, is basic to the study of mysticism. To proceed we must be able to rely on a detailed inquiry into the lives and extant works of those who claim to teach it. Chapters four and five outline an investiga­tion of the distinctive figures of Islamic mysticism at its beginnings.

i.                 Qur³ânic Foundations

A. The Qur’anic Parables and the Problem
of Muhammad's Inner Life

If Christianity is fundamentally¹ the acceptance and imitation of Christ

i.     Except among the historical Ebionites and the Sabbatarians of today. before the acceptance of the Bible, Islam on the contrary is the acceptance of the Qur’an before the imitation of Muhammad, as the Prophet himself explicitly declared. He insistently taught the verses³ emphasizing the strict dependence (and inferiority) of his person in relation to his mandate?

We must therefore examine whether the Qur’an itself suggests themes for mystical meditation before arguing whether Muhammad had an inner life leaning towards mysticism.

Europeans unfamiliar with Semitic concision, with the brief lightning flashes of the Psalms⁴ for example, communally suppose that the Qur’an has no mystical tendencies; in other words, that there are no passages meant to be taken in an anagogic (mnttala^c) sense? But many allegorical passages,⁶ contained in various suras both Meccan and Medinese, will be perceived, if we reflect even a little attentively (a fortiori if a believer meditates), to be more than simple anecdotes offered to the imagination, verifiable defini­tions presented to the intelligence, or legal and moral injunctions against our desires. Such verses (âyât) are condensed but expressive parables con­taining an ^cibra, an “admonition ” One must consent to accept them before they will be understood; as a result, their vehemence proves repellent to the haughty and pharisaic minds of the fuqahâ. Purely legal commentators, in general, also neglect them. E.g. :

Parables of Vocations: “There is a true reminder for him who has a heart for it, and who knows how to pay attention!” (50:37)? Build in the heart an edifice “founded on duty to God, not on a piece of earth, which will collapse” (9:109). Life in this world is like running water, like the harvest set out to dry (6:99: 10:25; 57:19)- At the ritual sacrifice

in the pilgrimage,⁸ “it is not the blood or flesh of the victims, but piety, that rises to God” (22:38). “A pardoning affectionate word is worth more than alms that cause a wound” (2:265).

Separating the good from the wicked: The different fates reserved for sincere hearts and deceitful ones (2:263, 266, 267, 268; 68:17), for those who rely on God for support and those who count on themselves (39:30; 18:31-40): the first are like sprouting seeds (48:29), like kernels that bear fruit (2:263), like growing trees (14:29); the second are like the deaf and

2.           Qur. 28:86; 7:188; 3: ï38; 6:107; 41:5; 47:21; 72:21, 24.

3.           Whence the legitimate inductions of the Wahhabis in their reform of the salât ^ata'l^Nabt, and of the mystics, who expect saintliness alone to bring about a perfect accomplishment of the law announced by the prophets (tafdil al-wait).

4.           Qanâdîlu mhbâ» .. .fi manâzili'i-qufial.

5.           Passio», Ft 3; 187-88/Eng 3:175.

6.           With Ibn^cAbbâs, Qur. 13:28 is allegorized as follows: "Water is knowledge, and the streams arc men’s hearts” (‘Autirif, I, 61); cf. Hasan on sura 102, and a literalist like Ibn Hanbal on the an- agogic sense of names such as Kawthar, Ttlba, KSfiir.

7.           See his role in MuhSsibl (Ri^eJy<i, f. 4b),

8.    Goldziher, fâriesungeti, Eng. trans., 18-19; and the whole verse Qur. 2:172. dumb, like captives, like lost men groping to find their way by flashes of lightning (2:117-119) or following a mirage; like swimmers awash in a dark sea (24:39-4.0) or travelers bitten by an icy wind (3:113); their house is as fragile as a cobweb (29:40). At the last day, these souls, empty of good actions, will call after the first group in vain, like the mad virgins crying after the good virgins, “Wait for us, that we may borrow from your light!” (57:13)? Sura 36 mentions not only the sadness of the martyred apostle who thinks of the hardening of his executioners (verse 24) but also the painful censure God reserves for some (y3 hasratan, 36:29; 3:150, 8:36; 19:40; 69:50; 39:57)^,0 and the greeting¹¹ He addresses (qawlan) to others (36:58),

And the parables of the resurrection: God, who gives life to sterile earth with water (16:67; 4-^I;39) and produces fire from green wood^u (36:80), will be able to bring souls back to their bodies like tamed birds’³ (2:262). These parables, with guiding intentions independent from, but parallel to, those of certain psalms and verses of the gospel, are meant for everyone; for the most part, they are ascetic rather than mystical advice.

But there is more in the QuPân, There are mentions of clearly illumi­native and even ecstatic phenomena: (a) God exposes Muhammad’s secret thoughts as He sounds the Prophet's heart.¹⁴ (This examination of con­science is admittedly involuntary, but it is accompanied by an undeniable mental doubling, in which the spiritual personality of the subject admits that there is another, sovereign Presence [93:6-10; 33:37; 80:3].) (b) The hidden circus tances¹⁵ and unknown supernatural significance of certain events are suddenly revealed to the soul?⁶ (c) Mention is explicitly made of the inner miracles effected by the grace that comes to certain prophets: speech within (iqra); shark al-sadr or expansion of the chest; external prun-

9.           Subject of one of the sermons of MansÜr ibn ^eAmm3r (d, 22j; Fihrist, 184).

to. Question raised by TabarsI, 122.

11.           Question raised by Muhisibi (Passion, Fr jayB/Eng 3:166; herein ch, 3, sec, 1. B.),

12.           Allusion to the Burning Bush,

13.           Cf, Hallâj (TawSsin, p, 27).

14.           Qur. 33:37 (cf. Passion, Fr 3:199 n 8/Eng 3:187 n 15).

15.           Cf, the strange meditations of the first mystics on the "mortal trouble" of Mary before the birth of Jesus (Qur. 19:23): "yJ laytant miltu tjabla hadha!" [Recueil, p, 55] “O, would that Ï had died before that!”: before they sinned by wrongfully suspecting me (Ibn ^£AU); before I had to think of someone (= my child) other chan God (Kharriz); before I had to ask for something (~ dares), instead of remaining (as before) abandoned to God (Ibn Tahir); before they wor­shipped my son, separate from God (JurayrI; cf. Baqlï, H, 8; Sh, Tab., I, 93), And Wîsitî’s com­mentary on the barren date palm that gave Mary fresh dates (Qur, i9:25)^: he says it is an image of the pure conception of Jesus within her, a pure gift of God (rizq), not an advantage (that she was seeking, haraka) or something acquired (kasb, with respect to which she would have been avaricious) (Baqlï, H, 8),

16.           Description of Satan's fall; description of the rivalry of the Angels desiring to serve Mary in the Temple; words of the Annunciation; contestations of Abraham and Noah with God; dis­cussion between Moses and his guide.

ing of the heart/⁷ which is circumcised by faith. Finally, (d) there are cases of rapture, such as the central event in Muhammad’s vocation, the night journey {ism) to Jerusalem, and to the qâb qawsayn.

I have shown elsewhere’⁸ how the greatest Muslim mystics concen­trated their Qur’anic meditation on these themes, as they tried to find in their own hearts the states of the soul that had been the favors of grace to some of the prophets.

Nothing more can be affirmed. The QuPân raises the question of puri­fying (ikhlâs) the profession of monotheistic faith, and that of habitually conforming to the will of God (tuma^nina, rida, state of grace); we can therefore say that the Qur^Jân mentions certain mystical phenomena but does not explain their occurrence in history.¹⁹ In particular it supplies no decisive documentary evidence on the evolution of Muhammad's inner life (as proved by Hubert Grimme’s failed attempt)?⁰ The secret of his soul, which was devoted to such an extraordinary destiny, has remained sealed to us?¹ Sura 53 contains no cries of mystical love, and we cannot easily adopt Ghazâlï's hypothesis that Muhammad was at first a “passionate lover of his God,” wandering in solitude on Mt. Hirâ and drunk with de­sire for union?² But we must not, like the many orientalists led astray by the Juqahâ’s partisan reasoning, deny the sincere and lasting vehemence of Muhammad’s devotion, indicated by his severe discipline and frequent su­pererogatory prayers after midnight (tahajjud). Like all true leaders, he was hard on himself, and sometimes even on his harem. Goldziher and Lam- mens have recently brought to light some traditional tales of the luxury of his “court,” of his and his Companions’ softness; the stories are pic­turesque, but they first appeared as highly suspect polemical arguments, used and probably invented by the shameful second-century a.h. school of muhaddithün most notably represented by Waqicli (d. 207) and his “secre­tary” Ibn Sa^cd (d. 230). These men were exclusively occupied in seeking apostolic precedents for licentious sumptuousness, especially the silks, jew­els, henna, antimony, and perfume of the profligate governors and vizirs on whose subventions the school survived?³ Hâtim al-Asamm gave an early warning about them to the qâdt Ibn Muqâtil of Rayy?⁴ Muhâsibï’s vibrant

17.           Passion, Fr 3:i9-2o/Eng 3:12-13; GhazSll, Munqidh, 7; cf. Qur. 5:10-11.

18.           Passion, Fr 3:213 312/Eng 3:200 ff., 294-95.

19.           Passion, Fr 3 = 39/Eng 3:31.

20.           Goldziher (Vorksungen, Eng, trans., 80-81) thinks his attempt might help to reconstitute the chronological order of the suras. — Only if we begin with the axiom that predestination and freedom are contradictory, against which all the religious experience ofbelievers protests.

21.           Passion, Fr 3:199 n 7, 315, 320/Eng 3:187 n 14, 297-98, 302-3.

22.           Ghazâli, Munqidh, 33.

23.           WSqidi was a commensal of the Barmakids. See Goldziher's discussion of Ibn Sa^cd, in Vor~ lesungen, Eng. trans., 125-260 30.

24.           Yifi^cl, Nashr.

pages stigmatize^ the unspeakable motives in their hearts, which were de­voted to the flesh. A profane desertion of all that is sacred lurked beneath their specious historical criticism of the supposed poverty of Islams first champions. That poverty was real, in fact was inevitable^{[274] [275]} among fighters as hardened as them, condemned to forty years of ceaseless skirmishing and extended military expeditions.

The diversity alone of the Muslim mystics’ reflections on Muhammad’s inner life shows how mysterious the problem has remained. What the Prophets public life attests should be noted: proven will, self-control/^[276] moderation and prudence, perspicacity and readiness to forgive, patience and forethoughtfulness, in short all the capacity to maneuver of a chief in war and a chief of state.^[277] His abilities were disciplined by the deepest faith, but we must not claim without proof, like certain neo-Muslims of India, that his faith was combined with personal practice, on a heroic scale, of the Sermon on the Mount.^[278] On the other hand, the Qur’an mentions that ideal of saintly Christian mildness and does not find fault with it.

B. Is the Monastic Vocation to Be Rejected?

The Hadlth of Là Rahbâniyya

The QurÙn, while condemning some erroneous Christian opinions, clearly states that among those monks “who are humble” (5:85) are to be found the Muslim believers’ closest friends.^[279] On the other hand, those monks “who consume another’s goods, and those who hoard wealth” will be condemned to hell (9:34). It is not monasticism that is condemned a pri­ori but only bad monks. Nothing in the Qur³ân limits the legality of the monastic life to Jews and Christians; certainly nothing allows bad Muslims to escape the damnation pronounced for thieves and misers. An opinion to this effect was declared in public by Abu Dharr, during ^cUthman’s caliph­ate,^[280] and no matter how flagrant the doctrinal hypocrisy under certain Umayyads may have been, all ancient commentators on the Qur^an adopted it. Muqâtil (d. 150), giving rules for Quranic exegisis, says that, "Every time you read the word ruhban in the Qur’an, you must understand it to mean al-mujiahtdm fï dïmhim, the believers who make an effort to practice their religion with zeal.”³* Many pious figures are called rahib without any pejorative intent?³

Western orientalism also makes much of a hadïth, “la rahbânîyyata fît- fcldtn” (“No monasticism in Islam”), in order to prove that rahbSniyya was censured by the Qur’an and forbidden by Muhammad, and therefore that Sufism was a foreign import. I shall briefly examine the origin of this hadïth; no competent Islamologist has offered a strict defense of its authen­ticity, and it seems to have come into use later than the second century, since the Imânî attacks do not mention it.³⁴

The statement, "No manasticism...” to which Sprenger,³³ following Hariri,³⁶ has given so much notoriety, first appears in Ibn Sa^cd's writings³⁷ about the ascetic ^cUthmân ibn Maz^cûn Jumahî?⁸ Abu Dâwûd (d. 275) changes it to “No celibacy...” (“la sarüra.. .”)³⁹ in order to corroborate his posthumous attacks against Rabâh and Râbi^ca and his new exegesis of Qur, 57:27 (“rahbdniyya, which was not prescribed for them”).

The attenuated variant of the hadïth, "Monastic life for my Community is holy war (jihad),”⁴⁰ seems to have appeared even later.⁴¹ How, exactly, is rahbaniyya defined for writers of Arabic?⁴¹ It is life in a hermitage (sduwSj)⁴³ and a vow (nadhr) to abstain from sexual relations. It may include even "abstention from eating meat, and forty-day retreats,”⁴⁴ as well as wearing a hair shirt (musüh). Lexicographers hostile to asceticism define rahb3niyya^4S

32.           Malati, 122, In fact, tarahhub = taabbud in all dictionaries.

33.           Abû Bakr MakhzÜmï, "rShib Quraysh" (d. 94; Goldziher); ^cAmtmr ibn al-Râhib (Ibn ^eArabI, Muhâdarat \Muhad.], fl, 62); Dirimi (d. 243), “rahib aLKfifa’¹; cf, Murdâr, “rdhib al-mu^eta~ zila." Qis,, on the other hand, was pejorative (see below, sec. 3. C, n 296 and related text).

34.           Khünsâri, Rawdat, II, 233.

35- Mohammad, I, 389,

36.           MaqSm, XLIII; Sacy, in a note, reproduces only the hadïth of ^cAkkâf Hilalî, where the word in question does not figure (ed. 1822, 497); cf. Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 3.

37.           Tabaqat, ms. Sprenger, f. 258 = vol. Ill, part 1, p. 287. The classical form is given by Zamakh- shari (Fâjq, HaydadbSd, 1324,1, 269) and Ibn al-Athlr (Nihaya, Cairo, 1311,1!, uj).[ — Snouck.j

38.           Died in the year 2. The Prophet is supposed to have said it to him before the Hijra, in Abyssinia (sic! Muir, Life, 1858, II, 107 n).

39.           Suna», 1,173; H, 195. Cf. Goldziher, M. St., H, 395! andRHR, XVIII, 180; XXXVII, 314 IF.

40.           Tholuck, Ssuf., 46.

41.           Wcnsinck sees fit to bring to my attention three parallel hadith, in Muslim (ch. imâra, no, 122), Tirmidhï (ch.fadâ^,il al-jihad, no. 17), and Dfrimi (ch. jihad, no. 6), which conclude with a condemnation of the believer who abstains from going to war and makes a voluntary retreat (’ tizâl). This word seems to me to refer to the political abstentionists of the years 657-rii, not to ascetics.

42.           See also Ibn Sab'ln’s work cited by Maqqiri I, 594).

43.           Zamakhshari.

44.           Baqli.

45.           Fîrûzâbâdhl, Qamüs; cf. Lisait al-‘Arab.

as “making oneself a eunuch (ikhlisâ)*'^[281] and ‘‘voluntarily binding oneself with chains (i^ctinâq bi’l-saldsil)”^[282] In reality, the Arab monastic life is based on vows of chastity^[283] and seclusion: it is the eremetic life. Islam is so little opposed to it that a temporary vow of chastity^{[284] [285]} is imposed on pilgrims during their stay on sacred ground in Mecca?⁰ All the orthodox schools of jurisprudence allow the i^ctik3f, “pious retreat.” Their manuals treat the aforementioned types of vow under the heading nuàhür (“vows”). The word rahbâniyya was at first sufficiently free of suspicion to have been used as the name of one of the three styles of Quranic chant (alhân al-qirah) : ghinâ, htdâ, rahbâniyya.^[286]

The decisive reason for the word's acceptance was that it figures, with all its letters, in a celebrated Quranic verse (57:27), unanimously inter­preted by the exegetes of the first three centuries A.H. as giving permission and praise. A tendentious interpretation, too easily accepted by contempo­rary orientalists, made the verse into a confirmation of the pejorative, re­strictive hadîth quoted above. The verse must be examined closely. Here is a literal translation of it :

Then .. .Jesus, son of Mary; and We gave him the gospel, and in the hearts of those who followed him We placed (Ja^calna) (the seeds of) readiness to forgive (rafa), compassion (rahnta), and the monastic life (rahbâniyya). It was they who instituted it (ibtada^cüha); We only prescribed (katabnd) it for them in order to make them desire^[287] to conform to what pleases God, but they have not fol­lowed the obligatory method of this rule for living (ri^câya); to those among them who have remained faithful We have given their recompense, but many among them have been sinners.

The phrase is long, full of nuance, and grammatically impeccable. Its meaning explicitly confirms the Qur’an's double judgement of monks. Here is a remarkable text, placed by Muhasibi at the beginning of his Rt^caya, a book intended precisely to rediscover for believers the "method” (ri^c3ya) that God had willed and the monks had lost:

And each duty God demands of his servants, and each order given especially to some of them — God commands that these be preserved and put into effect. This is the "method that is God’s due,” which is, intrinsically as in practice, a canonical obligation for us. God finds fault with those among the Israelites^[288] who instituted a monastic life that He had not made obligatory for them, and then did not observe it exactly; and He said, "We did not prescribe the monas­tic life that they have instituted,”

There is disagreement about this verse. Mujahid interprets it to mean, "We had only prescribed it for them in order to make them desire to conform to what pleases God, and it was they who (then) instituted it. God placed in them, far their awn goad, (the seeds of) the monastic life, and He reprimanded them later for having abandoned it.” But Abu ImSma (Bshilî) and others make this commentary: “We did not prescribe it for them, i.e., it is not We who pre­scribed it; they have instituted it only in order to please God, and nevertheless, God has reprimanded them for abandoning it.” And this second opinion is the more likely; it is the one upon which the majority of the Community’s doc­tors agree.

Therefore God said, "They have not followed the method required for this rule of life.” If God reprimanded them because they did not follow a rule that He had not even made an obligation or a part of the sacred law, what then will He do to those who abandon obligatory duties, which, if neglected, bring His wrath and the punishment of separation from Him? And he has made piety (taqwd) the key both to the performance of these duties and to all felicity, in this world and the next...^[289]

The text is fundamental. It provides the two early opinions of Mujahid and Abu Imâma, and it shows that in both cases the Qur³ân praises the rahbàniyya of the Israelites as a pious work, canonical in the first case, super­erogatory (tatauwu^c) in the second.

Muhâsibi gives precedence to Abü I mama’s exegesis of ibtda^cühâ, but Abû Ishâq Zajjaj (d. 310)^[290] puts it in a secondary position:^[291] "The standard commentary^{[292] [293]} on this subject says that certain believers who could not bear the (impious) conduct of their rulers took refuge in hidden dens or cells and instituted this kind of life. Then, since they had promised them­selves to a supererogatory work (tatawwn^c) and had undertaken it, they were obliged to accomplish it (as in the case of the vow of an extra fast, which must be kept).” But Zajjâj, on his own initiative, suggests another interpretation as the primary one :

Rahbâniyyaian ibtada^cühâ is an ellipsis for “they instituted the monastic life, it is they who instituted it,” as one says, "I saw Zayd; and ^cAmr, I greeted him”; mi katabnâha ^calayhitn means, “Wc absolutely did not prescribe it for them/'and ha^sK stands for illâ ibtighâ^a ndwân Allah, giving the sense, “We had prescribed for them only that they should desire to conform to what is pleasing to God.” îbtighâ³a rîdwân Allah here means, “God's Commandment (in His revealed law).”

Zaÿâj’s second interpretation, which tends to place the monastic life out­side of divine providence and strip it of all praise,^[294] would triumph over the others with assistance from the polemic among theologians about ja^calnâ and katabnâ. Muqâtil had defined the verbs as synonyms,^{[295] [296]} and most MurjiYtes, like him, taught that both words communicated God's physi­cal premovement of all acts of the heart and body. The Mu^ctazilites also took them as synonyms, but, unlike the MurjPites, they weakened their meaning. Jubba^ adopted Mujahid’s thesis and had no objection to admit­ting that ra^fa, rahma, and rahbàniyya were all governed by ja^calna; according to this school, ja^caînâ — “We have given man the power to create (on his own.. .)”;⁶’ the verb governs the first two objects slightly differently from the third (rahbaniyya}. The great grammarian Abû^cAlî Fasawï (d. 377), be- cause of his prejudice against mysticism, preferred to rally to Zajjaj; “Rah­bâniyyatan” he says, “is the object of an understood verb. It is an eUipsis for 'they instituted the monastic life: it is they who instituted it? Rahbâniyyatan cannot be in apposition to die preceding objects because ‘what God has placed in the heart could never be instituted [= introduced, modified] by man?”⁶³

Finally, Zamakhsharï?³ developing Fasawi’s premises by renouncing the postulates of Mu^ctazihsm/’⁴ proposes that ja^calnâ = waffaqnâ and separates rahbâniyyatan from the group of direct objects?⁵ He cuts the passage in two and changes the second half, making four fragments arranged in the order 1, 2, 4, 3: “rahbâniyyatan~ibtada^cühâ~illâ ibtighâ^a ridwân Allâh~mâ ka- tabnâhâ ^calayhim.” By the syntactical figure he calls istithnâ munqati^C66 (an "exception”[297] severed by an interjection), he obtains the following sense: "As for the monastic life, it is they who instituted it out of desire to please God; We did not make it a canonical duty for them.” The monastic life is then a reprehensible innovation that Muslims must prevent themselves from imitating.

Most modem tafiir, even mystical tafsîr, follow Zamakhshari; in order to separate rahbâniyyatan from ja^calnâ₎ Sâwï⁶⁷ declares, "Mildness and com­passion, unlike the monastic life, are not gains that man can acquire (and augment; they are divine attributes)?’ But the Indian Muhâ’imï (d. 710/ 1310) was still maintaining the old tradition when he gave the reading, "As for rahbâniyyatan, it is We who placed it in their hearts, but they instituted it (too early). ïbtada^cûhâ, before it was ordered by a clear revealed text; ‘We had prescribed it for them only because it contains within itself the desire to please God,’ for it reinforces the practice of canonical duty.”⁶⁸

Our lengthy inquiry can be closed by some indirect proofs: in the Qur^ân, the expression ibitghâ^a ridwân Allah, "from desire to please God,” is used constantly as praise?⁹ and the mystics before the fourth century A.H, understood it in that sense. Bishr H5fi (d. 227) used to say, "Do you plan to do this from desire to please God, or for your personal satisfac­tion?”⁷⁰ When Ibn abi'1-Dunyâ (d. 281) was speaking of the indirect apos- Eolate the saints had undertaken among other Muslims, he described inner virtues they exercised "ibtighS^a maniât Allah”⁷'

Finally, there is the use of rahbSniyya, always as a word of praise, among the mystics of the third century a.h. fîurjulânï wrote a Kitâb al-ruhbân, and the cautious Junayd could still say, at the end of his Dawâ, “The friends of God... have their eyes perpetually fixed on their prescribed duty as ser­vants, in the monastic life (rahbàniyya). God blamed those who had em­braced that life and failed to execute its obligations, thereby neglecting the prescribed method/’ Antaki, in the first chapter of his Dawâ, had said even more energetically, “That is the true rahbâniyya, which is not speech but silent action/'^{[298] [299]}

C. Some Termini a qua:
Suf Sûfî, Süfiyya

l)            THE WEARING OF THE Suf AS A SIGN OF PENITENCE

Until the third century a.h., the süf, an undyed rough wool garment, was not so much a regular monastic uniform as the mark of a personal vow of penitence. Muhâsibi still maintained that singling oneself out in such a manner might conceal pride.^[300] It seems that pilgrims to Mecca wore the garment.^[301] Ibn Sirin (d. no) is supposed to have criticized some contemporary ascetics who wore it “in order to imitate Jesus” : “I prefer to follow the example of the Prophet, who wore cotton (qutn).”^[302] He was speaking of ^cUtba^[303] and Farqad Sinjl (d. 131), Hasan Basri’s intimate dis­ciple, to whom Hammâd ibn Salama (d. 165) said, “Then rid yourself of that christianismi”^[304] Ibn Dinar on the other hand did not consider himself pure enough^[305] to wear the suf.^[306] Thawri wore it, but Shiite tradition (in a saying attributed to Ja^cfar) reproaches him for putting it deceitfully over a garment of silk.^[307]

Beginning in the third century a.h. the süf of white wool became a known and respected piece of religious clothing, said to have been worn by Moses, they by Muhammad. Mystics avid for penitence preferred the muraqqa^ca, a motley assortment of rags stitched together.⁸'

II)              THE PERSONAL TITLE al-Süfï IN THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES

Abu Hashim ^cUthman ibn Shank Kofi Sufi, d. at Ramla c. 160/776 (Jami, 35). Jâbir ibn Hayyân Küfi S. and his disciple Sa³ih ^cAlawi S.,⁸² alchemists (Fi- hrist, 354, 359)-

Ibrâhïm ibn Bashshâr Khurâsâni S., disciple of Ibn Adham (Ibn ^cArabï, Muhâd,, II, 346).

Abû Ja^cfar Qâss S., disciple of ^cAbd al-Samad Raqqâshî(Jâhiz, Bay an, I, 168). ^cIsa ibn Haytham S., Mu^ctazilite (Murtada, Munya, 45).

Abû Hamza M ibn Ibrahim S., disciple of Muhâsibï, d. 269 (Tagrib, II, 47).

Abû ^CAA Ahmad ^cAbd al-Jabbâr S. (al-Kabir), student of Muhâsibï and Ibn

Ma^cïn, teacher of Dâwûd; died at the age of 100 in Baghdad in 306 (Sam^cani, 357a).

Abü'1-Hasan Ahmad ibn Hurmuz S. (al-Saghir), d. Baghdad 303 (id.).

Muhammad ibn Hârûn S., teacher of the Shiite Sinânï, who trained Ibn Bâbûya

Abu ^CAA Shï^cï S., the Qarmathian Dâ^ci in Ifriqiya, d. 297.

III)              THE COLLECTIVE NAME Süfiyya BEFORE THE FOURTH CENTURY

Muhâsibï (d. 243) cites two of the Küfan Süfiyya, Ibn Qintâsh and ^cAb- dak, in order to criticize the excessive severity of their doctrine of the makàsib.^ Jâhiz (d. 255) gives a list of noteworthy ascetics (nnssôfe, zuhhad), then a seperate list⁸⁴ of “Süfiyya": Kilâb, Kulayb, Hashim Awqâs, Abu Hashim Kiifi, and Salih ibn ^cAbd al-Jalil. At first, therefore, the collective name designated a certain group among the ascetics of Kûfa. A century later it meant the organized body of mystics in Baghdad (Junayd, Makkï, and Ibn ^cAta were part of it; Kharrâz, Tustari, and Ruwaym claimed not to be).^8s In the fourth century, the word spread over all of ^cIraq.⁸⁶

IV)              ETYMOLOGY

Each of these terms, süf, ai-Süft, Süfiyya, seems to have evolved indepen-

81.                        Fr i : 143-44/Eng 1:103.

82.            See Pihriit, 143, on his other disciple Muhammad ibn Yahya Munajjim of SanurtT, editor of his Kitab al-rahma.

83.            Mahâsib.

84.            Bayjfrt, I, 94.

85.            Jimi, s.n.

86.            Kharküshî, Tahdhtb, f. 12b.

dent of the others until the fourth century. For the word al-Süfi alone, there is perhaps more than one etymology. Used as the name of a pure as­cetic like Abu Hashim, it is no doubt derived from the “wool” of his cloak. As the name of a chemist like Ibn Hayyân, it suggests the “purification” (sâfâ, süjiyya) of red sulphur. These two etymologies were linked quite early if it is indeed true that Ibn Dinar had already made the pun on “Sufism” and “purity” that would be employed by Tustari⁰⁷ and Sarrâj,^SK and then in the famous qasîda on mysticism of the Karrâmï poet Abu*l~Fath Busti?⁹ Other, less defensible,^{[308] [309] [310] [311] [312] [313] [314]} etymological sources have been suggested: sajf aww al, the first row before God; ahi al-suffa, the “people of the bench” in the mosque in Medina: Banû Sufa, a bedouin tribe; the Greek word acxpoç Merx); süfa and süfân, employees of the church. ^cAbd al-

Qâhïr Baghdadi in the eleventh century⁹’ was able to collect a thousand different definitions of the word “Sufism”; Nicholson, in the twentieth, seventy-eight ⁹* These curiosities of literature and dogma are irrelevant to the semantic history of the vocable.

v) THE FIRST TRACES OF COLLECTIVE ORGANIZATION⁹*

mawa^ciz, moral sermons : Hasan Basrï and Bilâl Sakünï.

halqa, a room for pious meetings: Ja^cfar b. Hasan Basri,^{[315] [316]} The first halqa for the sama^c (spiritual concert) was established in Baghdad by Abu ^cAli Tanukhi, a friend of San (d. 253)?*

majlis al-dhikr, hermitage for brief retreats: Hasan;^{[317] c}Isa ibn Zâdhân at Ubulla, c. 120.^{[318] [319]}

s3wami^c, conical cells (syn. kükh and dttwayral), imitated from the Mel- kites.⁹⁰ In about 150, ^cAbd al-Wahid ibn Zayd’s disciples made the first cluster of these, in a ribat, a monastery with defensive walls, at ^cAbbâdân (an Arabo-Persian word meaning “the pious men”). The monastery quickly became famous; Hafs ibn Ghiyâth (d. 194) mentions it;⁹⁹ prayers performed there (al-salât bi ^cAbbâdân) were especially valued;’⁹⁰ Waki^c (d, 197) went there to make a retreat of forty nights;^tOf Sahl Tustari made a visit.¹⁰¹ It seems to have been destroyed by the Zinj (260 a.h.).¹⁰³ mat amir, silos, caves (syn. slukaft in Persian), imitated from the Nestori-

ans.’°⁴ Kalâbâdhî speaks of the Shikaftiyya ascetics of Khurasan. ^!°^s khànqàh, monastery: at Ramla in Palestine about 140: Abu Hashim, who

had come from Küfà; then perhaps Abû ^cAbbâd, the teacher of Ibn Ad- ham, and Abu Ja^cfàr Qassâb.’⁰⁶ In Jerusalem, Ibn Karrâm built a monas­tery about 230.

minbar (kursi): the first chair of Sufi doctrine in the mosques; Yahyâ Râzî in Cairo (d, 258), and Abû Hamza in Baghdad (d. 269).¹⁰⁷

2.    General Picture of Islamic Asceticism in the
First Two Centuries

A.                       Among the Sahâba:
Abu Dharr, Hudhayfa,^c Imrân Khuzâ^cï

We must first dismiss the stories, invented after their time, about the as-

99.           Dhahabi, l^ctidai, s.n. “Ja^c far ibn Muhammad."

too. QhI, II, 121.

ICI. ^cAbbis Dun, ta^rtkh, ap. Shibli, AkSm, t$o.

102.           Td/ifr, 26.

103.           It is amazing indeed that the collective name stlfiyya should first appear in Alexandria in 199 a.h. (Kindi, 161, 440; Mer, 269) to designate puritans in revolt. Around ^cAbbJd3n the word designated the mutawwi^ca, "civic volunteers" from Basra, who formed groups in the shadow of the hermits' prayers. Not until a century later was there an attack, by the famous Ibn Wahshiyya (pseudonym of the extremist Shiite Ibn al-Zayy5t) in his FilSha Nabtiyya (ms. P., 2803, zzb-zjb), against the "Sûfiyya" for their proud, false, and parasitic laziness (Noldeke sees a bookish borrow­ing from a Greek text of Eunapios against Christian monks). The hermitage of ^cAbbidSn (now an oil refinery) was named after a man called ^cAbb3d. The greatest masters went there on retreat; Muq3til ibn Sulaymân (d. 158: Târikh Balkh, ms. P. afp. 115, 52a), Hammid ibn Salama (d. 167: Fluid!, 1, 278), Bishr Hîfï (Ghazàll, KtmyS, trans. Ritter, 171). Ibn al-Mub3rak imitated it at Marv (Naw Habit : cf. Sam^c ). ^cAbbidin was the model imitated by Abû Hashim ^cUthm3n ibn Shank Küft at Ramla in Syria (one of the sites suggested for the Quranic "Rabwa" of Jesus) c. 150 a.h. Ramla (destroyed c. 560 a.h.) was the center for ascetics in Syria (ahi alshStn) and was visited by Sari Saqati, Ibn Khafif (when Rûdhbiri lived there), and Ibn al-Jaüï; Wajlhl heard Ibn Fitik there. After Ramla, the Karrimiyya founded ribfas at Jerusalem, in KhurSsSn, and at Dlnawar. Then the KizarSniyya constructed their great network of pious hostels. In ^cAbbidin, the recitation of the Msfetfi entailed repeating not the “subhan Allah" but the “hasbi Allah" (counting with pebbles and dates), which made Nazzim indignant (Ibn al-Jawzl, HiMiaqd, 106). Sahl Tustari justified this sihikr as tau>akkul (Qur. 9:i29; 39:38), declaring that it was the taqaflub of the Seven Sleepers (Qush. 90). According to Muqaddasi, the earth at ^cAbb3d3n was composed of silt from Jerusalem. Hammâd ibn Salama, nephew of Hamid Tawil, was considered one of the abdal; via Thâbit (of Suhayb) he taught the ztyada (of Paradise) and the vision of God (shabb amrad) (Ftidâl, s.v.).

104.           Qalbl, loc. cit. (above, n 98).

105.           Ta^carruf, loc. cit. (above, n 90).

106.           Blochet, Esotérisme, 245.

107.           Qût, I, 166; Tagrib., Il, 25.

ceticism of Bilâl, Abü Hurayra, and the first four caliphs; but some clear cases can still be observed among the Sahâba.¹⁰⁶ For example, Abü’l-Dardâ ^cUwaymir ibn Zayd recommended tafakkur (meditation) and preferred piety (taqwa) to forty years of ritual observance (^cibada). He said, '‘What clearly shows that God despises the world is that only in the world do we offend him, and without renouncing the world we obtain nothing from Him?*^{[320] [321]} Someone consulted his wife, Umm al-Darda, saying, "There is an incurable pain in my heart, hardness of heart; and hope is too far away’*; she replied, "Go among the tombs to see the dead?’^{[322] [323]}

Abu Dharr Jun dub Ghifari is an even more marked case, celebrated by Sa^cid ibn Musayyab^EU and Thawri, "It is through asceticism that God makes wisdom and goodness enter men's hearts," he said, "Three men are beloved of God: he who returns secretly to give alms to a beggar he has first refused, when the beggar had asked in the name of God alone, not in the name of some kinship; he who prays after a long night march; he who perseveres in combat until he is victorious, God hates three men: a lascivi­ous old man, an insolent poor man, an iniquitous rich man."^[324] Abu Dharr claimed to have learned five"^[325] precepts from the Prophet: "Pity the poor, spend time with them, think of the lesser men before the greater, tell the truth, say the hawqala”^[326] He condoned and practiced the fest, to prevent hardening of the heart; he recommended the i^ctikaf (spiritual retreat in a mosque), Muhammad is supposed to have said to him, "If they knew what I know, they would laugh little and weep much, they would not commit foolish acts in bed with women, and they would keep to the company of God"; at which Abu Dharr concluded, "By Godl I would like to be a pruned tree!" But the Prophet criticized him for his desire for celibacy:

—                 “A recompense is reserved for you, for living with your wife,”

—                 "How could I expect a recompense for my sinful desires?"

~~ “If God wills, he will give you a good and beautiful child, a recompense of which you would in no way be the cause,”^{[327] [328] [329] [330] [331] [332]}

From his asceticism, Abû Dharr drew the logical conclusions concern- ing society. Against the profane hypocrisy of the politicians in the en­tourage of Mu^cawiya, who was then wall of Damascus, he boldly affirmed that the Quranic threats (9:34) against theft and avarice concerned not only evil, rich infidels, but also rich Muslims who live wickedly.³¹⁶ For his criticisms and his claim that ^cAlî s right to the caliphate gave him prece­dence over everyone else, Abû Dharr was exiled from Damascus, where he had lived since 13/634.

The younger Hudhayfa ibn Husayl al-Yamân (d. 36/657) is a highly balanced and defined model of the Muslim mystic?^{[333] [334] [335] [336] [337]} There would be later developments of his theses on science (“the science that we practice”),¹¹⁸ on the intermittency of faith (which must be revived by daily istighfar),ⁱⁱ⁹ and on the different sorts of hearts subjected to temptation “the

uncovered heart (of the ‘believer’), which remains pure like a

flame; the uncircumcised heart (of the impious kâjir), caught in its sheath; the warped heart (of the munafiq, the ‘hypocrite’); and the smooth heart¹²³ (of the fâsiq, the ‘occasional sinner').”'^[338] In politics, Hudhayfa rectified Abû Dharr's opinion : he forbade calls to revolt against unjust leaders, but, antici­pating Hasan, he also recommended expressing disagreement with their in­justices and disapproval of their lies.¹²³ He put his principle into practice in the case of ^cUthman, whose stewardship he criticized, saying, “He acted against the advice of the Companions, governed badly without consulting them, rewarded those with no right to reward.” When ^cUthman became ir­ritated and summoned him to appear, Hudhayfa recanted and appeased him. His excuse for retreating was that he wanted to preserve the peace and unity of the Community. He said, “I buy my religious virtue (ishtari dint} piece by piece, for fear of losing it all.” This crafty bedouin ruse made Nazzâm indignant/²⁴ but it is easily excused. Hudhayfa meant, “I abandon one piece of my virtue in order to keep another, which I consider more important,” i.e., “I cease to maintain my criticisms, although they are well founded, in order not to threaten the union of our community .”^,2J

He was obviously a partisan of concessions¹²⁶ and an opportunist, per­mitting the pursuit of well-being simultaneously in this world and the next; Hudhayfa was nevertheless the true forerunner of Hasan Basri. He stigmatized twelve hypocrites from among the Sahâba, as well as the un­just emirs.¹²⁷ Claiming to quote Muhammad, he repeated a bitter predic­tion of the imminent end of time?²⁸ He was the first to write down the hadîth al-ibtilâ: “When God loves one of his servants, he tests him with suffering.. ?'^I2S>

^c Imrân ibn Hasïn Khuzâ^ci (d. 52 /672)¹³⁰ is a model of the man who gives his life entirely to God. Sent to Basra under ^cUmar as part of the ju­diciary, then name qâdt by Ibn ^cÀmir, he soon resigned after involuntarily committing an injustice. (He also paid an indemnity to the victim.) ^c Imrân was ill and bed-ridden for the last thirty years of his life, and admirers of his growing resignation would visit him. One of them, Mutarrif, naively expressed his disgust at the sight of ^cImrân: "Nothing prevents me from visiting you (frequently) but the sight of your illness.” ^cImrân responded, "Because God makes me find the illness good (ahabba dhâlika ilayya), I find it good ( lit., ‘I love it’), coming from Him.” Hasan Basri was his disciple; Ibn Sirin considered him the most virtuous Sahâbi living in Basra and called him mujSb al-da^cwa ("he whose prayers are answered”). For a long time,^c Imrân refused to have his pain relieved by kayy, cauterizations (per­haps he had abscesses), because the Prophet was hostile to them. In the year 50, as a white-haired old man, he yielded to his friends' insistence and allowed himself to be cauterized; not only was his pain not relieved, he told Mutarrif, but also he was deprived of a spiritual consolation that had sustained him, the taslim of the angels appearing around his head to greet him at the end of every prayer. Then God pardoned him, and he was given the taslim again shortly before his death. This description of his simple, exquisite life is taken from Ibn Sa^cd, an author generally hostile to

124.          Ibn Qutayba, T.i³u<:/, 25, 47.

12$. He is the first to celebrate the Umma (Hanbal, V, 383).

î 26. He denies the isr J via Jerusalem, against the opinion of Abu Dharr and Zarr ibn Hubaysh (ibid. V, 387, 150),

Î27. Ibid., V, 390, 384.

128.          In the same hadtth, Qatida saw only a foretelling of the ridda of 63 3 A.D.

129.           Muttaqï, K<atz_r V, 164. And his curious parable of the penitent fisherman, who, from fear of God, has himself burnt, and his ashes cast into the sea; God pardons him because of his fear (Hanbal, V, 383). Cf, Titus, according to the Talmud (Drach, I, 232).

130.           Ibn Sa^cd, Tabaqât, VII, 5 [there is another version in Hanbal, IV, 427]; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, 137- mystics. ^cImran represents the first flowering of the inner life to be found in authentic stories about the Sahâba.

Later hagiographers preferred to summarize the period of the Compan­ions in two legends of highly dubious authenticity: first, that of the ahi al- suffa, “people of the bench,” or “of the veranda,” a name designating some tnuhâjirûn who had voluntarily impoverished themselves.^[339] They were supposed to have remained poor and to have met frequently in a comer of the mosque at Medina for their devotional exercises. Sulami had collected their names, in a separate work devoted to them;^{[340] [341] [342] [343] [344] [345]} Muhâsibî, Ibn Kar- râm, and Tustari accepted the legends authenticity, and Abu Nu^caym, Ibn TShir Maqdisi, and Subkï’³³ later defended it.

The second legend is that of Uways Qarani,'³⁴ the ascetic from the Yemen whose odor of sanctity*³⁵ was carried all the way to Muhammad. Only after the Prophet's death did Uways come to the Hijâz; he died fighting for ^CA1Î at Siffin (31 /657). The first author to write about him was Hishâm Dustuwâ^ï (d. 153). Mâlik called Uways's very existence into doubt, and his aliâdïth, though accepted by Ibn ^cIyad, were refused as “weak” by Bukhari.Many later works collected Uways's manaqib.^li7 Gurgani venerated him and invoked his name to induce ecstasy.

B.                  Among the Tâbi^cün:
Ascetics of KOfa, Basra, and Medina

From the year 40/660 to the year 110/728, cases of asceticism multi­plied. Fadi ibn Shâdhân could count eight notable ascetics at Siffin/³⁸ in­cluding four partisans of ^CA1Ï: Rabî^c ibn Khaytham, Harim ibn Hayyân, Uways Qarani, ^cAmir ibn Qays ; two partisans of Mu^câwiya : Abü Muslim Khawlânï and Masruq ibn al-Ajda^c (who later made a retraction) ; and two neutrals: Abü ^cAmr Aswad ibn Yazïd Nakha^ci and Hasan Basri.

It is possible to correct and complete this list of the first zuhhâd (syn, m- $âk, ^cubbâd) and qussâs, thanks in particular to Jâhiz¹³⁹ and ibn al-Jawzi:¹⁴⁰

i)            Ascetics of Kufa: [^cAmr ibn] ^cUtba b. Farqad; Hamâm ibn Harth; Uways Qaranï; ^cAlqama b. Qays Nakha^cï; Hutayt b. Zayyât, tortured by Hajjjâj in 84;¹⁴¹ Sa^cid b.Jubayr. The best known is Abu ^CAA Rabi^c b. Rashid Khaytham (d. 67); he gave up his belief in legitimacy before God's will at Karbala, and he converted a sinful woman who had come to tempt him.'⁴²

ii)           Of Damascus: Ka^cb Ahbâr, who wrote down the hadtth al-jumjunia_r among other scriptural parables;¹⁴³ his student Khalil ibn Mï^cdân; Bilâl ibn Sa^cd Sakünï, teacher of Awza^ci and preacher; and Masqala, Ruqba's father. Then the movement slowed, quickening again only with the disciples of Ibn Adham and Dârânï.

iii)           Of Basra: ^cÂmir ibn [^cAbd] Qays¹⁴⁴ and Bajâla ibn ^cUbda ^cAnban; ^cUthman ibn Adham; Aswad ibn Kulthum; Sila ibn Ushaym ^cIdawi and his wife Mu^câdha Qaysiyya;⁵⁴³ Hayyân ibn ^cUmayr Qaysi.’⁴⁶ The qass Abu Bakr ^cAbdallah ibn abi Sulaymân Shikhkhïr Harrashi Hudhali; his sons, Bakr/Alâ, and especially Mutarrif, (d. 87 or 95). Madhfür b.Tufàyl, a friend of Mutarrif; ^cAtâ b.Yasâr, Muwarriq ^cIjli; Ja^cfar and Harb b.Jarfas Minqâri; Ja^cfar ibn Zayd ^cAbdï, Bakr ibn ^CAA Muzanï, Harim b. Hayyân,¹⁴⁷ Hasan Basrî, ^cIsâ b. Zâdhân, Maskîna Tafawiya.¹⁴⁸

iv)           Of Mecca: ^cUbayd ibn ^cUmayr and Mujâhid ibnjubayr Makhzümï ([d. 104] whom Hasan and Muhasibi admired), a student of Ibn ^cAbbas and the editor of his tqfsïr. Mujâhid used to say, with his palm opened wide, “The heart is in this form. If a man commits a sin, it becomes like this,” and he curled up one finger; “then another sin, like this/’ and he curled up another finger; then three, then four. Finally, at the fifth sin, he closed the fist with the thumb and said, “Then God seals the heart.”

v)              Of Medina: Tamim Dari, the first q3ss;^,4ÿ Abü Yüsuf ^CAA b. Salâm

339. Bayân, I, 190-94, 197; III. 98.

140.           Quwrtî. cf. Dhahabî, Huffiiz.

141.           Tagrib.

ï 42. Sarrlj, Masfiri* 146. His mosque in Qaxwin (Goldziher, M St., H, 352; 1,227.287); cf.^£Awni and Hurayfish, Rawd, 203 (cf. 84).

143.            Asin, Logia D.Jesu, in fine.

144.            Tabari, I, 2924: a vegetarian and chaste; does not go to the mosque on Friday.

145.            Sarraj, MasHri\ 136—37.

146.            Ibn Sa^£d, VII, 137,

147.            He is confused withjâbir ibn I^ayySn, ap. Khashlsh.

148.           Ibn^£Arabi, Mulwd., II, 59. Add Safwân ibn Mahraz MJzini, Aswad ibn Sari⁴, and ^£Ubay- dallah ibn ^cUmayr Laythi, whose native country is not specified.

149.           The details of Tamim DSri's biography ought to be collected. He was the first writer of sermons in Islam, also the author of a brief apocalypse (hadïl/i al-jassâsa) and die teacher of Shihr ibn Hawshab (who was also Salman’s rSuâ; Ibn Hawshab [d. 111 A.H.] had an interest in jafi). Tamim is buried in Bayt Jibrin. It is known that the Prophet had promised him the territory of Hebron (tomb of Abraham), whence the famous waqf Tamtmi, on which see Revue des éludes ts- latniques, 1951, 78-82.

(d. 43), a former Jew; Muslim b.Jundub Hudhalî, qâss of the mosque; ^CAA ibn Shaddâd ibn al-Hâdï (d. 83).

vi)           Of the Yemen: a. M. Wahb b. Munabbih Dimâri (d. no), who was a Qadarite for a time.

There is no extant historical detail for most of these names; the excep­tions are Rabï^c ibn Khaytham, Muwarriq,'^{50 c}Alqama, Mutarrif/⁵¹ Mujahid, Wahb,¹⁵² and especially Hasan Basri (to be studied separately). During this period asceticism was simple, and the intériorisation of ritual was still rudi­mentary: Qur^anic meditation provoked the flowering of some hadith, and there were cases of retreats, abstinence, and supererogatory prayer?⁵³

C.    The Ascetics of the Second Century A.H.
Classification

From 80/699 ^to 180/796, Muslim asceticism grew and gained strength. It was characterized by not being separate from the Community’s daily life: all ascetics were led to perform the duty of brotherly correction (nasîha); each zàhid was called to become a preacher, a qiiss. The second century, es­pecially at Basra, was the century of preachers. Without an official mandate and before the ^cAbbasid regulation of the Friday sermon, they gave the khutba to arouse the fervor of believers. The spontaneous movement of the qussàs,¹^ so profoundly popular and later so maligned,¹⁵⁵ was the founda­tion of apologetic religious instruction in Islam (Quranic school and Fri­day sermon ), ‘⁵⁶ j ust as the seminaries of the Karrâmiyya and the Qarmathians, in the following century, would become the foundation of the Islamic ntadrasas and universities. The qussâs preached in the open air, converting the people by telling anecdotes in rhymed prose (saj^c).

The ascetics or “servants" (^cubbad) began to attract the attention of the public, which gave them different names suited to their various habits of mortification and zeal: readers of the Qur^an (qwva^{[346] [347] [348]}) exciting themselves to public contrition (called bakkâ^ûn, “weepers"), and preachers attacking the imagination by eschatological descriptions (qnssôs). Among those who came to listen in passing were doctors of the law (fuqahà) personally con­scientious about morality, keepers of the tradition who were truly devout, and genealogists (nassâètïH) with a taste for odd anecdotes.

l)             ASCETICS OF BASRA

a)           Nussâk: the mystic disciples of Hasan Basri: Muhammad ibn Wasi^c (d. 120 fighting in Khurasan), Malik ibn Dinar (d. 128), Farqad Sinji (d. I3i);’^î7 and the less intimate disciples, Thâbit Bunâni (d. 127) and Habib ^cAjami (d. 156). Then, the group of Ibn Dinar's disciples: ^cUtba ibn Abân ibn Dam^ca,^Iî!i Rabâh Qaysi and his saintly friend Rabi^ca Qaysiyya, ^cAbd al-Wahid ibn Zayd, and Sa^cïd Nibâji.

b)           Bakkâ^ün : Abü Juhayr Dark, who died chanting the QuAân;¹⁵⁹ Sub- ^cam (d. 146); Kahmas b. Hasan Tamirni ^cAbid (d. 149);¹⁶⁰ Hishâm Qurdüsi (d, 148), a râwt of Hasan; Haytham ibn Nammâz, a disciple of Yazid Raqqâ- shï; Ghâlib b.^cAA Jahdami; Ziyâd b. ^CAA Namin (d. 150);^i<Sl and especially Abu Bishr Sâlih Mum (d. 172), a disciple of Yazid Raqqâshi, whose mov­ing eloquence gained him lasting fame,’⁶*

c)                             (Wa^cïdïs - semi-Qadarites). The Raqqâshi family, whose tra­ditional eloquence in Persian was soon surpassed by their eloquence in Ara­bic: ^!6’ Yazid ibn Abân R, (d. 131), disciple of Hasan and teacher of Dirâr b. ^cAmr, Hajjâj ibn al-Furâfisa, Murri, and Wakï^c; Fadi ibn ^cIsa b. Abân R._f head of the Fadliyya school/⁶⁴ and his son ^cAbd al-Samad R.

d)           Semi-Qadarite moral interpreters of the law, students of Qatâda: Müsa b. Sayyâr Uswârî, a commentator, in both Arabie and Persian, on the QuYân. His son, the qâss Abü ^cAlî ^cAmr b. Fa^id Uswâri, made QuYânic commentary in public for thirty-six years; he began with the second sura but was unable to finish. Filling his explanations with allegories (tciïifilât)

157.            His hadlfh on the 500 virgins wearing the sftf who came to Jerusalem (quoted by Lisân al- Dîn ibn al-Khatîb, Rawda, 31a; also Maqdisi, Muthlr, ms, Paris 1669, f. 35a), not unlike the com­panions of St. Ursula; extracts from his book, in Shiblï, Akatn_f 107; Baqli, Tafstr, f 278b. Sam^cani reads Farqad Sabakhi, nor Sinji.

158,           Called Ghulâm (deacon): his attrition (hwz») is reminiscent of Hasan's. He bound himself in chains and wore the iitf. He was killed on the jihad at Qaryat al~Hab5b (Hifyn). His prayer (Qi7f, I, 10).

1 59 Tha^clabl, qatlii.

160.           Founder of an ephemeral school (Sam^c5nî, 377b; QalhâtI, loc. cit. [~ Kashf, cited in P Fr 3:2540 2/En g 3:240 n 43].

161.            Who justified his being a qâss by quoting Anas ibn Milik (Qüt, I, r 51); cf. Dhahabi, {'tidal; Jâhiz, Bay3»i, Ill, 8i; Ibn al-Najj3r, ms. Paris 2089, s.v. Note that Anas ibn Mâlik is one of Yazid Raqqâshï’s sources (KahbSdhl, Akhbar, f. 8, id). Ziyâd Nantir! and the tasliyai 'ala Ibrahim (Sanûsi, sahabll).

162.            Jâhiz, Bayan, II, 38.

163.           Ibid., I, 159, 167, id8.

164.    The school is condemned as Qadarite by Ibn^cUyayna. and anecdotes (akhbar), he sometimes remained for several weeks on a single verse.¹⁶ⁱ There was also Abu Bakr Hishâm b. ^CAA Dustuwâ^ï (d. 153), who collected many important parables from the Gospels; and his disciple Ja^cfar b. Sulaymân Dab^cî (d. 133), a student of Farqad'⁶⁶ and a friend of Rabi^ca.

e)           Mu^ctazilite theologians: ^cAmr ibn ^cUbayd (d. 143); his disciple ^cAbd al-Wârith b. Sa^cîd Tannüri, whose student Abu Ma^cmar recorded tales about Râbi^ca.¹⁶⁷

f)           Strictly Sunni muhaddithütv. Ayyüb Sikhtiyânî (d. 13i),’⁶⁸ whose first efforts Hasan had admired and whom Ibn ^cUyayna called “the greatest of the tâbi^ün”; Sikhtyânî’s disciple Wuhayb b. Ward Makki, venerated as a saint by Bishr Hâfi. Yünus ibn ^cUbayd Qaysî (d. 139), another of Hasan's disciples, and ^cAbdallah ibn ^cAwn ibn Artabân¹⁶⁹ (d. 151, who, with Sikh­tiyânî and Sulaymân Taymi,¹⁷⁰ constitute Asma^ci’s celebrated group of the “four” founders of the ahi al-sunna u>a^cl~jam3^ca. Hammâd ibn Zayd (d. 179) and Hammâd b. Salama’⁷¹ (d. 165), also noteworthy Sunnis, had feebler con­tact with ascetic ideas; but Ibn Salama trained Wakî^c ibn Jarrâh (d. 197), a fine theologian and a Hanafite in law, whose Kitab al~zuhd¹⁷³ and reasoned conversion to mysticism¹⁷¹ almost anticipate Ghazâlî.

g)           Semi-MurjPite Sunni qussâs: Ibn Sirin's students and Sulaymân b. Tuhmân Taymi (d. 143),¹⁷⁴ who wrote the tasbihiyat and was Fadi Raqqâ- shî's son-in-law.^t7i

h)           Nassâbün and philologists; Abu ^cAmr ibn al-^cAlâ (d. 154), who was converted through Qu^rânîc meditation (taqarraty; and his disciple ^cAbdal- malik Asma^ci (d. 216).

Il) ASCETICS OF KÜFA

a)            Shiite mystics (Zaydî): First, the famous Abû Israeli Mula^i ^cAbsi¹⁷⁶

165.           jâhiz, BayHti, I, 196.

166.           Tabari, I, 410.

167.           Sarrîj, Masâri^c_r 181.

168.           Ibn Qutayba, Ta^wïl, 93, 120; Sarrîj, MasHri^ 8.

169.           Who condemns those who wept for Husayn at Karbala (Ibn Batta ^cUkbari, Sharh, bib,, s.n. ^cUkbari).

170.           Who was excluded, as a Murji’ite, by Ghulâm Khalil (SWh al-sumw) and Ibn Qutayba.

171.           Hostile to Thawri (Makki, Q”t, II, 152).

172.           In which he writes that during the mi^crâj, Muhammad saw some of the damned with their lips being cut by incandescent scissors: they were jussas who had not practiced what they had preached.

173.           He proposes a preeminent role for the saints in the divine plan for creation (Passmt, Fr J:2t9/Eng 3:206—7),

174.                     Bayân, I, 167; Ibn Qutayba, MaSlrif, 240.

175.           Sam^c5ni (s.v., qSss) gives the following series of qihs at Medina: Muhammad ibn Ka^cb QarazI (d. 108), Abû Harza Yq. ibn Mujahid Makhzümi, Abû Ibrahim ibn Sulaymân.

176.           Abû Is r 3 71 Ism5^cil ibn abi Ishaq Khalifa (Ibn Sa^cd, VI, 202, 231, 265; Sam^cânî, s.n.; Han- bal» IV, 168).

(b. 83,¹⁷⁷ d. c. 140), whose excessive doctrine of the i^ctikâf was quickly re­jected.¹⁷⁸ then the Shiite Süfiyya: Kilàb; Kulayb [b. Mu^cawiya Asadi Say dâwï, the teacher of Ibn abi ^cUmayr Azdi/⁷⁹ “the ascetic,” and of Safwân b. Yahya Küfi, “the keeper of the fast”; ^t8° Kulayb was the author of a Kitâb al~mahabba wa’l-wazëfif and a Kitâb bashârat al-mu³min]; Ibn Qintâsh and ^cAbdak, founder of the vegetarian ^cAbdakiyya sect. Jabir ibn Hayyân and Fadi ibn Ghânim can be inserted here; they transmitted mystical sayings attributed to Imam ja^cfar.

b)           Semi-MurjPite Sunni Süfiyya: Hashim b. al-Awqas, whom Bukhari rejected as a râw'r, Abu Hashim ^cUthman b. Shank Kûfi (d. c. 160), who taught Mansür ibn ^cAmmâr and was venerated by Kharrâz; ^<8‘ Dâwûd Ta\ an ex-Hanafite versed in various disciplines of canon law¹⁸² who was con­verted and spent twenty years in solitude before his death (in 165); Ibrâhîm Taymi, author of the Musabbi^cat;^{l8j c}Awn ibn ^cAbdallah; Ibn Shaddâd’s stu­dent Dharr Hamdânî Marhabi, and especially his son Abü Dharr ^cUmar (d. i $o)/⁸⁺ preacher and theologian/⁸* whose disciple Ruqba ibn Masqala said that those who listened to him believed they were hearing “the trumpet of the Last Judgment”; Ruqba himself “obeyed him as if he were God.”¹⁸⁶

c)            Pious anti-Murji’ite tnuhaddithün who put limits on the use¹⁸⁷ of the Hanafite ra^y: The great Sufyan b. Sa^cid Thawri, (d.161) head of a school;¹⁸⁸ he studied with Wuhayb b. Ward, Hajjâj b. Furâfisa, and Yunus b. ^cUbayd, and he taught Ibn ^cUyayna Hilâlî (d. 198), Ibn ^cIyâd, (d. 187) and Dârâni. Ibn ^cUyayna’s student Abü Thawr Kalbï (d, 240) gave some ephemeral prestige to Thawri s legal school,^,89 which was widespread among mystics; Ibn Khu-

177.            The year after rhe yawtn al-jatniybn.

178.            Passion, Fr j.'240/Éng 3:226-27; Bukhâri, IV, 98.

179.            Tusy’s list, 265, His disciple Aba'l-^cAbb5s Fadi ibn ^cIsa Shâdhïn Azdi Rizi (d. c, 275) wrote a Kitâb al-qira'ât, unfortunately lost (cf. Fihrist, I, 26, 27, jt, 231), which was the funda­mental work on the early recensions of the Qur’in. He violently attacked the Sunni mystics Ha­san Basri and Ibn Karram, along with the philosophers and the Qarmathians (Tusy's list 254—55; DâmSd, Iqâzttt, 130; Khûnsâri, KawdSt, II, 210; on his son ^cAbbSs, see Dhahabl, QurrS? Ma)- Equally esteemed by the Hashwiyya and the Imîmîs, Ibn ShSdhSn was attacked by the Imâml Ja^cfar Tüsî for giving importance to the liadith al-ghfir (Qur, 9:40), which puts Abü Bakr in the most prominent position.

180.            Tusy's list, s.v.

J81. Bahbahirü, Kkayrâtiyya, 241a (according to Abû’i-Ma’âlï, Ibn Hamza in his Hâtiî, and Nasafi, ap. Tasftyat al-qnliib).

182.            Ibn Qutayba, Ma’Srif, 257; teacher of IshSq Salüli (d. 204).

183.           Qüt, I, 7.

184.           Student of^cAtâ and of MujShid, teacher ofWakl'".

185.           hdutakallim; condemned as such by Abü Usâma Küfi (d. 201), disciple of Ibn Shaddâd (Harawl, Dhantm, f. 116b).

186.            Jlhiz, Rayiîn, I, 144-45, 188; H, 158, 166.

187.            Rectifying it, as Najjlr corrected Jahm.

188.           Adversary of Abü Hanifa (Subki, II, 39,1. 8) and Ibn abi Layla (Qut. Ma^arif, 273). Asso­ciated with two mystics, Ibn Adham and Abü Hîshim; his disciples attacked Shaqiq.

189.            Ibn HanbaFs comment on this subject.

bayq Antâkï, Hamdûn Qassâr, andjunayd were Thawrites in law. There was also Abü ^CAA ^cAmr b. Qays Mula^i (d. 146), a student of ^cIkrima^I9° (d. 105); and Bakr b. Khunays, Bunânï’s disciple and Ma^crûf Karkhi’s teacher.

d)           Nassâbün: Abu ^cUmayr Mujahid ibn Sa^cid (d. 144), disciple of Sha^cbi and teacher of Haytham b. ^cAdi (d. 207) and of Dâwûd b. Mu^câdh ^cAtaki, one of Hallafs sources.'⁹¹

III)             ASCETICS OF THE HIJAZ

In Mecca, there are few ascetics besides Hajjâr and Ibn Jurayj Makki (d. 150), the author of the first tafsir,^{[349] [350] [351] [352] [353] [354] [355] [356]} one of Muhâsibfs sources.

In Medina: Muhammad ibn Ka^cb Qarazi; A^cazz; ^CAA b. ^cAbd al-^cAziz ^cUmari; Abü ^cÀmir Nubâtî; and especially Abü Hâzim Maslama b. abï Dinar A^craj Madani (d. 140), the first Sufi master after Hasan Basri, accord­ing to Kalâbâbhï.^19î In Madam's circle was Ibn al~Munkadir Taymi (d. 130),'⁹⁺ a disciple of the sahâbï Jâbir b. ^CAA Ansârî and the teacher of Fadi Raqqâshï and Sulaymân b. Harim Qurashî.'^{95 c}Is3 b. Dâb Laythî (d. 171), a nassâb whose works on the ^c3shiqün ("illustrious lovers”)^!96 are cited in the Fihrist, wrote an unusual piece’⁹⁷ entitled Al-fityat al-tauwabbün, The Young Penitents. It is about ten young Medinese libertines, Sulaymân b.^cAmr Qu- rashî and his friends, who suddenly renounce the world; but only their dramatic conversion scene is presented without any explanation of motives or results. Laythï's mysticism is rudimentary, expressed in a simple unified language quite close to that of the Diwan of Abü'l~^cAtâhiya (d. 213).

IV)             ASCETICS OF KHURÂSÂN

Among the jund from Basra and Kûfà who settled in the Arab military colonies in Northeastern Iran, mystical vocations appeared after 145/762, twenty years after the first theological movements (Jahm, Muqâtil). The first mystic was Ibrâhîm ibn Adham ^cljli (d. 160/776), a pure Arab¹’⁸ of the Tamim tribe who was bom in Balkh. His favorite models were Ibn Dinar, Bunâni and Sikhtiyânï, all from Basra. Ibn Adham came to ^cIrSq to receive the teaching of Hajjâj ibn Furafisa and Abü Shu^cayb Qallâl, and to Mecca for Abu ^cAbbâd RamliJ" He lived for a long time in Jerusalem,²⁰⁰ then went into retirement, to live on the halâl ground²⁰¹ of Mt. Lukkâm, at Jebla near Laodicea. The influence of his powerful personality will be studied below.²⁰²

The second man called to mysticism was Ibn al-Mubârak^20î (b. 108, d. 180), Wuhayb ibn Ward's disciple and an anti-Malikite Hanafi, author of a Kitab al-zuhd and teacher of Na^cîm ibn Hammâd.

The third was Fudayl ibn ^cIyad (d. 187), a disciple of Abân ibn abi ^cAyyash²⁰⁴ and ThawrL Ibn ^cIyâd came to live at Kûfa and finally died on retreat in Mecca after losing his son, ^cAli (who died chanting the Qur’an in high fervor).²⁰⁵

Throughout the second century a.h., the mystics still indistinguishable

198,           His genealogy: ibn Adham ibn Mansür ibn Yazld ibn Jâbir. A characteristic of the legend of the Buddha was later attributed to him (legend of the beggar prince of Balkh; cf. the legend of his departure for the hunt, according to Ibn Manda, ap. Tagrib., 1, 428.

j 99, Tales of Ibn Bashshir.

200.            Maqdisi, Mutlûr, ms. Paris 1669, f. 35b, 126a.

201.           Land duly given, after its conquest, to the Community (and not as a fief to an individual; cf. Antâki, shubuhUt). Note that before his arrival, the mystical movement barely existed in Syria, a powerful argument against the supposed imitation from the Orthodox Christian monasteries of Palestine.

202.            Hailauers monograph should be reviewed in light of two sources now published: the Mitya (VII, 367-94; and VIII, 1-57) and the TUnkh Dimashq (abridged) of Ibn ^cAs5kir (11, 167-96). Ibn Adham fled from Balkh in 132 (during Abü Muslim's revolt) and joined his sister, a pure Arab of the Ban! ^cIjl, in Küfa (Aghani, 2nd ed., Xll, 106-7), where she had a son, the poet Muhammad b. Kunâsa Asadï. The other stages of Ibn Adham's life are well known, except the journey he is supposed to have made, shortly before his death, to the Bahr Lût (= the Dead Sea, the patterenws af the Essenes and the first Christian Palestinians). That visit might have made another Khurasan­ian, Ibn Karrim, decide to come to Scgor. Ibn Adham was killed in jihad on the Syrian coast and buried at Jebla. His tomb, which I visited there, was enriched under the Mamlüks and Ottomans by the addition of a great mosque and waqf (later parceled out, c. 1930; photograph by Niegcr [in Esszhj). In the fourteenth century (Y5fi^ci) an order was founded under a name derived from Ibn Adham's, the “Edhemiya," which developed zJwiyns in the major Ottoman cities, notably Jerusalem (where the still existed in 1917: Rev, Et. Is., 1951,93).

203.           He fought the Qadaritcs and Murji’ites, the KhJrijites and the Shl^ca (it was he who classified them as such, according to Ghulâm Khalil, Sharh <d~sunna; cf. Sh. Tab., I, 59); he was. also against the Jahmites (Alûsî, JalS, 60). Ibn al-Mubirak is the source of a rigidly traditional as­cetic current running from his teacher, Sulaymîn Taymi, through SufySn Thawri and SufySn Ibn ^cUyayna, students of his, and Waki^c, to Ibn Hanbal. Through the latter, the current would influ­ence all of Hanbalism (cf. Kitab al-zuhd of Ibn Hanbal, ed. Cairo, 1357, 400 pp.). Ibn al-Mubârak ought to be studied. His tomb is at Hit, a curious and very archaic city on the Euphrates, where a Karaite ghetto survives, near some tar pits.

204.            Makkî, Qiir, 29. He trained Muslim KhawwSs, the teacher of Bishr Hïfi.

205.            Tha^clabï, Qatti.

from the humble troupes of homeless poor*⁰⁶ and ordinary worshipers camped in the mosques did not draw the criticism of the theologians and doctors of sacred law. Nevertheless, mystics from Hasan to Salih Murri, with their sermons invoking contrition and their supererogatory penance, were called Wa^cidiyya and, as such, confused with the Qadarites, when they were in fact semi-Qadarites. In addition, the punctilious traditionists were suspicious and saw indirect criticisms of their own literal-mindedness in sayings like ^cAmr ibn Qays Mulat's,²⁰⁷ “The hadtth, 'In keeping my heart for company, through my heart I reach my Lord,’ is dearer to me than the solutions to fifty legal problems.” Ibn ^cIy3d openly attacked the ahi al-hadith.^ioS The ultimate doctrinal consequence of mysticism (i.e., di­vine union) was already appearing in Kahmas, Kulayb, Rabâh, and Rabi^ca, whom the orthodox doctors of the third century condemned collectively, post mortem, as zattâdiqa.

3.    Hasan Basri

A.    Sources for His Biography, Chronology of His Life

I)            SOURCES

There is no definitive account compiled by his disciples. Qatâda, Ibn ^cAwn, Yunus and Ayyûb provide a few notes. Scattered mentions — deferent but also reserved, distant, or hostile — are made by muhaddithün like Ibn Sa^cd (d. 230; Tabaqât, VII, 114-29) and Ibn Shâdhân (d. c.275; lost work);²⁰⁹ by commentators and historians like Abû’l-Yaqzân (d. 190)²¹⁰ (whose work is used by Ibn Qutayba [d. 276; Ma^canf, 225, 273, 286]) and Tabari (d. 310; Ta^nkh, III, 2488-93 and passim); and by theologians like Jahiz (d. 255; Bayân; II, 34"39, 88, 154, III, 66, 68-71, 75, 76, 79,

82, 83, 86). The remarks of later hagiographers such as Abü Nu^caym Isfa­han! (d. 430; HUya, v. Ill) must be used with great caution.²’^{1 [357] [358] [359] [360] [361] [362] [363] [364] [365] [366] [367] [368]} slave of Zayd b. Thâbit Ansari (or rather of Humayl b. Qatana) ; his mother is Khayra, said to be Umrn Salama’s servant?'² Yasâr is freed after his sons birth.

Hasan is brought up in Basra (where he falls and breaks his nose). He supposedly meets Hudhayfa (d. 36 at Madâ³in) there as well.

Year 35. He passes through Medina at the time of the yauw al-dSr.

Years 37-41. Returns to Basra. During the conflict among the Compan­ions of the Prophet, he imitates the neutral attitude adopted by Ahnaf ibn Qays Tamïmï (d, 67)?’* whom the wait¹'* made his representative to the Basran jund (Banü Sa^cd, of the Tamim) in Khurasan (Ahnaf ibn Qays comes back to live in Basra from 37 to 44). Hasan develops ties to him, to Abü Bakra, and, especially, through Hayyâj ibn ^c Imran Burjumi?’⁵ to ^c Imran Khuzâ^cî (d. 52), the former qadt of the town, whose admirable resignation to God’s will so impressed the inhabitants?’⁶

Years 50-53. He goes on jihad near Kabul, fights in Anduqân and Anda- ghan, and in Zâbulistân with Samura ibn Jundub (who returns to Basra in 53 and dies there in 60).

Year 60. Having returned to Basra, he protests against the manner of Yazid I's selection.

Years 65—83. His great period of oratory and doctrine. He associates himself with Mutarrif Harrashi (d. 87), ^cAtâ ibn Yasâr (d. 94), and even with Ma^cbad Juhanî, the head of the extremist Qadaris?¹⁷ Very soon, fol­lowing the example of ^cAbdallah ibn ^cUmar (d. 74), he explicitly dissoci­ates himself (tabriya) from those Qadaris?'⁸ the semi-Qadarîs Ghaylân and ^cAmr ibn ^cUbayd imitate Hasan’s attitude.

Years 81-82. He refuses to participate in Ibn al-Ash^cath's insurrection against the cruelty of the wtâï Hajjâj,²'⁹ although his friends ^cAtâ Mujahid^{[369] [370] [371] [372] [373] [374] [375] [376] [377]} and Sa^cïd ibn Jubayr^[378] do take part, along with Talq ibn Habib ^cAnazi^[379] and ^cAmr ibn Dinar.^[380]

Years 86-95. Hajjafs police suspect him; he is pursued and must go into hiding.^[381]

Year 99. He is named qâdt of Basra momentarily, at the accession of ^cUmar II, as a replacement for ^cAdi ibn Artâh. He resigns and is suc­ceeded^[382] by lyâs ibn Mu^cawiya (d. 122).

Death of his brother Sa^cid.

Year 101. In a resonant sermon he expresses disapproval of Ibn al- Muhallab’s anti-Syrian excesses.

Year 110. Death, Thursday the first of Rajab (= 10 October 728); his body, washed by Ayyüb Sikhtiyâni and Hamid Tawil Khuza^ci, is buried in old Basra (now Zubayr); Ibn Sïrîn refuses to come to the funeral. Hasan is survived by three sons:^[383] Sa^cid, Ja^cfar, and ^cAbdallah, who supposedly bums his father's books, in accordance with Hasan’s last requests.^[384]

B.    List of Sources for His Works

1) SPURIA

Others, up to the present, have listed under Hasan s name only spuria:

a)           Fifty-four fanda: in manuscripts, Paris 780, Kôpr. 1603, Aya Sufiya 1642, Laleli 1703; Qatalân catalogue Cairo, 1332 no. 350 (p. 28); printed, Constantinople, 1259, 1260. An interesting brief ascetic work that in no way diverges from the main lines of Hasan’s doctrine; but the manuscript in Paris mentions authors of the fourth/tenth century, and if the work has an authentic, early core, it is difficult to discern from the rest.

b)           Risâlafïfadl haram Makka (da’LRamâdï), ms. Zah. Majm. 38. An in­significant pamphlet on the ^cumra, probably apocryphal.

c)           Numerous fragments from Hasan figure, without indication of isnâd or of origin in a specific text, in the works of Muhâsibï, Kharrâz, and Tirmidhî.

Il) LIST OF HIS AUTHENTIC WORKS:

(j) Mawâ^ciz, sermons in public Text collected and established in his life time¹²⁸ by his disciples²³⁹ and published after his death by Abu ^cUbayda Hamid Tawil ibn Tarkhan Khuza^cï (d. 142).²³⁰ After their publication, the sermons were frequently quoted (notably by Jâhiz) without isnâd, which proves there was a textus receptus with copies in circulation.

^cUbaydallah ^cAnban (d. i68)/^tl the official qadt-khattb of Basra, soon amalgamated the rasâ^il of Ghaylân²³² with these sermons, and they seem to have been the basis for the diluted text of semi-Qadari rasait that was sent, under Hasan's name, to the caliphs ^cAbd al-Mâlik and ^cUmar 11?³³

b)          Tafsir, glosses on the Qur^ân. Hasan’s glosses on the QurÙn were co­ordinated in the form of tajsïr by the Mu^ctazilite ^cAmr ibn ^cUbayd?³⁴ In the fourth century, two additional risâlas were known under Hasan’s name, one about the numbering and division of the verses (Jt'l-'adad), the other about their chronological order (kmzh/)/³⁵ His qira^a was original; numer­ous examples of the special characteristics of his reading are given in the shawadhdh of Ibn Khalawayh.²³⁶

c)           Masâ^il, question/response. Hasan's private teaching on dogma and the morals prescribed by canon law seems to have survived, in its original form of quaestiones or masâ^il, because of Mu^cadh ibn Mu^cadh’s teacher, Ash^cath ibn ^cAbdalmalik Hamrani (d. 146); Yahya Qattân expressed esteem for this edition.²³⁷ The masâ^il are the most likely source of the famous sunan or "rules for communal life"²³⁸ later compiled in Hasan’s name for the Bakriyya school. Hallaj cites a section (kitüb al-ikhlâs) on the pilgrimage/³⁹

228.           Ibn Sa^cd, VII, 126; Sam^c3ni, 39.

229.           Abu ^cUbayda Bâjï.

230.           Mutarrif's rSwi; teacher ofHammSd ibn Salama,

231.           Jîhîz, Payan, I, 16 J. ^cAnbarf is a well-known theologian.

232.           He had had an audience with^cUmar II (Khashïsh, ap. Malati, f. 315-16).

233.           Shahrastânî, I, 59; Murtada, Manya, 12-14; AghUnl, VIH, 151. Cf. risala of Mutarrif to ^cUmar II (Sarrâj, Luma* 65) and a major risala that the Hdyd attributes to Hasan (cf. 3:242/Eng 3:228).

234.           Ms. London 821.

23S- Fihrisi, 37, 38, 34.

236.           Ms. Hamidiyya 24.

237.           Dhahabî, I^ctidSl, s.n.

238 Expression of G. Lioni Africano, Deserif time, III, ch. 43.

239- Passim, Fr 1 ;593/Eng 1:54ft.

and Kïlànï reproduces a fragment on ’‘the forty-five errors to be avoided during canonical prayer.”^[385]

d)           Riwâyât, Sayings. In the manner of the ahi al-hadith, most of Hasan’s disciples transmitted his sayings only in the oral form of independent riwâyât, Logia had to be compiled later, by the bakkâ Hishàm ibn Hassan Qurdüsï (d. 148), a student of Hawshab ibn al-Dawraqi. Wuhayb ibn Ward and Thawri did not accept what Qurdüsï had collected, but Ibn ^cUyayna did?^[386] Another collection (Mashnf), made by Abân ibn abî ^cAyyâsh Firüz (d. 128 or 141)^{[387] [388] [389]} and reedited by Abu ^cAwâna Waddâh (d. 170 or 176)?^[390] forced Hasan s riwâyât, by fabricating isnâd for them, into the classical form of the hadtth attributed to the Prophet; fifteen hundred of them were given with Anas ibn Malik: as an artificial link?^{44 c}Abd al-Wâhîd ibn Zayd (d. 177) more honestly gave Hasan’s riwâyât as marâsil, without "complet­ing” their isnad.

There are no other extant details on the other four compilers of the pe­riod: the Qadarï Mubârak ibn Fadâla (d. 165), Abu Sa^cd, Abu Bakr Hu- dhali, and Mukhtâr ibn Filfil?^[391]’

Jâbir ibn ^cAbdallâh Yamami was exiled from Bukhara for bringing out another edition of Hasans riwâyât, shortly after 200/185 ?^4f5 We know that Ahmad Jawbiyâri forged a link of isnâd through Abu Hurayra for various marâsil (perhaps complete fabrications), which he then passed to Ibn Karrâm.^[392]

As a general rule, isnâd linking Hasan to the Prophet via Anas ibn Ma­lik, Abu Hurayra, or ^CA1Î are fabrications. Suyuti made great efforts to show^[393] that Hasan had the opportunity to meet ^cAlï and Talha. Perhaps. But as Dhahabï showed, the only Companions whose râwï he might have been are ^cImrân Khuzâ^cî, ^cAbd al-Rahman ibn Samura, and Abu Bakra; and, possibly, Nu^cmân ibn Bashir (2-67) and Mughira ibn Shu^cba.

C.    His Political, Exegetical, and Legal Doctrines

We are in the presence of one of the most powerful and complete fig­ures of early Islam. The learned Sabian ThSbit ibn Qurra (d.288) made the wise judgment, “I envy the Arab nation for three men: ^cUmar as head of state, Hasan as ascetic, and Jâhiz as philosopher.”¹⁴⁹

Hasan was not only an ascetic. In addition to teaching the fme points of asceticism to Farqad, he taught tafsîr to Qatada (d. 117), kalam to ^cAmr ibn ^cUbayd, and grammar to Ibn abi Ishâq.²⁵⁰ Abu Hayyân Tawhïdï, who sup­plies these details,^{25 !} comments,

Hasan was a master not only of piety, asceticism, abstinence and forgiveness, union with god (ta^aUuh)^¹ and veneration of His inaccessibility (tanazzuh), but also of law, rhetoric, and advice for brotherly correction; his eloquence, still famous, was essentially practical; his sermons touched the heart and his style disturbed the intelligence.

Hasan’s personality ripened during the great crisis of the early Islamic community. He was fourteen when ^cUthmân was killed, and he was able to meet 70 survivors¹⁵³ from among the 313 combatants of Badr. He was the first to formulate the “Sunni” solution to the crisis of the years 36/ 656-41/661: his coherent political doctrine shows, psychologically, the source of his “conversion”²⁵⁴ to mysticism and, socially, the marks of the first historical manifestation of Sunnism.¹⁵⁵

249.            Tawhîdl, Taqrîz aJ-j3hiz (ap. Ylqut, Udabit, VI, 69-70).

250.            On his orthoepy, see Fihrist, 41; Aghâtti, XVIII, 124; XXI, 60.

251.            Tawhïdl, ap. Yîqüt, Udabit.

252.           Perhaps in this case the word has the attenuated philosophical nuance of '‘devotion” (herein, ch. 2 n 253—55 ^aiJd related text).

253.            The adds; ’'Most of them wore the silf" (sic).

254.           ^cAtt3r says that Hasan, who had been a jeweler, was converted while on a voyage to Rüm, at the funeral service for the emperor’s son (^cAttar, I, 25). But the description is borrowed from the Sy»tipas (sec. 137 —Chauvin, Bibliographie VI, 71 [1001 Nuits]; VIII, 139).

255.            Cf. above all Hilya, II, ijt-do. There are studies by H. H. Schaeder (in DI, XIV, *~7²) and by H. Ritter (Di, 1933). Ibn Taymiyya attributes to Ibn al-Jawzi some Manâqib wa akhbâr H B., which seem to be lost (SalSmi, Rndd, I, 348). It is very important to note that Hasan Basri, according to Balâdhurï, was secretary to Rabï^c b. Zayd Hârithî, the governor of KhurSsSn, and that he organized the colonization of Fars (Baydâ; Khabr, where his brother Sa^cîd was buried) and KhurâsSn by the Basrans. In Basra, he may very well have lived in the neighborhood called d-QaOmil; his last descendent, Aba Ya^cla A-b-M ^cAbdl ibn al-Sawwâf died there (in 490: Ibn al- Jawzî, Mwitaxam, IX, 103). Etymology; Qismll (Wiist., Reg., 375). Abü Nu'aym denies that Hasan was a Qadarite (Kitab dhabb al^adar if-h~a. H., cited by ^cAyn al-Qudât Hamadhânï, Shakwà, 3jb), Abu ^cAbdall3h Muhammad ibn ^eAbd al-WShid Maqdisi wrote a juz\fi ma» laqâhu imhi asliâb HB (Sal5mi, Radd, I, 348). HB’s tnusnad was published by the Mîlikï Ism 5 61 ibn Hammad (d. 282); Ibn Farhiln, 94); Ibn al-Qayyim cites a collection of his fatwas in seven books (f^clAit, I, e9). In 200 A.H., Jâbir ibn ^cAbdall3h Yamani was chased out of Bukhara for declaring himself Hasan Basel's disciple (l^ctidâl).

Hasan begins with the fundamental notion that the social body of Mus­lim believers (umma, “Community”) is and must remain one; its distinc­tive feature is obedience to God, from Whom all power flows. Hasan states²⁵⁶ (1) that all believers owe equal respect and obedience to the gov­ernment’s representatives, as long as their official decisions do not contra­vene the Islamic faith and even if their personal conduct is condemnable (contradicting the Khârijites and Imâmîs); (2) that every believer must, at all cost, remain united in his heart with his brothers; he must continue his brotherly participation in communal life, expressing, openly and without hesitation, the private judgments of his conscience concerning any sin committed by the leaders, in an effort to “advise” (nash) the Community about justice. Hasan does not call for tacit secession (mu^ctazila, of the year 657) or violence against the government (movement of Ibn Ash^cath, of the year 700; cf the Zaydis). Believers must respect the political order and keep their place in it, even when they have been treated unjustly and find themselves obliged to deplore the personal conduct of those in control. Neither khurüj not kalmân.

Therefore, Abu Bakr's imamate was doubly legitimate,²⁵⁷ and ^cUthman is remembered as innocent.^{258 c}Ali’s election was valid, but he and Talha share the guilt for the opening of hostilities in the Camel War. ^cAli was wrong to accept the arbitration (hukümat al-hakamayn) at Siffin and right to exterminate the Shurât at Nukhayla.²⁵⁹ While Hasan solemnly exhorts the Basrans to remain subject to the Umayyads, he unequivocally observes that Mu^cawiya has committed five grave offenses against the Community:²⁶⁰ he

abandoned the administration to his own creations, the parvenus; he monopo­lized authority without mashwara, without consulting either the Companions or the upright people; though he had been elected, he made the caliphate hereditary by leaving it to his son Yazid, a drunkard with silken clothes who played the guitar; he make ZiySd (who was a bastard son of Mu^c2wiya’s father) legitimate; he had Hujr (Ibn ^cAdi] and his companions executed for cursing him twice.

Hasan always put his firmness into practice. Mutarrif said expressively to Qatâda,²⁶’ “Hasan is like the man who puts people on guard against the flashflood but stays with them in the riverbed (wad) (still dry, but which he knows will soon be submerged)”; Qatâda himself would say, “He for-

256.           prtsjww, Fr J; 164-65, 202-3, 205 n 4/Eng J 2152-53, 190-91, 193 n 69.

257.           KilSni, Ghuiiya, I, 68; Mas^cüdï, Tanbih, 337.

258.           Mubarrad, Kâmil, II, 144-45.

259.           Ibid.; and II, 154.

260.           Tabari, H, 146; cf. X-ammens, Mo'âwia, 104.

261.     Ibn Sa^cd, VII, 103. bade his fellow citizens to revolt, but when the revolt came, he stayed in the city.”*⁶³ Hasan courageously faced*⁶³ the famous Hajjaj (wait after 75, d. 95), who was known for his autocratic cruelty. Summoned before Ibn Hubayra, Hasan was alone in daring to undercut Yazid's memory?⁶⁴ But he refused, with equal firmness, to take part in the anti-Umayyad insur­rection of Ibn al~Ash^cath (81) or to condone Ibn al-Muhallabs’s anti­Syrian excesses (ioi)?^6î He clearly explained that penitence, rather than combat, would obtain divine redress of social injustices?⁶⁶ His position, which is mystical in the true sense, went unrecognized by factionalists and skeptics alike. Ibn Shâdhân, for example, accused him of "wanting to flat­ter all parties,” and Ibn abfI-^cAwja reproached him for “being unable to join any particular school.”

Hasan also emphasized Muhammad’s role as head of state:

"I call you to God,” said Muhammad to all the clans of the Quraysh. "I an­nounce the imminence of His chastisement. I have been commanded to make war against men until they confess, 'No god but God!' (observe canonical prayer, and pay the legal tithe)?⁶⁷ If they make the confession, their blood and their property become sacred to me, except as payment for debts incurred (by them). And the right to judge them belongs to God alone"

Fear (khawf) guided the Prophet in his conduct with respect to God and prevented him from neglecting His command?⁶⁸

Those who could see Muhammad saw him depart in the morning and re­turn at dusk, never setting brick upon brick (libna) or reed upon reed (qa$3ba) (“ building neither wall nor fence). A Sign (^calam) rose up before him, and he hurried towards it. Save yourselves! Save yourselves! Make haste! Make haste! Where are you straying? Already the best among you are in advance, the Prophet has departed, and as for you, you are viler*⁶⁹ every day (van : every year)! Open your eyes! Open your eyes!

Muhammad had no trivet (on which to place his dishes), no pillow, and no doorman?⁷⁰

Muhammad is presented by Hasan as a warner and precursor; if he is idealized a little, he is also rightly depicted in the vehemence of his prose-

262.            "While Mutanif gave his warning and then fled.” Cf. Ibn Khallikân, I, 140.

263.           Their meetings (Ibn Qutayba, Ta³wll, too; AghSrii, IV, 74; Sam^c5nl, 397b; Ibn ^cAbd Rabbihi, III, 16).

264.             While Ibn Sirin and Sha^cbl exercised taqiyya (Ibn Khailikln, Im. at.).

265 Tabari, II, 139t.

266.             Ibn Sa^cd, VII, 119, (25.

267.             Hilya. The part in parentheses seems to be something Hasan added to justify Abü Bakr.

268.             TirmidhI, ^cllal, 211a; Ibn^cAbd Rabbihi, I, 267.

269.             Tarrlhiliïii, which became a iurtâth (Suyütl, Duror, 186).

270.             Tabari, HI, 2426.

lytizing spirit.²⁷’ Hasan professes no devotion to the legitimacy of the Prophet’s person or descendents: the Quranic verse 42:22 (“al-mawadda fi’l-qurba,” a favorite argument of the Shiites) does not concern blood rela­tions; the true meaning is, “You must love anyone who, by obeying God, comes dose to Him.”^{[394] [395]} In a commentary on Qur. 41:33, Hasan describes the Prophet as an example, which every believer is able to follow, of obe­dience to God: “The friend of God! God’s intimate, this is he! He whose prayer God answers, he who preaches among men that by which God has answered his prayers, and who acts zealously according to it... he is God’s lieutenant here below ... ”^[396] On the other hand, Hasan repeats as a hadith marsal of the Prophet the saying, “After me emire will come who will an­nounce their wisdom from high seats, while their hearts are filthier than carrion.”^[397] The tradition was directed at some mulük of whom it was said, in Hasan’s presence, that they excused themselves by claiming, "If our acts are accomplished in this way, it is that God so decreed it,” which made Hasan cry out, "They have lied, those enemies of God!”^[398]

His very rationalistic exegesis of the Qur³ân has marked positivist ten­dencies, perhaps accentuated by ^cAmr ibn ^cUbayd, the Mu^ctazilite editor of the tafslr. It is particularly useful to refer to Hasan’s refutation of the fa­bles about the first sons of Adam and to his remarks on Abraham, the ibtilà and the mafdï (Isaac, not Ishmael),^[399] and Hamt and Marut, who are not fallen angels but "non-Arab” princes (^ctljân)^[400] With his critical mind, Ha­san saw the tahjiySt ("salutations”) ending the second rak^ca of the salât as an islamization of an earlier custom^[401] intended for pagan idols.^[402] His qirâ?a (partially preserved by Ibn Khâlawayh) was rich in unusual punctua­tions and vocalizations. His exegesis, though critical, is firmly realist on several important points. On the vision of God (rw³y^d)> he was almost alone with Ibn ^cAbbâs in affirming that it was really the divine essence (and not the angel) that Muhammad beheld during his night journey?^[403] Hasan dared to teach that in Paradise the elect would see the unveiled divine essence but without grasping it (bilâ ihâta).^[404] "If the faithful thought that in the next life they would not see God, their hearts would melt with sor­row in this world!*’³⁸² he does not appear to have broached the theological problem of the sifât (divine attributes), and his Mu^ctazilite disciples, when presenting them, followed Jahm’s detailed treatment?⁸³

A few things should be kept in mind. Hasan’s reading of the QiPrân is a kind of dynamic meditation in which he assimilates the commandments that the sacred text has addressed to the prophets, and asks his disciples to apply these commandments to themselves?⁸⁴ Like Ubayy and Ibn Mas^cûd, he generalizes the “mithl nürihî” (24:35) by means of the gloss "fi qalb al- miiïnin”²** On Qur. 102:1 he comments, “Your haste to haggle and ask higher prices (in the market) has made you postpone your visit to the tombs”; on Salih’s camel (11:70) he says, “One man alone killed the camel, and yet God enveloped the entire people in punishment, as he had enveloped them in grace (by sending a messenger).”^{[405] [406] [407] [408] [409]} “Indulgences” for reciting the QuYân, such as guaranteed forgiveness in exchange for read­ing Sura 36 at night, are attributed to him?^[410]

Hasan Basil counsels the strictest observance of ritual. But he demands that everyone precisely control all actions, not ritual alone. For him, the essential thing in an act is the intent (Ki'yyd)/^[411] which must be purified (ikhlas) of vainglory (nyâ)?^[412] Hasan puts the spirit before the letter, the sunna before the fard; his teaching, rooted in morals, blooms into an as­cetic method of introspection, I have elsewhere examined his famous solu­tion^{[413] [414] [415]} of the mixed legal status of the fasiq (the believer guilty of a grave offense), whose sin suspends him, making him susceptible to damnation like a hypocrite (munajiq), until he has repented; Wâsil and the Mu^ctazi- lites found a weaker solution, putting the fasiq in a state of neutral equilib­rium in which his heart has the freedom of complete indifference?⁹'

Hasan does not possess the traditional list of five faraud (established by Shafi^ci), but at least he recognizes, in addition to the shahâda, which is in­tended for God, eight canonical social obligations/⁹² “about which there is to be no discussion with innovators (sahib bid^ca) : the fast, prayer, the pil­grimage, the spiritual retreat at Mecca (^cuwm), alms, holy war, barter (sarf ), and arbitration (W)." He places the ^cumra on the same level as the hajj; he establishes the rituals of shuf^ca andghusl*⁹* He declares that legal sanctions cover sodomy and gives a supporting analogy (hadd al-lütï = hadd al-zânï), the oldest example of a syllogism (qiyasj in Islamic law?⁹⁴ He is very strict on the rules governing legal marriage (nikâh), and he tries to make Faraz- daq divorce his wife?⁹³ For his disapproval of mixed gatherings, at which the poets of Basra used to meet in the company of married women, Ibn Burd (d, 167) calls him a qiss (“priest”)?⁹⁶

His spoken rules for the correct ordering of daily human contact in the communal life (mu^cashara) were codified later by either the Bakriyya*⁹⁷ or the Süfiyya. The rules taught both groups that at all times the dtn (practice of religion) should include not only the canonical works but also certain ascetic restrictions (on eating) and works of mutual brotherly aid. For ex­ample, Hasan said to a man who wanted to leave a funeral procession be­cause he saw that weeping women were approaching (the lament is a blameworthy innovation), “If you deprive yourself of a good action every time you perceive a sin, how can you make quick steps in religious prac­tice. (din)?”²⁹⁸ For Hasan, adab is more important than fard, “intent is more effective (for salvation) than works.”*⁹⁹ “It is because the believer thinks well of God that his works are good; it is because the hypocrite thinks ill (sh³ al-zann) of God that his works are evil.”³⁰⁰ Therefore he held the doc­trine, which was answered sharply by the Ibâdites, that it was very impor­tant for a dying man to say the shahàda.¹™ Lax Muslims later drew from this recommendation (to put all confidence not in ones own works but in final thoughts of God)³⁰² the illusory and expedient MurjPite “justification by faith.” That thesis is very far from Hasan’s thinking; for him faith is vacillating and intermittent; it must be revived constantly in the heart³⁰³ by explicit acts of submission to God, such as the one with which he used

293.            Ibn Qutayba, Tantôt, 287, 251.

294.            Haytham Düri, Dhamm al-tiutâf; Qâsimî, Majmii' mtrtiin usfdiyya, 21 n j, 120 n 4.

295.            Tabari, HI, 2493; Aghàfn, XVIII, 14, 47.

296.            ÀghSnï, HI, 34

297.            Farq, 201 ; Ibn Qutayba, Ta³wtf, 179.

298.            Jàhiz, Bayâft, H, 39,

299.            QM, H, 152.

300.           Hilya. The quoted by Nabhanl (Jümi^c, no. 30) deforms the saying as follows: "I con­form to what my servant thinks of Me: if he thinks well, the good is his; if he chinks ill, the evil is his.”

30ï. His words to the dying Jibir Ju^cfl (in 96), in SharnmSkhl, trans. Masqueray, 182 n.

302.           Who will come forth as a Judge of the separated soul (cf. Passion, Fr 3:246~47/Eng 3:232-33).

303.           His resulting theses of necessary isiilhnti (Iliya, I, 91) and of tafAîî al-J'aqir (Passion, Fr 3:100-101 notes/Eng 3:89-90 notes).

to end meetings: as Ibn ^cAwn reports, after telling a parable, Hasan would make it understood (bi’l ma^cânï)^îQ* by means of the concluding invocation, “O God, see in our hearts associationism, pride, hypocrisy, vainglory (of the eyes and ears), confusion, even doubt in Your religion! O Transformer of hearts, strengthen our hearts in Your religion,³°^s make of our rites a true Islam!’*³⁰⁶

Hasan took this position against two series of adversaries. First, against the routine and the blindly emotional pietism of certain Hashwiyya tradi - tionists. He clearly disapproved of their qisas, parables, when these became emotive sessions and chanted oratorios (sam5^c); also their litanies (awrâd) not based upon the Qur’an but composed according to personal taste, and their prolonged visits to cemeteries (qubûr). With sarcastic irony, he ex­pressed mistrust of anything not rationally justifiable. Ibn Qutayba reports that, with Hasan present, one muhaddith, Abu Salama ibn ^cAbd al-Rahman, recounted the tradition, "according to Abü Hurayra, that the sun and the moon, on the Day of Judgement, would be turned upside down in Hell, like two bulls at the slaughterhouse!” Hasan said simply, "For what sin?” The traditionist insisted, "I have this on the Prophet’s authority!” Hasan was silent, but the congregation was saying as one, “But Hasan is right. For what sin?”³⁰⁷

It was Hasan’s principal polemic to attack the pharisaism of the doctors of the law, fuqakâ, whose knowledge and works were devoid of all sincere intent; Farqad Sinjï recorded his invective against these frauds.³⁰⁸ For Ha­san, knowledge of the Qur’an was not an end in itself but a means to live better. “Faith is not an ornament to wear or a fashion to follow; it is what the heart venerates, it is the truth confirmed in our acts.”³⁰⁹

No man has true faith as long as he allows himself to reproach others for a fault he commits, or to decree for them a reform he has not adopted within himself. If he makes the decision, if he begins, there is no reformed fault that does not make him discover another offense to reform within himself. If he makes this resolution, he will concentrate on his own concerns, and not on the faults of others.³’⁰

The latter statement is not merely psychological analysis. It has moral

304.           Ibn SaM, VII, 115.

305.           This saying became a hadith.

306.           Ibn Sa^cd, VII, ri8.

307.           Ibn Qutayba, Ta³unl_t 121. The muhaddith, Abü Salama ibn ^cAbd ai-Rahmân, was the grandson of Ibn ^cAwf (parallel story in Goldziher, Richt., 68 with Ka^cb in the role of Ibn ^eAwf [sfe: Massignon must mean “the role of Abü Salama"] and Ibn ^cAbb3s in that of Hasan).

308.           Qiît, 1, 153; attenuated ap. Iliya, HI, 272, and ^cAuwif, I, 63.

309.           Famous statement \Recufil, p. 4], later attributed to Abü Bakr; the Wahhabis used it.

310.           Jahix, jBayÆn, HI, 70.

range; its intellectual midwifery is authentically Socratic and gently leads the hearer to the threshold of an examination of conscience. It is the link to Hasans ascetic and mystical doctrine.

—                 “You — would you be satisfied with the state (ItS/) in which you are now, if you were in it when death surprised you?”

—                 "No "

—                  "Do you struggle with yourself, do you strive to move from this state to another, in which you would be well disposed towards death, in case death were to come?”

—                 "Certainly I do, but not seriously,”

—                 “After death, is there another place (besides this world) where you could ask for mercy?”

—                 “No,”

—                 “Have you ever seen a sensible man satisfied with himself in the condi­tion that satisfies you now?”⁵”

D. His Ascetic and Mystical Doctrines

Hasan begins with disdain for this passing life and this perishing world, because the Prophets disdained it, and because God disdains what He has created separate from Himself?¹² "Be with this world as if you had never been in it, and with the next as if you were never to leave it.” “O man, sell your present life for your life to come, and you will earn both lives; do not sell your life to come for your present life, for you would lose them both,”³¹³ “God has put at his creatures’ disposal three things?¹⁴ which have become objects of their rejection (tara^fe), but without which neither the prophets nor the solitary men (ahl-al-inqit3^c) would gain from their stay in this world. They are hope, death (ajal), and the night vigil (sahar) ”^3IÎ “What do you think of this world ? Encountering its sorrows has prevented me from tasting its delights.”³'⁶

His rule for living is characterized by scrupulous denial (wara^c)^îl7 and strict renunciation of all legally dubious actions (shubuhât); more than that, it is asceticism (zuhd), a complete and universal abandonment of the world and all that perishes. In the self this is translated into continuous sorrow

Jit. Ibid., HI, 72 p. 5),

3<z. Cf. the statement of Abü'l-Dardî quoted above [see n. 109 and related text), which is used again in the risSla said to be Hasan's (Hilya).

JI J. Jihiz, BaySit, H; 34; III, 68,

314- Ibid,, HI, 86,

315.           Saying taken up by ^cUtba: “Hope and the night vigil are two exceptional graces for the sons of Adam."

316.            Versified by Abâ’l-^cAt9hiya (Dtwâii, 169),

317.            Opp. tairf.

(huzn);[416] ^[417] Thawn learned from Yunus that “Hasan was invaded by sor­row.” “Continuous sorrow in this world is what makes a pious act fertile (talqih)” he used to say. In addition to the scrupulous renunciation (u><ira^c) that is the basis of religious ritual (osl al-tftn),[418] Hasan recommends fear (kkawf) of God, because “nothing develops piety better,” and attentive lis­tening to the divine word (istimêf,*ⁱ⁹ a "science that can be learned”). Then he lays the foundations of the “science of hearts” (^cilm al-quliib) or mystical psychology?¹⁰ The introduction of the notion of/w/, mental state, has been discussed above; Hasan also perceives the two motive forces of free choice (khâtiran), the two types of suggestion (wasutâs),³²¹ and the two stable forms of a decision taken (hamm).^iZ2 His definitions of the examina­tion of conscience (muh&saba)^w prepare the way for Muhâsibï s: "The ex­amination on the Day of Judgment will weigh lightly on those who have examined themselves in this world.”

When a believer suddenly comes upon something pleasing to him, he cries out, "Certainly you are pleasing to me, and I feel the need for you! Yet be­ware the ambush between you and me ...” That is an examination before ac­tion. Then, when something has escaped him and he is taken aback, he says, "How could I have done that? Surely I shall never remove my guilt for it. No, I shall never come back to it, if it please God.”

The constant operation of intellectual reflection (Jikrfo²* in the believ­er's life is Hasan’s base. “Reflection is the mirror that makes you see what is good and bad in yourself.”³¹* His sermons, which invite meditation al­most entirely without the forming of sensuous images, are mostly calls to examine the conscience.³¹⁶ His most famous sayings are quoted here:

i.

Ah! If only I could find life in your hearts! Men have become like specters;

I perceive a murmur, but I see nothing that loves. Tongues are brought to me in abundance, but I am looking for hearts. Your intellects go astray, seeking the butterflies of hell and the dies of covetousness?²⁷

ii.

O son of Adam! Your religious life! Your religious life! That is your flesh and blood! O son of Adam! Glutton, glutton! You hoard and hoard wealth in the cellar of your house, you nourish your avarice, ride softened mounts and wear fine clothes ... May God have mercy on the man who is not shaken when he sees the actions of the multitude! O son of Adam! You will die alone! You will enter the tomb alone! You will be revived alone and judged alone! O son of Adam, it is you that are watched here?²⁸ it is you that I accuse (now) !

iii.

Converse with your hearts and maintain them, for they are quick to rust. Hum­ble your carnal souls, for they tend to raise themselves up?²⁹

This semi-public teaching had immense resonance. Islam has never known more sober and beautiful sermons (khutab), and Jâhiz, as penetrat­ing a judge as there has ever been, describes them as peerless in his Bayan.ⁱⁱ⁰ An official khafib, ^cAnbari, would soon found the art of Sunni homiletics on them. In comparison, the rasping, rebellious preaching of the Khârijites^{[419] [420] [421] [422] [423]} displays superficial violence and hasty, shallow psychol­ogy. The sermons of the other mystics, Sâlih Murri, ^cAbd al-Wahid ibn Zayd, Mansür ibn ^cAmmar, and Kïlânî, employ various points of es­chatology, visions either terrifying or seductive, in order to disturb the imagination and reach the will. Hallâj, in his speeches of 296/908, is a lover of God wishing to rejoice in Him ‘'beyond joy/’ in a vulgar world that does not recognize such love. But Hasan’s sermons are addressed to the listeners’ intelligence alone,^{[424] [425]} so that their will may be attracted; he succinctly and powerfully summons them to retire into themselves?³³ His phrases are condensed judgments, robust and sinewy; he resorts to asso­nance (srtj^c) only as often as the thought allows; he sacrifices nothing to style. Hasan is known to have had contempt for literary “inspiration/’^B4 the “satame” instinct that pushed Farazdaq to sharpen his satires and Ibn Rabi^ca (d. too) to sing of the physical charms of Qurayshi beauties?³*

His sermons had consequences not only on morals and literature but also on the formation of dogma. For him the human personality is defined, es­sentially, not as a body composed of members but as a living, sapient heart (qaib). Here Hasan represents the beginning of Islamic spiritualism, soon to be clearly developed by ^cAmr ibn Fâ³id Uswârî?³⁶ The problem of the cre­ation of human acts is also addressed in the sermons. God invests men with their actions, but this investiture (tafu4d)^{[426] [427] [428] [429] [430]} becomes real and fertile only when men submit to the conditions of the covenant (mithâq).³⁵³ “God does not punish^[431] in order (arbitrarily) to see His sanctions operate; he punishes infractions against His precepts.” Therefore, the problems of arzâq and ajal, and of qadar, are raised; I have shown^{[432] [433] [434]} that Hasan, after some vacillation, clearly repudiated the Qadari doctrine that his Mu^ctazili disciples would later dilute and adopt. His pronouncements on the subject prepared the way for, but were not as distinct as, those of his mystic disciples, Misri, Kharrâz, and Hallâj.

Between predestination and responsibility, between decree and pre­cept, there is an apparent conflict. For Hasan it can be resolved by creat­ing within oneself a special mystical state, rida, reciprocal acceptance and contentment between God and the soul. Rida is the name given in the QuYân to the “state of grace” sought by the old Christian monks in their rahbdniyya (monastic life). This search for the perfect life before death made Imamis indignant. Abü Hamza Thumâlï describes Imâm Zayn al-^cAbidïn’s irritation at seeing Hasan lay a claim to the sanctity that the Imams consid­ered their privilege.³⁴’ An extremely important hadtth qudst of Hasan, trans­mitted by ^cAbd al-Wâhid ibn Zayd?⁴² says,

As soon as My dear servant's³⁴³ first care becomes the remembrance of Me, I make him find happiness and joy in remembering Me. And when I have made him find happiness and joy in remembering Me, he desires Me and I desire him, fitshtqant wa ^cashiqtuhu). And when he desires Me and I desire him, I raise the veils between him and Me, and I become a cluster of knowable things (ma^c3lim3) before his eyes.

Such men do not forget Me, when others forget Me. Their word is the word of the prophets, and they are the true heroes.³⁴⁴ When I wish to inflict a calamity upon the inhabitants of the earth, they are the ones I remember in time to spare the earth that calamity.

This hadïth deserves reflection. It established a gradation in the mystical graces and an experimental method of sanctification that would be filled out in detail by Ibn Adham, and especially by Hallaj?⁴³ The word ^cishq, “passionate desire," is noteworthy. It was the only word allowed by ^cAbd al-Wâhid ibn Zayd for speaking of God. He rejected the word mahabba, “favorite love," as an unworthy Judeo-Christian survival³⁴⁶ showing too much confidence in divine “favor" ([niSwtrt Allah] Qur. 5:20). Malik ibn Dinar, Mudar Qari, and Misri suggested the term shawq, covetous love; habb (tahabbub, mahabba) was nevertheless recommended by Abân ibn abi ^cAyyâsh, Yazid Raqqâshi, the pseudo-Ja^cfar, and RâbiS, and its triumph was sealed with Ma^crûfand Muhâsibï.

Here is another of Hasan's hadïth :³⁴⁷

Some servants of God can already see the elect who are in Paradise forever, and the damned tortured in Hell; these servants' hearts are contrite, their pains do not trouble them, their needs are light, their souls continent. They endure with pa­tience, like a long rest, what few days they know are left to them. They pass the night in silent attentiveness... awake (for prayer); tears run down their cheeks, and they implore their Lord, “Rabbunâï Rabbutiâ'. ” During the day they are re­strained, knowledgeable, pious, experienced. When examined, they are taken for sick men, but it is not they who are sick. Or, if they are indeed stricken by a dis­ease, it is the disease of meditation on the next world, which has struck deep.

E. His Posthumous Influence

The attacks against Hasan Basri began during his lifetime. Among Sunni moderates, even Ayyüb Sikhtiyânî, a disciple and friend, once capriciously

343.            Diminutive: Hasan liked to use such names (Furayqid, Muwaylik).

344.            Text: ab/Sl. Should this not be corrected to read Mill? Ct'. ch. (, sec. 2, under SDL.

345.          Passion, Fr 3:48, 218/Eng 3:40, 206.

346.          Ibn Taymiyya, in ms. Damascus Zah. tas 129, sec. VH.

347.    Preserved by ZaySdi. Quoted from the HUya. said that Hasan had split from the Qadaris “on my advice, from fear of the police.” Hamid Khuza^ci notes that the caprice was “regrettable for Ayyüb."^[435] Indeed, it was simplistic and fatuous. Ayyüb also criticized some of Hasan’s isnâd.*^[436] Like Mutarrif, he rejected Hasan’s thesis of "the superiority of poverty."^[437] Yielding to Abü Qulâba Jarmïs (d. 104)^[438] ex­hortations on the subject, Ayyüb decided that it was necessary to find a trade, because "ease alone procures tranquility of spirit."^[439]

Muhammad Ibn Sirin (d, 110), another notable Sunni,^[440] a castrator of sheep by trade,^[441] disagreed with Hasan on many points. Ibn Sirin would not admit that a grave sin could put a believer in danger of damnation (ashadd raja^an, as opposed to wa^cîd, khauf, according to Hasan); ^[442] he tol­erated taqiyya in case of danger (as opposed to Hasan’s nosh, ihtisab) ;^[443] he condoned certain purely emotive devotional practices, anecdotes (qisas)j-^[444] visions (ru^yâ), prayers in cemeteries, litanies (awrâd, sing, uw/),^[445] orato­rios (sama^c); he rejected only artificial ecstasy accompanied by loud excla­mations. Hasan condemned all of these things together as bida^c (hereti­cal innovations).^{[446] [447]} We have already discussed Hasan’s polemic against Ibn Sirin on the respective merits of süf^i6<3 and qutn. In meetings (majalis) where Hasan spoke, the only subject was the life to come. Ibn Sirin led discussions^[448] of historical traditions (such as the anecdote about ^cUdhri love told by Ayyüb),^[449] and his pietism bears no trace of the mystical de­sire for the divine perfections that explodes within Hasan.

Malik pronounced in favor of Ibn Sirin, whom he greatly admired, and against Hasan, "whom the Qadarites led astray."^[450] Ibn Hanbal, less preju­diced, recognized that "Hasan never doubted the divine predetermination of all calamities (mustbaY';ⁱ⁶ⁱ Hasan would then be the father of the semi- Qadarism professed by Ja^cfar and Ibn Salim. 1 think we can go further and state^{[451] [452]} that his supposed Qadarism is a legend, which his Miftazili disci­ples and Hashwiyya adversaries collaborated to invent.

He was reproached by the Khârijites, "who hated him/'^[453] because of his disdain for their pragmatism (tafdtl al-niyya; shahada), his solution to the problem of the fisiq, and his condemnation of all their rebellions.

The Imâmïs reproached him^[454] for his criticisms of ^cAli's policies; his "neutrality” between ^cAli and Mu^cawiya; his thesis that the dead of both parties (^cAli, Talha) in the "Camel War” were damned;^[455] his requirement to practice "fraternal correction” (wa^cz), as opposed to their "permitted dis­simulation” (katman); his mystical doctrines of rids and tafwid; his "conces­sions” to the Qadaris andjabaris (which he did not make).

Not Hasan, but his disciples, were persecuted by Hashwiyya and M2- likite Sunni literalists for guiding ideas concerning the importance of med­itation (fikr) in the religious life, and the reciprocal love (khutta) to be desired between God and the soul. Not daring to accuse Hasan directly, they maintained an acrimonious reserve for this great man, the patriarch of Islamic mysticism, whom Abu Tâlib Makkî compares to Abraham.^[456]

The people did not forget him. The Islamic orders of the following centuries called him their founder and the ghawth^[457] of his time. The trade brotherhoods made him their seventh shaykh^[458] and even, at times, their p'ir.^[459]

His disciples may be classified under three headings:

i)           The mystics, those I believe to be the most faithful interpreters of his thought: Ibn Wâsi^c, Farqad, Abin, Yazîd Raqqâshi; Ibn Dïnâr; Bunânï and Habib^cAjami. Then, at one remove, Ibn Dinar’s students: ^cUtba (d, 167), Rabâh, Rabi^ca, and especially ^cAbd al-Wahid ibn Zayd.^[460] In the third generation, Ibn Zayd’s students: the Bakriyya theological school, founded by his nephew and two eminent thinkers, the theologian Wakï^c and the mystic Dârâni.

ii)           The Mu^ctazilis, with their precursor, Abü’l-Khattâb Qatâda ibn Di^câma Sudüsï (d. 117), and their two founders, Abu ^cUthman ^cAmr ibn ^cUbayd ibn Bâb (d. 143) and Abü Hudhayfa Wâsil ibn ^cAtâ Ghazzâl (8i- 131), The overly famous legend according to which Hasan, in the manner of a village pedant, solemnly pronounced the excommunication of one or another of these three “dissidents** (mu^ctaziia),^m seems to be derived from a false etymology.^{37 s} If such an event had occurred, neither Qatâda³⁷⁶ nor ^cAmr could have continued to consider Hasan³⁷⁷ his master?⁷⁸ Finally there is Wâsil, whose young age (twenty years) at the time of Hasan’s last sermon suffices to refute the anecdote about him.³⁷⁹ On three fundamental points, the Mu^ctazila strayed from Hasan's teaching: Jâsiq munâfiq, amr distinct from /in km, tajdïl al-niyya.

iii)           Some Sunni mnhaddithnn: Ayyûb Sikhtiyâni (d. 131), and Hammâd ibn Salama (d. 165), who was the teacher of ^cAbd al-Karim ibn abï*l“^CAwjâ (d. 167), an unusual, original mind, Ibn abi'l-^cAwja abandoned Hasan’s doc­trine, then briefly became a disciple of J a^c far;³⁸⁰ it is said he died a skeptic. To justify abandoning Hasan's doctrine, he would say, “My teacher was an eclectic, sometimes a Qadari, sometimes a Jabari; I do not think he ever adopted a firm doctrine.”³⁸'

Hasan Basri is the author responsible for several statements that now have the force of law in Islam. Taken for hadtth of the Prophet, they were in­corporated into the Sihali: “Ya muqallib al-qulüb”; "Kull ^câmm tardhilUna”; “Tarjïh midad al-^cid am a”; "Man ^cashiqanⁱ*

4.    The Tafsir Attributed to Imam Ja^cfar^3Sj

A. The Current State of the Textual Problem

In third-century “Sufi” mystic circles in Kufa and Baghdad, some moral

374.            The opposite story is also told: Hasan puts his Hashwiyya listeners “tn penitence” (Alüsî, JalS, 236).

375.           They “split from us” on the question of the/irtfl. The true etymology is r'tizÆf bayn al~ manzi/atayn (Passion, Ft 3:189 n 6/Eng 3:177 n 37).

376.            Who had first said, "fàsiq = mumlfiq” (Murtadl, Muttya, 23).

377.            Makki, Qh< I, 106.

378.            Ayyûb put ^cAmt ibn ^cUbayd on the index, as, in imitation of him, did Abü Hanïfa, Ibn al-MubSrak and Malik (Harawi, Dhaimn, 127a).

379.            Steiner, Mutaziliten, 25.

380.            See below, p. 141,

381.            Tabarsï, Ihtijâj, 172 (Reowif, p. 4],

382.            Cf. ch. 3, sec, 5. B.

383.     Abü 'Abdallah Ja^c far Sâdiq ibn abi Ja'far Muhammad Bîqir, b. 83/702, d. Medina, Shaw- hadlth attributed to the sixth Imâm, Ja^cfar’⁸⁴ (d. 148), giving mystical ex­planations of various obscure points in the QuYân, began to circulate. In the following century they would come to constitute a tnusnad min tarty ahi al-bayt³*⁵ (a body of saying? of the Prophet collected and conserved by his family), a grandiose title for hadtth that must in fact be marSsil, because, as the Ibadites remark, the fourth Imam had no opportunity to hear any­thing from his father. Yahyâ Qattân and Bukhari reject Ja^cfar’s hadîth en masse; strangely, they are accepted by some rigid Malikis, such as ^c Iyad^{[461] [462] [463] [464] [465] [466] [467] [468] [469]} (see below for an explanation). Ibn Hanbal also accepts some of them?⁸⁷

After Fudayl ibn ^cIyad?⁸⁸ the first of the Sunnis to mention them is Dhû'1-Nûn Misri, who claims to have received them, through Fadi ibn Ghânim Khuza^cï, from Malik,¹⁸⁹ who is supposed to have received them from ja^cfar himself.¹⁹⁰ This chain seems very strange, and the composition of the collection of hadlth is still mysterious. Its authority, thanks to Misri’s edition, was considerable. Sulami, in the preface to his HaqiPty al-tafslr, speaks of ja^cfars commentary as “detached verses, arranged in no order,” but he quotes numerous passages from the text established by Ibn ^cAta.¹⁹* Hallâj uses and develops important suggestions from the collection: from the lexical point of view, he adopts the use of the words mashPa (and not trad a), mahabba (and not ^cishq), azaliyya and hul ill, and Haqq (as a name for God).³⁹¹ From the structural point of view, he uses the Quranic exegesis of the divine name Nür (= munawwir) and Satnad (— mastnüd Hay hi), and the word ihdinâ (= urshudnd Hit mahabbatika).³⁹³ He takes up the parable of the twelve zodiacal houses of the soul,³⁹* and the dialogue-form of expla­nation of the via remotionis (tanzïh). Two passages of the Tautâsïn are in­spired by these hadtth : first, Hallâj compares a saint reciting the Qur³ân to the Burning Bush. Second, when he writes “blink an eye out of the where” (2:7) for the nocturnal ascension in which Muhammad “did not turn to look right or left” (6:2), he is developing Ja^cfar’s statement, “He blinked his eyes to shield them from the (created) signs, trying to occupy them with God alone and not to turn (and look at) any detail of those signs.”³⁹³ There are texts of ja^cfar on the nür muhatnmadiyya (al-Qur’an nu- sikha)_f on tajallï al-Qur’ân (tilàwa, forty-one an war),³⁹⁶ and on tawba qabl ^cibada,³⁹⁷ that prefigure Hallajian theses; according to Ibn Ayyâsh, Hallâj referred to a riwâya “min ahi al-bayt” justifying his rule replacing the hajj with devotional acts.³⁹*

It is not easy to determine which of these riwâyât, in Sunni mystic cir­cles, are in fact of the sixth Imam of the Shi^ca. I have briefly summarized Ja^cfars biography in the notes.³⁹⁹ We can only say that he must not be

392.            Passion, Fr 3:15, 130/Eng 3:8, 118; Baqli, f. t56a, 265b. and on Qur. 2:160,

393.            passion, Fr 3:15, 145 n i, >42-43/Eng 3:8, 132 n 65, 130.

394.            Ibid., Fr 3:34 n 1 /Eng 3:26 n 43.

395.            Baqli, on Qur, 17:1.

396.            Passton, ch. 14, sec. Ilia, Fr 3:152, 15/Eng 3:139, 8; Baqli, f. 265b.

397.            Baqli, on Qur. 1:4; 9:t13.

398.            Passion, Fr 1:585-86, 594/Eag 1:539-4°, 547-

399.            In 122/739, the Shiite legitimists of Küfa, refusing to lend armed support to Zayd, os­tentatiously seceded (rdjukh secession} and declared Ja^cfar the one legitimate Im5m. Ja^cfar him­self broke with Abü’l-Jirüd, the confidant and editor of the tafsir of his father Bâqir (d. t17), for being a partisan of Zayd. Ja^cfar then went to live in Medina on retreat. Surrounded by a more or less compromising circle of adepts, he was obliged on several occasions to disavow friendly interpreters of his thought. According to the orthodox Imimis, he designated four doctors of healthy doctrine, four pillars (arkSn); Burayd ibn Mu^c5wiya (d. 150); Zurlra ibn A^cy5n (d. 15°), ^w^° later proclaimed Müsa the seventh Imâm; Muhammad ibn Muslim ibn Rab5h; and Abu Basir. On the same authority, Ja^cfar is supposed to have given his blessing to the theologian Ibn al* Hakam and to have favored, to varying degrees, Mu^min al-T3q, Abü Malik Hadrami, ^cAli ibn Mansür, and 'All ibn Yaqtïn (b. Kûfa 124, d. Baghdad 182, who edited his Malühim; Tiisy’s Usi, 234). The orthodox accept J aTar’s riwâyât from Abân ibn Taghiib, Abü Hamza Thumâh, and es­pecially Mufaddal ibn ^cUmar Ju^cÜ. They claim he excommunicated several mints (Friedlander, II, 90). In contrast, the gliulst Imîmîs publish their riwâyât of Ja^efar on the authority of Abü Shïkir Maymün (father of the founder of the Qarmathians) and Muhammad ibn Sinân Zïhiri, a disciple of Mufaddal. They affirm that Ja^cfar made Abü Shikir the tutor of his favorite son, Isma'îl. There are reasons to wonder whether the orthodox were not wrong about the whole line: the divergent opinions of the above-mentioned doctors (Ibn al-D2^cf, Tabsira, 422—423}; Abü Shâkir's intunacy with ja^cfar, which they {the orthodox) admit; the close relationship between the Qarmathian ibtHl ruled out, absolutely and a priori, as the source of these sayings of mystical exegesis, because they show extraordinary doctrinal coincidences with his fragments invoked independently by both orthodox Shiites and the Ghulât (Nusayris and Druze).* For example: in ^cadl, the distinction between amr and mashï^a;^{[470] [471]} on tawhid, the use of tanzïh ',^[472] in al-furü^c, the nonobligatory character of the hajj^{[473] [474]} and the calculated^[475] determination (not empirical, with witnesses)^[476] of the new moon; and finally, the condemnation of qiyas and ra³y.⁴°^s

By whom was the corpus of these riwâydt compiled? Perhaps by Jâbir ibn Hayyân or Ibn abï’l-^cAwjâ (d. 167) The case for Jabir is that he dedi­cated his books to Ja^cfar; that one of his disciples in alchemy was Dhu’l- Nun Misri, the first editor of this collection; and especially that Jâbir was called “al-Süfï"^[477] and wrote books on asceticism.^[478] He (and not Harim ibn Hayyân) was probably the Ibn Hayyân denounced by the heresiogra- pher Khashïsh Nasa³! (d. 253 )^[479]°⁸ for vaunting an ascetic training of the senses comparable to “the gradual conditioning of a racehorse*' (tadmtr al- maydan), at the end of which the ascetic is “as insensitive to the bitterness of vinegar as to the sweetness of date custard” and can do anything with no fear of punishment, no constraint to observe the Law.

But the case for Ibn abi’l-^cAwja is strong, especially on textual evi­dence. He was a disciple of Hasan through Hammâd ibn Salama; we know that Ibn abfl-^cAwja modified Hasan's doctrine (his riutâyât do not contain the words ^cishq and tafttfd, which Hasan uses). It is stated with cer­tainty that he made and published a collection of hadîth^{[480] [481]} (the name un­der which it was published is not known; perhaps “Ja^cfar”),^4£0 and that

*Nwyii comments, in die introduction to his edition (1968) of the ThjSfr, that Massignon here under esti­mâtes the “doctrinal coincidences" : the two traditions, Shiite and Sunni, have preserved for ait practical pur­poses the same work. Nwyias lexicon of the Titfiir accomplishes what LM carries out for HaliaJ in ch. ï this collection had mystical tendencies and was often accused, in an appar­ent contradiction, of both tashbih and ta^ctîl. Hallâj would have to respond to the same charge.^[482]

B. The First Editor: Dhü'l-Nün Misrî⁴’^[483]

SOURCES FOR HIS BIOGRAPHY

Kindi mentions him in his TtPfikh al-mawalt al-misriytn. There are no extant biographies from Misri's time, and the accounts by Ibn Khamis and ^cAttâr are stuffed with invention. The Saif al-tawahhum ^can Dhi’l-Nun Misri^[484]'* by AbO Hurra ibn Suwayd Ikhmimi is lost. Later monographs in­clude Kawkab durri fï tarjamat Dh. N. M. (ms. Tôpqâpü, 1378) and Suyütï’s Sin maknüfi jï manâqib Dh. N. (ms. ^cAshir Eff. 2051 ).

CHRONOLOGY OF HIS LIFE

Abû'1-Fayd (var. Fayyâd) Thawbân (var. Fayd) ibn Ibrahim Misrî, called Dhü'1-Nün,^{[485] [486] [487]} was bom at Ikhmim in Upper Egypt, c. 180. Little is known of his life. Authentic details are missing about the circumstances of his and his brothers’ vocations. His teacher of mysticism seems to have been Sa^c- dûn, of Cairo.⁴¹*

He learned certain hadîth with an isnâd including Lay th ibn Sa^cd, Ab­dallah ibn Lahi^ca (d. 174), Ibn^cUyayna (d. 198), and Ibn^clyad. (d. 187), but we do not know who taught them directly to Dhû’l-Nûn. Perhaps it was the enigmatic Fadi ibn Ghanim Khuza^cï.⁴’⁶ Dhû’l-Nüns works attest to his knowledge of the mystical literature of the time, including some of Râbfa's poems, which he uses without naming the author. He traveled widely: to Mecca, Damascus, and the cells of the ascetics on Mt. Lukkâm, south of Antioch.^{[488] [489] [490] [491] [492] [493] [494] [495] [496] [497]} Summoned by the state's Mu^ctazilite inquisition, he courageously affirmed the “uncreated” character of the Qur³an.^4i!i The Egyptian Mâlikite faqth ^cAbdallah ibn ^cAbd al-Hakam (d. 214) condemned him for his public teaching of mysticism. Towards the end of his life he was disturbed again: arrested, transferred to Baghdad, and iriterned at the Matbaq prison, where the Baghdad Sufis, notably Ishâq ibn Ibrâhîm Sara- khsi, were able to visit him.⁴’⁹ Released by order of the caliph after a brief interrogation, Misri came back to Cairo to die (in 245/856).⁴⁴⁰

HIS WORKS AND DOCTRINE

There are apocryphal alchemical and kabbalistic works under his name. His authorship of a “translation” of some hieroglyphs from Egyptian tem­ples seems to be imaginary as well, Ibn al-Nadïm says that as a disciple of Jâbir Dhû’l-Nün wrote two treatises on alchemy, Rukn akbar and Thiqa, but these are lost.⁴⁴¹ I have not examined his Kitâb al-^cajâ³ib in Cairo.⁴⁴⁴

The only authentic extant mystical fragments of Misri are sayings, para­bles, and anecdotes. Some were written down by his disciples in Egypt, like Muhâjir ibn Müsâ and Ahmad ibn Sabîh Fayyümî, others by his admir­ers in Baghdad. Already in his lifetime, Muhâsibï was citing him as an au­thority. ^cAli ibn Muwaffaq and especially Yusuf ibn Husayn Râzï (d. 301 )⁴⁴³ propagated his fragments. Tirmidhî, in a gloss, treats one of his sayings as a hadïth qudsî.

Dhû’l-Nûn’s rather complex doctrine attenuates the theses of ^cAbd al- Wâhid ibn Zayd's school; nevertheless, the doctrine is more developed than Dâranî's attempt at conciliation. Misri clarifies tajund,*¹* he uses the term hubb*^iS without hesitation, and he was the first to isolate the idea of mcfrifa clearly [sîjâti'l-wahdâniyya]^²⁶ But his fervent, detailed introspection is not supported by the philosophical method and dialectical force of, say, Muhâsibï.⁴⁷⁷ Misti's defining characteristics are the sumptuousness of his poetic allegory and the slightly overdone luxury of his metaphors; he ex­cels at using these devices to mask bold propositions. As we have seen,^{[498] [499]} one of his parables, on the “pilgrimage of the spirit” to Mecca, outlines a Hallajian thesis. Another parable, of which there are two extant versions,^[500] attempts to give a glimpse of the delights that the divine love offers to the soul, under the thin veil of declarations of love sung by a houri. The par­able contains lines by Rabi^ca, as well as the passage, “(Drink) the wine of His love for you, as long as He is making you drunk on your love for Him,” on which Tirmidhi comments.^[501] In Dhü'1-Nûn's obviously alle­gorical tales, he shows adolescents at the end of the pilgrimage who sus­pend themselves, mad with adoration, from the veils of the Ka^cba, or who strain to hear the murmurs of love emanating from it.^[502] These two exam­ples reveal a perilous sentimental transgression by Misri, a love of mystical joy for its own sake.^[503]

In rare moments, Dhü'1-Nün abandons his intricate, precious style and makes brief, straightforward statements, such as this: “I desired to glimpse You, and when I saw You, 1 was overcome by a fit of joy and could not hold back my tears.”^[504] “He alone comes back, who has not been to the end of the road. None who has achieved union has returned.”^{[505] [506]} But like the much later Kilâni, whom he resembles, he would rather paint grand allegorical pictures full of artistic nuance. E.g. :

The joys of the sain3^c (spiritual concert) in Paradise :⁴³³

I have read in the Torah of the pious, who believe, who walk in the way of their Creator and encourage obedience — I have read that these men will see the face of the Lord, for it is the highest hope of all sincere lovers to see the face of God. God will give them no greater grace in their assembly than the sight of His face. And I have learned that after the vision He will give them the grace of hearing the voices of the angelic spirits (rûhâniyûn) and David’s chanting of the Psalter. If you could see David! A special seat will be raised from among the seats of Paradise, and he will be permitted to sit upon it and make known the praise and glory of God, while all those around him in Paradise listen attentively: prophets, saints, rühâniyün, and muqarrabün. Then David, with a tranquil heart, will begin to recite the Psalms, raising and lower­ing his voice and pausing, with every beautiful nuance of vocal inflection. In his chanting he will take the right measure of the phrases, maintaining what must be constant, varying what must change. And then the ecstasy will begin for those who are smiling in excess of joy. The Royal 'T'^[507] will answer David, and the beautiful recluses of the castles (of Paradise) will acclaim the di­vinity. Then David will raise his voice to bring the joy to its height. When he has made his loudest voice heard, the elect of ^cIlliyün will raise themselves from their dwelling places (gburaf) in Paradise, while the houris respond to David with songs of happiness from behind the veils of their apartments. Then the base of the chair will rise, the winds resound, die trees shake, and songs be ex­changed. The King will expand the understanding (of the elect) to make their joy perfect. And if God had not decided in advance that their joy would last forever, they would die of happiness.

Misri is one of the first propagators of sama^c sessions or “spiritual con­certs,"^{[508] [509]} and I have quoted the entire passage above to show that he de­liberately weakens the idea of direct dialogue between the saints and God on the day of the ziyâda, a thesis Muhâsibt clearly affirms.

As Sulami remarks, Misri was the first to define and teach “the classifi­cation of the mystical states (tartïb al-ahwâl) and the stages on the way of the masters of sanctity (maqâmât ahi al-wilSya).”⁴^ Dârâni had outlined the path of the mystics, but in Misri it took the definitive form that would ap­pear in Sufism’s classical manuals. Other authors would add or suppress particular stages, but he established the idea of fixed steps for the sanctify­ing graces. Compared to MuhSsibfs method of analytical introspection, with which the mystic can find ab intra a principle for subordinating one state of consciousness to the next according to his preliminary intentions, Misri's theory relies upon a rather insufficient formal esthetic. Compared to the very rough, bare, ascetic push of a Bistâmî (the best example before Hallâj), who would search our acts for Him alone for Whom we accom­plish them, Misri’s veneration of virtues for their own sake, and cultiva­tion of ecstasy for its own sake, at least suggest that he was guilty of formalist idolatry. But his theory, clearer and at first more accessible to av­erage mystics than the other two, had a broader influence. From the end of the third century, Tustarî and various Sufis of Baghdad were adopting Misri’s process of formal classification.^[510] It would be amended and per­fected by Wâsitî, Sarrâj/^[511] Qushayri, and Ghazâlï.

Here is one ofMisn’s characteristic passages:⁴⁴’

There were some men who, being faithful to God, planted the trees of their sins where they could see them and showered them with the water of their peni­tence; the trees bore the fruit of sorrow and regret; and they, the eloquent, the gracious in speech, the wise in God and His Prophet — they became madmen without madness, idiots without stuttering or dumb silence. They drank from the cup of purity, and the length of their suffering gave them patience.

Then their hearts began to burn for the Kingdom; their thoughts, to wan­der among the palaces and under the veils of the Majesty. They hid in the shadows under the portico of regret, and there they read the book of their sins. They made anxiety their own legacy to themselves, until, through complete abstinence (wara^c), they attained the summit of denial (zuhd). That is how the bitterness of renouncing the world became so sweet to them, and the hard couch so soft, that they won love of salvation and the way to peace.

Then their spirits were cast into the heights of Heaven, fell adoring into the gardens of Paradise, and plunged into the river of life. They closed the locks of anguish and crossed the bridges of desire; they stopped for the annihilation of knowledge (discursive knowledge) and drank from the ghadir^{[512] [513]} of wisdom (the wisdom of union); they embarked in the ship of grace and opened their sails to the wind of salvation on the sea of peace, until they reached the gardens of Rest and the mine of Glory and Mercy.^[514]

And this prayer:^[515]

O God, give us a place among those whose spirits have flown to the Kingdom; for whom the Majesty’s veils have been lifted; who have plunged into the river of certainty; who have walked among the flowers in the garden of the pious; who have embarked in the boat of resignation (tawakkul) and unfurled the sail of the plea for intercession; whom the wind of love has blown to each port, nearer and nearer to the Glory, until they reached the coast of right intention (ikhlas) and left their sins behind, carrying with them only their acts of obedi­ence; and all this is through Your mercy, O You Who are most merciful!

5.   The End of the Ascetic School of Basra

A. ^cAbd al-Wâhid ibn Zayd, Rabâh, and Râbi^ca

At the beginning of the second century a.h., Muslim circles in Basra⁴⁴* were characterized by intense religious fervor in exceedingly diverse forms, with no unity among disciplines or theological doctrines. Hasan's disciples would introduce these unities little by little. Even if they did not transmit precise oral "constitutions” (let alone a habit, a special garment, as it was later believed), the master’s method was passed down. In the first genera­tion, Mâlik ibn Dinar (d. 127)^{[516] [517]} instigated an attempt to regularize the tra­dition. Antâkî allows us to understand that Ibn Dinar was reacting against certain ascetic excesses, especially inconsistency and exaggeration of dress: Abâris sometimes luxurious, sometimes repulsive clothing,^{[518] [519]} and the süf and chains of Ibn Wasi^c, Farqad, and ^cUtba. Ibn Dinar also reproached Aban for adding to the number of reassuring stories already in Hasans tradition, on the acts of devotion that would obtain indulgences, just as he reproached Ibn Wâsi^c and Farqad for giving all their possessions to the community with­out a care for the future.

In the second generation, thanks to the powerful organizational mind of Abü^cUbayda ^cAbd al-Wâhid ibn Zayd (d. 177) a unification of the school was almost accomplished, Ibn Zayd organized the community of cenobites at ^cAbbadân. He was a theologian and preacher, a leader renowned for ef­fective holiness (mujâb al-da^cwa).^[520] In theology, he powerfully expressed the state of loneliness caused by a sincere mystical vocation:⁴-^{[521] [522] [523]} "Many are the ways; the way of Truth is solitary/And those who enter the way of Truth are alone (afrâd)!'

He outlined the thesis that recitation of the shahâda had value only by a special divine favor: "Just as it is not permitted to alter the face of a coin, it is not permitted to recite the shahâda without the light of purification of intent (nûr al-ikhlâs)” ;^4it he even outlined the doctrine of deification (ittisâf of Hallâj, takhalluq of Wâsitî),⁴⁵* in this hadith: "God has 117 moral virtues (khulq); a man who has one of them may enter Paradise."^[524] Defer­ring to the theologians, he used only the words ^cishq and shawq (indicating desire) for divine love, not mahabba (indicating consummation).^[525]

Here is a fragment from one of his sermons:^{[526] [527]}

O brothers! Will you not weep from desire (shawq) for God? How could one who weeps from desire for his Lord be deprived of the sight of Him (one day)? O brothers! Will you not weep from fear of hell? How could one who weeps from fear of hell not be preserved from hell by God? O brothers! Will you not weep from fear of the bitter thirst that will seize you on the Day of Judgment? You do not weep? Ah, but you do! Weep then over the cool water of this world (which you seek, too much), and perhaps your thirst will be quenched in the Dwellings of Holiness, with the best fellows, the Companions of the Prophet, the siddïqûn,⁴ⁱ⁶ the martyrs, and the pious, for is there a better company than theirs?

He puts Jerusalem (and the fountain of Siloah) in the same rank as Mecca (and the well of Zamzam) and affirms that Khidr lives at dML/sd.^[528]

Besides Ibn Zayd there were two of his contemporaries and friends. First, RâbiS, a simple freedwomen, a former flutist, then a convert,⁴⁵⁸ whose brief extant fragments are filled with a love of touching vehemence.⁴⁵⁹ She spent her whole life in Basra almost as a recluse, and died there⁴⁶⁰ at the age of at least eighty, in 185/801,⁴⁶¹ The fragrance of sanctity she left in Islam has still not been dissipated. Relying upon Qur’an 5:59, she did not hesitate to use the word hubb for divine love. She makes this commentary:⁴⁶²

I love You with two loves, (self-serving) love, for my own pleasure And (perfect) Love, (desire to make a gift to You) of that to which

You are suited 1

In the love of my own happiness,

I am concerned only to think of You, to the exclusion of all others.

In the other Love, which is Your due,

(It is my desire that) Your veils should fall, and that I should see You!

There is no glory for me in one love or the other, No! But praise be to You, for one and the other!

This quatrain very concisely sets forth the duality of the soul's "two loves” for God: imperfect love (for personal enjoyment) and perfect Love (for the good of God, for His Glory for His sake alone);⁴⁶³ she did not dare decide absolutely between the two. Hallâj would later make that de­cision in magnificent lines,⁴⁶⁴ placing the hubb al-Madhkilr before the hubb al-dhikr, while the secular theoreticians of ^cudhri love, like Hall5j’s adver­sary Ibn Dâwûd, would choose precisely the opposite solution.⁴⁶⁵

Another of Rabi^ca's sayings offers an answer to the question of the two

458.I had thought she was of Qays (^cAdaw.), bur she is of Azd, of the clan <Arik ibn Nasr ibn Shunüw. One of rhe leaders of the Azd at the Battle of the Camel was an ^cAtaki. Consult Mar­garet Smith, Rati'd, Cambridge, 1928, and the texts collected for the first time by ^CAR Badawi, in RUbda sltahidat al-hubb al-ilâhï, Cairo, 1950. According to Brockelmann, as cited by Goldziher (in D/, 1918, 208), Ibn al-jawzl wrote a Manâqib Râbi^ca al~mu^ctazila. Her apologue of the torch and the jug of water is well known (AfiSkl, 310 [Rer«ci7, p. 8], mentioned, oddly enough, by Joinville).

459.            Jâhiz, BayHn, II, 85, III, 66; Sarrij, MasêSrf, 136, 181 ; ^cAttîr, I, 60.

460.            Her tomb was visited by Muhammad ibn Aslam TûsL

46 t. Not in 135/752, as it has been said in order to make her a student of Hasan. Proof: her well-known friendship with Rablh; her meeting with Thawri, who came to Basra after 155; the anecdote of the marriage proposal from the ^eAbbasid wati of Basra, Muhammad ibn SulaymSn (wall from 145, d. 172; Qitt, II, 57). Some say she was born in the year Hasan began his preaching. (Perhaps they mean '‘began again," which would indicate the year 95 or 99-)

462.           Qür, H, 56 (Rerwi/, p. 6). Margoliouths translation (Early Development, 175), while philo- logically precise, does not bring out die dogmatic range of these lines,

463.            Which Wensinck considers an esoteric doctrine (Dove, XXVII, LVIÏ), though it has figured, since the Sermon on the Mount, in the humblest Christian teachings.

464.           Passion, Fr 3:129/Eng 3:117.

465.     Ibid., Fr 1:4O4~i6/Eng 1:356-68; and Tawâsïn, 129, translated passage. recompenses in Paradise; when she heard boasts about the created joys prepared there for the elect, she cried, “First the Neighbor! Then the house (al-jârl thumma’l-dàr)”*⁶⁶

When she was convalescing from a grave illness, she ceased to wake herself in the middle of the night for prayers; warned by the angels, she understood what she was missing, and recommenced. This anecdote re­calls the one about ^cImrân Khuzâ^cL^4<i7

The principal theses taught by her compatriot and friend Abü’l- Muhajir Rabâh ibn ^cAmr Qaysi (d. c. 180) are defined in a more studied, dogmatic form, which gave the theologians easier access- He introduced into dogma the following notions:⁴*⁸ tajalli (lumengloriae, to explain the vi­sion of God, ru^ya) at the Last Judgment (of which ^cAbd al-Wahid ibn Zayd had given powerful reminders); tafdïl al-walî, the superiority of the saint (to the prophet, in a discussion of Qur. 18:76); khulla, or “divine friendship” (in memory of Abraham). In morals, Rabâh firmly condoned vows of chastity,⁴*⁹ acts of contrition,⁴⁷⁰ and pious visits to cemeteries. The traditionist Khashîsh Nasa³! (d. 253) put him (with Kulayb) on a list of za- nadiqa, for quietism. Nasa³! tendentiously made the following claims about the two of them:⁴⁷¹

i.

They say that when the love of God has overcome their hearts, desires, and wills to such an extent that it has supplanted all other things, then God is, be­fore them, what they are before God. In such a state, they receive the divine khulla (= grace of permanent divine love). And God permits them to drink, to commit theft and adultery, and to indulge every other vice. Before God they are like someone who has the right to use his friend’s property without permis­sion. [Recuri/, p. 7)

ii.

They say that the act of renouncing the world is a preoccupation for the heart, that the world, when an interest in it is aroused, seems greater and more attrac­tive; that the heart is bound to consider good meals, pleasant drinks, soft clothes, and sweet perfumes, by the very act of renouncing these things. Such

466.           Ghazâlï, lhya_t IV, 224. Allusion to the proverb, “Test the neighbor before the house, and the companion before the voyage.

467.            See above, paragraph at n 1 JO. SarrSj, MasHri^, tjfi.

468.            Sha^fr3wl, Tab., I, 45; Hifya [Recueil, p. 8).

469.           Not content to practice it himself, he recommends it to others : “Ï heard Mïlik ibn Dinar say, ’A man becomes a ÿddîq only if he leaves his wife in a state of widowhood and goes to live m the ruins among the dogs’" [Recueil, p. 6].

470.            Istighfâr: “I have committed close to 4° sins, and for each one I have asked forgiveness 0 God 100,000 times" (Hilya).

47 j. btiqâma, extract, ap. Malati, f. j6j.

men succumb to their desires as they occur, in order to develop contempt for them, so that the unworried heart may assign no importance to renunciation, [Recueil, p. 7}

These two propositions perfidiously deform⁴⁷¹ the thesis of saintly im­peccability (i), and that of the superiority of the "converted sinner who no longer needs to struggle against temptation, over the converted sinner who must continue to struggle”⁴⁷³ (ii).

Here is an anecdote that underscores the nuance separating Rabâh from Râbi^ca:⁴⁷⁴

Abrad ibn Dirâr of the Banü Sa^cd, a friend of Râbi^ca, asked Rabâh, "Do you find the days and nights long? — Why?From desire to meet God?” Rabâh was silent.⁴⁷³ Uncertain of the cause of his silence, Abrad asked Râ- bi^ca, “Would he have said 'yes' or 'no'?” She answered, “I say Yes.”

And another:

One day Râbi^ca was looking at Rabâh, who was holding a child of his family and kissing it. “Do you love him?” she asked.

-                    "Yes.”

—                  “I did not think there was any space in your heart for the love of anyone but God, any place empty of thoughts of Him!”

Rabâh cried aloud and fainted. When he had come to his senses and wiped the sweat from his face, he said (to excuse himself), "Ah! It is a mercy that cornes from Him, the love for small children that God has sown in the hearts of His servants ...”

The posthumous condemnation of Rabâh and Râbi^ca by the tradition- ists coincided with the spread of the disciples of ^cAbd al-Wâhid ibn Zayd. Bakr, Ibn Zayd's nephew, using a slightly attenuated version of his uncle’s teaching,⁴⁷⁶ tried to construct a school of neo-Sunni mutakallimün (nâbitat al-hashwiyya), in order to free Basra from Mu^ctazilite theological suprem­acy. He did not succeed. The interest of this ephemeral school, the Bakriyya, is that, like the later Karrâmiyya and Sâlimiyya, it made a de­fense of orthodoxy based upon the experimental method of the mystics. Ibn Qutayba⁴⁷⁷ and Baghdadi⁴⁷⁸ enumerated the Bakriyyan theses condemned

472.            Cf. herein, ch. 3, sec, 3,

473.            Passion, Fr i: 132-33/Eng 1:92 [Recueil, p.çf

474.            Hilya, s.v.; Sarrij, Masdri^c, i8j (Rerweff, p. 6, also the following anecdote|.

475- Like Mudar QJri on an analogous occasion (Muhâsibï, Mahabba): out of modesty.

476.            Passion, s.v. index; v.s., text at n. 373-

477.            Ta³wil, 57.

478.            Part}, 200-201.

by the heresiographers, some of which had already been made explicit in Hasan Basri’s teaching/⁷⁹

B. Dârânî, Ibn abï’l-Hawwârî, and Antâki

The movement begun in Basra regained strength in Syria through Dâ­rânî, ^cAbd al-Wâhid ibn Zayd's principal disciple. Abu Sulaymân ^cAbd al- Rahman ibn ^cAtiyya Dârânî, bom in 140 at Wâsit, seems to have left Basra c. 180. He went to live at Dârâyâ on the Damascus plain and died there in 215/⁸⁰ Dârânî developed his teacher’s conciliatory tendencies, explicitly stating that he had made the results of his own mystical experiments fit into the fiâmes constructed by the theologians. He refused to announce his other results, even though some inner illuminations (nukat al-haqïqa) had suggested that they were real.⁴⁸' He was probably just being cautious when he declared a renunciation of personal exposure to public sanctions (against insistently drawing attention to his personal revelations) “from fear of tak­ing pride in them”;^{[529] [530] [531] [532]} perhaps he did not feel called to martyrdom.

Opportunism led him to make many concessions. On the subject of ab­stinence, he concedes that, “eating fine meals is an incitation to content­ment in God” (str);^[533] he propagated a hadtth that veils Rabâh’s doctrine of the superiority of saints to prophets by concluding that John is to be pre­ferred to Jesus/^[534] Dârânî liked to paint seductive apparitions of celestial brides, desirable houris whose physical beauty is the materialization in Par­adise of perfect virtues acquired in this life through tears and prayer; his formula describes an almost commercial transaction, and it pleased neither mystics^{[535] [536]} nor juqaha; the latter expelled him from Damascus for describ­ing visions (seen in a waking state) of angels and prophets/⁸⁶ Speaking for himself, Dârânï told a story⁴⁸⁷ maintaining that the elect would see God face to face; Ibn abfl-Hawwâri⁴⁸⁸ recounts:

One day I entered Abu Sulaymân's [Dârânï s] house. He was weeping, and I said to him, “What is making you weep?”

— “O Ahmad, why shouldn’t I weep? When the night deepens, when every­one’s eyes are closed, and every friend is alone with the Friend, then lovers wrap their feet in their carpets (rolled prayer carpets) while their tears fall drop by drop. God takes pity on them and cries out, 'O Gabriel! By my Essence! Surely those who are contented by my word and comforted by thoughts of me ~~ surely I shall follow them into their retreats, listen to their sobs, and take their tears into account! O Gabriel, announce to them, “Why those tears? Have you ever seen a Friend cause suffering in those who love Him?” How could 1 allow those who seek to please Me in the middle of the night to be punished? I swear by Myself, When they are summoned to the Last Judgment, I shall reveal to them My mer­ciful face (wajhï al-karîm), so that they may contemplate Me, and I them.’”

The stages of the mystical path had been only vaguely defined by Ha­san, Ibn Adham,⁴⁸⁹ even Waki^c.⁴⁹° In Dârânï they were formed into an in­variable sequence of graces that adorn the soul.⁴⁹¹ He made the following outline (which Misri would later establish) of the doctrine of the ahwal and maqâmât-.

(a) the Lord made them drink as they sat on the fringe of the carpet of Love; He quenched their thirst for the company of creatures by showing them the vi­sion of the Truth; (b) then He sat them on the chairs of Sanctity, gave them the rare treasures of superabundance, and rained down on them the water of supernatural assistance (c) then the streams of desire and vicinity

flowed over them; (d) and after afflicting them with the tortures of separation, He revived them with the secrets of nearness.

In another parable, that of the damned ascetic Qârûn,⁴⁹² Dârânï explains that all apparent sanctity is precarious and may be revoked before death.⁴⁹*

487.            Which Ibn Adham attributed to John the Baptist,

488.           Qush. 18; diluted, without the author’s name, ap. IV. 232. Also quoted by Ibn Qutayba, ^cUy««, ï 1,297.

489.            Herein, ch. s, sec. 2.

490.           '"Remembering the saints procures rahma,¹ Let him who contemplates that saying know that there are servants of God from among his creation whom He has chosen for Himself; He has given His grace specially to them, He has rejoiced in His light in them; He has made war on them with His sword and killed them with His fear, giving them supreme martyrdom; it is their Lord Himself Who is their recompense and their light" (ap. ThaHabï, Qatla, f. 4a).

49t. Baqlî, II, 355-

492.           Shiblï, XkSftt, 218.

493.           Prtssiort, Fr 3;22o/Eng 3:208.

Dârânî’s favorite student, the editor of his parables, was Ahmad ibn abî’I-Hawwârï ^cAbdallih ibn Maymün Tha^clabï Ghatafânï, who was bom in Kufa in 164 and died in Mecca in 2 4 6.^[537] His wife, Râbi^ca, is buried across from Jerusalem,^[538] in the cave of St. Pelagia and the prophetess Hulda, which is attached to the Mosque of the Ascension. Ibn abï’l-Hawwârï was also a student of Ibn ^cUyayna, Antâki (v.i.), and ^cAbdallah ibn Sa^cid, whose doctrine of the rüh is analyzed elsewhere.^[539] During a long stay in Damas­cus (Junayd called him “the redolent mint of Damascus”), he was sum­moned by the government’s inquisition and faltered, signing the Mu^ctazilite statement on the “created QuPân.” Finally, he was accused of teaching that saints were superior to prophets,^[540] and he took refuge in Mecca.

While Dârânî and Ibn abï’l-Hawwâri in Damascus were reviving the memory of Ibn Adham's apostolate on Mt. Lukkâm, new ascetic vocations were appearing in the area around Antioch itself. Two ascetics established there are the source of the first works mentioned by Kalâbâdhï,^[541] which concern the ^culüm al-mu^câmalât (i.e., the inner discipline of our actions, our rule for living). As in Muhâsibî’s later works, information from the tradi­tion is compiled in these. About the elder of the two ascetics, Abu Muhammad ^cAbdallâh ibn Khubayq Antâkï, we know only that he came from Kufa, was a Thawrite in law, a disciple of Yüsuf ibn Asbât (d. 196), and one of Fath Mawsili’s teachers.^{[542] [543] [544]} There are extant works only of the younger of the two : he is Ahmad ibn ^cAsim Antâkï, whom we shall call Antâkï (d.c. 220). His friend Dârânî called him “the spy of hearts” (jâsüs al-qulüby™ for his penetrating analyses of conscience. His works, edited by two disciples, ^cAbd aI-^cAziz ibn Muhammad ibn Mukhtâr Dimishqi and Ibn abï’l-Hawwâri, are of inestimable value because they give us a detailed early model, before Muhâsibî’s codification, of the Islamic asceticism that was taking form. First, I shall analyze the extracts reproduced by Abû Nu- ^caym in his Hilya.^SQt

Antâki expresses his love of meditation and solitude, his desire for peni­tence, and, especially, his desire for a knowledge of God that would be no longer simply the affirmation of His reality by faith (tna^crifat al-tasdiq, al- iqrâr) but the experimental wisdom of those who obtain a response from Him (ma^crifat al-istijaba). That knowledge alone, which Antâkï also calls il- hatn min Allah, brings happiness (ghibta).^[545] Purgation of secret sins is what brings one closest to God. There are useful sins, “those that you place be­fore your eyes^[546] in order to weep over them until you die, so that you sin no more. That is true penitence.” There are hurtful acts of obedience, “those that make you forget your faults, that you place before your eyes for per­sonal satisfaction, to shield yourself from the fear of what you have in­curred for past sins. That is vainglory.”^[547] The true believers

speak few words to created beings, and they take pleasure in invoking their cre­ator; their hearts are attached to the Kingdom of Heaven, and their thoughts are present at the terrors (ahwâl) of the Day of Judgment. Their bodies are stripped with respect to created beings; they are blind and deaf to the world and its peo­ple and whatever is associated with the world for them. They seem already to see the next life: some have achieved this by effort (ÿtihâd), by denial of the flesh {riyâdat al-nafs), by hunger ...^[548]

“I am in a time when Islam has returned to the exile in which it began;^[549] a time when the description of the truth has been exiled. As at the begin­ning, the learned are attached to riches, and the pious are without instruc­tion ...” Antâkï prefigures Muhâsibï’s reform; he deplores the ignorance of ascetics and tries to fmd a rule to guide them; he reasons, he con­templates a way to link the states of consciousness^[550] by following the di­rection God Himself prepares for us, a direction that must be divined, not invented. “It is God alone who has created the means (asbab) leading to goodness; without them, believers can achieve no goodness of action; the believers are separated from their sins when God has made these means re­side in the hearts of those who love Him and act for His sake.”^[551]

In addition to these two highly developed psychological analyses of spiritual “carelessness” and “ignorance,”^{[552] [553]} Antâkï wrote a strikingly origi­nal ^asida,⁵'⁰ somewhat prosaic in form, in which he condensed the results of his ascetic experience, his science “at once traditional and inspired.” In the poem, he describes the life and death of true Islam in men’s souls, and the misfortune of present times:

... How Islam, at the outset, commenced;

Its growth into the fullness of its perfection;

And how it has faded⁵¹¹ like a worn garment... Ahmad⁵*² himself sang Islam's mourning chant⁵*³ Like a man who laments the dead in his affliction.

Then praise be to God, who created me for Islam out of pure beneficence,

Making me a son of Adam, not a demon from among the jinn.

He led me to the Monastery of Ahmad⁵’⁴

And taught me what the perverse do not know, Making me discern a light, or knowledge, a wisdom; And, with all those who are grateful to Him, I thank Him. And that is why I hope in Him, that He may not look towards My weakness and my ignorance, my void, in His Fullness...

[Recueil, pp.13-14]

And this letter, to a friend:

God! Listen, as I speak to you on His behalf God raises up the humble not by the measure of their humility but by that of His generosity and bounty. He consoles the afflicted not by the measure of their sorrow but by that of His kindness and mercy. And so, because the Clement and Merciful witnesses His love even to those who wrong Him— who can foresee what He will do for those who have been wronged in Him?!⁵’⁵ Because the Pardoner, Merciful and Generous, turns to those who make war against Him—who can foresee what He will do for those against whom war is made for His sake?! Because He lets those who irritate and wrong Him continue to act⁵'⁶—what will He not be in those who have been hated for pleasing Him, who have preferred to be hated by other men in His name?!⁵*⁷

Two small works studied by Sprenger in 1856, the Dawâ dâ³ al-qulüb wa

5tl. Dhawiya.

512.           The Prophet,

513.           Nadba.

514.           Dayr Ahmad: curious image: for “The Islamic monastic life" [Cf. ch. 3 n 30].

515.           This statement was taken up with great bitterness by HallSj as he was tortured (Passion, Ft i:658/Eng 1 :bo7).

516.           “Yaiafa^eçal ^£ala ..lit. “He prolongs the activity,”

517.    Ms. Leiden 892, f 175b (Rcrwed, p. 14]. ma^crifat himam al-nqfs tva adâbihi and the Kitab al-shubuhat, should be attrib­uted to Antâkî. He claims to have written the first as dictated by a certain “Abu ^cAbdallâh,” whom Sprenger identifies with Muhâsibï (d. 243). But internal criticism of Antâkî’s Dawâ*¹⁸ attests to a clearly embryonic state of doctrinal development compared to that of Muhâsibfs Ri^càya. Sprenger argues that the latest author cited in the Dawas isnâd lived until 227; he does not take into account the practice, common to mystics of the time, of citing contemporaries who were still alive.⁵'⁹ "Abu ^Abdallah” must mean not Muhâsibï but Nibâjî, the teacher of both Antâkî and Ibn abi’l- Hawwârî.

The Dawâ begins with a theory of ^caql, reason, as a divine grace that allows us to distinguish between truth and error; the theory occupies an intermediate position between those of Dâwûd ibn Muhabbir and Muhâ­sibï.^{[554] [555] [556] [557]} In order to reason and reflect, one must create solitude in a cell (fttwmrfSg) or in the house, and learn to know oneself through the fear of God. True rahbântyya entails not talk but action, in meditation. In the Da- was fifteen chapters, Antâkî gives treatments of reason, fatuousness, cov- etouseness, abnegation, the profession of Islamic faith, and asceticism. In chapter 4 he asks himself whether the words tawhïd, ^îmân, islam, and yaqïn are identical.⁵¹¹ He answers, “Tawhtd means hanifiyya, simple mono­theism; islam means milla, prophetic revelation; means tasdïq, inner consent and action really conforming to canonical duty; yaqïn means mahd al-^itnan, the essence of faith, which is verified by purification of intent at the moment of action.’*

In his definition, asceticism (zuhd) is not yet as clearly distinct from scrupulous abstinence (u'tira^c) as in Muhâsibî’s: "Be just before you are generous, perform canonical duties before unrequired acts, abstain from evil before doing pious works;^{[558] [559]} we must abstain from all evil, but we are not required to do every good; we must lay the foundation before building the superstructure."

His shubuhât contain a study of a series of cases of conscience about ca­nonical obligations. The principle is not to abstain negatively, a priori, from an action, but only by tutiorism, after a careful study of each case has failed to clarify the matter. For example: the cases of fields forbidden to be culti­vated (TarsQs),⁵²⁵ and of mosques where you may not pray, because the land has been occupied illegally.,. Antâki’s solutions attest to a less devel­oped (and more severe) doctrine than Muhâsibî's makâstb.

All of the sayings in these two works are based on tsnad referring to au­thorities such as Hasan Basri, Ibn Sïrîn, Awza^cî, Tawüs, Thawrî, Ibn ^cIyâd, and Ibn Asbât. The texts attest to the author's unusual powers of reflection and the exceptionally strict faithfulness of his mind. Antaki used to say, “The marks of love are little external ritual (^cibâda), much meditation (ta- fakkur), and a taste for solitude and silence.’*⁵¹* “Act,” he also said, “as if on earth there were only you, and, in heaven, only God.”^{[560] [561]}

6.    Ths Founding of ths Baghdad Schoos

No sooner had the new ^cAbbâsid capital been founded than hermits in isolated huts were noticed in the surrounding area. One such man was Abu Ja^cfar Muhawwali, who said to Ismâ^cïl Turjumâni,^[562] “A heart that loves the world could never acquire inner modesty (wara^c khafï). What am I saying? Not even outer continence.” The most famous hermit was Abu Shu^cayb Qallâl (d. 160)^[563] of Burâtha, later condemned by the mutakaUimûn for his thesis of God’s demonstrations of affection for His saints. He told stories about non-Muslim ascetics, and Jâhiz, with strong documentation, reproduces’^{[564] [565]} one, on the various types of Christian cells and the Mani­chaean ascetics' vows, as illustrated by a man who preferred being severely beaten to killing an ostrich that had swallowed a pearl.

The new center attracted the Arab colonists of Küfâ, and the ascetics of Baghdad soon found themselves dependent upon Kufan teachers. Three schools were formed. Bakr ibn Khunays KûH^U9 trained Ma^crûf Karkhi (d. 200; foil name: Abu Mahfuz Ma^crüf ibn Ffruzân of Karkh Bâjiddâ),^[566] a simple illiterate^[567] whose effective holiness^[568] was recognized even by the strict Ibn Hanbal. All that remains of Ma^crûf are brief sayings proving he accepted the terms tuma^nïna (- tna^crifa) and mahabba^sii (which are still dis­puted). In addition to his students in hadïth, Khalaf ibn Hishâm Bazaar, Zakaryâ ibn Yahya Marwazi, and Yahya ibn abï Tâlib, he had imitators in mysticism, including Sari Saqati (d. 253) and Ibrahim ibn al-Junayd (d. c. 270). Later, the whole school of Baghdad would make claims to him. The mosque built on his tomb (its minaret was redone in 612/1215) B still a busy place of pilgrimage/³⁴

It was the example of another Küfan, Abu Hashim Küfi, that inspired the sermons of a contemporary qàss, Mansür ibn^cAmmâr DindângânP³⁵ (d.225; bom in Basra, the son of an Arab of Sulaym who had been a colonist in the area around Marv). According to Ibn al-Jawzi/³⁶ Ibn ^cAmmàr was the first to import the art of the popular sermon (^^c^) to Baghdad/³⁷ He studied with Ibn Lahi^ca, whom he is supposed to have met in Cairo. He was a ve­hement, uneducated preacher, and he had disciples including Abu Sa^cîd ibn Yunus, Ibn abï’l-Hawwârî, and^cAlï ibn Muwaffaq. Ibn^cAdi rejected his ha- dith', Ibn^cUyayna and Bishr Hafi considered him an illiterate/³⁸ The most famous titles of his eschatological sermons are preserved in the Fihrist t^{[569] [570] [571] [572] [573] [574] [575] [576]} "The Cloud over the Damned/’ “The ‘Yes’” (mïthâq), “Thinking Well of God/' “The Summons to Come before God and Be Judged/’ “Wait for Us, That We May Borrow from Your Light” (Qur 57:13)/*° etc. One pre­served fragment, oratorical and full of images, allows us to form our own Judgment of his style/*¹

A third, more strictly Sunni (anti-Shiite) school, with a more solid base in law, is that of Bishr ibn Hârith Hâfi (d. 227), a student of Yüsuf ibn As- bât. The school professes the common mystical doctrine in attenuated form (as we have seen, on the subject of the hajj').^{[577] [578]} The hypocrisy of the ahi al- hadtlh provoked particularly sharp words from Bishr: “Pay the tithe of your haditM” he said, i.e., “Practice one tenth of the precepts you try to impose on others.”^[579] In spite of his biographers' discretion, we know that he, like Muhâsibî, came into conflict with Ibn Hanbal.^[580] One of his mys­tical works is in the library of Bankipore,^[581] and Ibn al-Jawzi wrote a Fada^il Bishr h^[582]

At this time, Baghdad was the meeting place of many traditionists and literary men sympathetic^[583] to mysticism. In their meetings, Abü'l-^cAtâ- hiya, from Kufa, who had been cured of a profane love for ^cUtba,^{[584] [585]} his favorite, sang lines of unaffected poetry on his conversion to love for God. The first collections of Islamic mystical anecdotes intended for the general public were made in these majalis. The moralizing value of the collections has not yet been exhausted. They contain short pieces, not at all didactic, very slightly arranged according to the moral virtues they illustrate. To­gether they constitute true encyclopedias for the popularization of Sufism. The oldest are by Muhammad ibn Husayn Burjulânï (d.238): his Kitab al~ ruhban-^’ was edited by Ibrahim ibn ^cAbdallah ibn al-Junayd (d.c. 270);^{[586] [587]} his Karam wa jüd wa sakhâ^ al-nujus^' by Ahmad ibn Masrûq (d.298). Then Ibn abî'1-Dunyâ (208-281), who rose to become preceptor to the crown prince, wrote numerous works,^[588] all intended for the lay public.^[589] The great later sufi monographs took all of their information on the early mas­ters from these third-century compilations, as summarized by Khuldi in his Hikâyat and by Abu Nu^caym in the Hilya. The doctrinal unification of the Baghdad school would be achieved in practice only with Junayd (d. 298), but its seed was in the powerful synthesis that MuhSsibi (d. 243) had dared to make during this earlier period.

THE SCHOOLS OF THE THIRD CENTURY A.H.

i.     MuhâsibLs Codification of the Early Tradition

A.      His Life and Works

LIFE

Abu ^cAbdalIâh Hârith ibn Asad ^cAnazi (perhaps a pure Arab of the ^cAnaza Bedouin tribe), called “Muhâsibî/’ “he who examines his conscience” (the word tnuhâsaba already meant ghanza in Ibn al~Muqaffa^c'$ Adab saghir, 15, 16), was bom (c. 165/781) in Basra. He came to Baghdad as a young man and died there in 243/847.’ Unfortunately, nothing about his life is known except his teachings. They combine, for the first time and in rare strength, fervent respect for the most naive traditions, implacable searching for inner moral improvement, and great care for precise philosophical definitions.

In 232/846, he was obliged to stop teaching by blindly reactionary Sunnis who forbade any recourse to theological speculation (kalâtn), even in the case of those who, like Muhâsibî, used the Mu^ctazilites* own logical and dialectical methods only to fight them. Ibn Hanbal himself spoke out against Muhâsibî.¹

His SOURCES

Muhâsibî seems to have had several levels of training in the schools of various teachers, without becoming especially attached to any one of them; he was converted to mysticism later, under the influence of an inner crisis. He is said to have been the pupil in hadîth of Abu Khâlid Yazïd ibn Harun Sulamï (ii8—ï86) and of Muhammad ibn Kathïr Kûfl, who was rejected by Ibn Hanbal and Bukhari for reporting a tradition with mystical tendencies? An examination of the isnàd of Muhâsibï's works (especially his Ri^c5ya, Ri- salat al-makâsib, and Fast fi’l-mahabba) provides a long list of important

1.          Sam^c5ni, f. 509b; Dhahabî, Fthfàl, 1, 71; Tagrib., I, 77s.

2.           A detail confessed by NasrabSdhl and masked by the others.

3.           FtrSsabi niïr Allah (accepted by Junayd; ap. Malsnl, £ 7).

sources. The principal ones are: (a) (years 40-110) Wahb ibn Munabbih (whom he quotes directly, as if from written works), Mujâhid, Hasan Basri, Bakr Muzani; (b) (years 80-160) Ibn Jurayj Makkî, Thawri, Ibn Adham, Wuhayb ibn Khalid (d. 165), Mudar al-Q5ri; (c) (years 140-215) Abû'1-Na- zar KaIbî,^cAbd aI-^cAzîz Mâjishünï, Abu Dâwüd Sulaymân ibn Dâwüd Ta- yâlisï (d. 203), Hajjâj ibn Muhammad Masïsï (d.206),^cUbaydallah ibn Mûsâ ^cAbsï Küfî (d. 213), Dârânî (d. 215); (d) unlike others, he did not hesitate to refer to his contemporaries Sanid (var: Sunbadh) ibn Dâwüd Masïsï (d.226), a student of Hammâd ibn Zayd; Abü^cAbd al-Rahman Musabbib ibn Ishaq ^cAbdi ^cAlla^?yi (d. 229), a student of Ibn ^cUyayna; Rajâ Qaysi; Muhammad ibn al-Husayn, i.e., Burjulânî (d. 238); Abü'l-Hasan ^cUthm5n ibn abi Shayba (d.239); Abu Hamâm Walid ibn Shaja^c Saküni (d.243); and Dhü‘1- Nün Misri (d. 245), via Husayn ibn Ahmad Shami. This list should be ex­amined closely; Muhâsibî tells us in the NaslPih that he chose the authors to whom he refers not for the formal legitimacy of their isnâd but because of the moral value of their lives and teaching.

HIS WORKS

1.   Kitâb al-ri^câya lihuqüq Allah tva’l-qiyâm bihâ Ri^câya)_f ms. Oxford Hunt. 6u, f. 1-15 ib (copied in 539 a.h.)⁴

Cairo ms. II, 87, entitled Al~ri^câya fi tahstl al-maqâmat, copied in 581, is not by Muhâsibî. It contains quotations from Hallâj and especially from Ha- rawï’s (d.481) Manâzil al-sâ^ifin.

2.    Kitâb al-nasa^ihy[590] ms. London Or. 7900.

3.    Kitâb al-tawahhum, ms. Ox Hunt. 611, f. 152a, 171a?

4.    Risâlat al~makâsib iua’l-wara^c wa’l-shubuhat,⁶ ms. Faydiyya iioi (copied in 523 A.H.), sec. V.

5.    Risâlat âdâb al-nufüs, ms. Faydiyya 1 ioi, sec. VII (containing four letters at the end).

6.    Risâlat mâ^iyyat al-^caql u>a ma^cnahu? ms. Faydiyya 1101, sec. VIII.

7.    Risâlat bad'⁷ man anâb ila*llah, ms. Faydiyya 1101, sec. II.⁸

8.    Risâlat al-^cazama, id., sec. III.

9.    Risâlat al-tanblh, id., sec. IV.

10.   Risâlatfahtn al-salat, id., sec. VI.

11.   Masâ^U fi a^ctnâl al-qulüb wa'l-jatvârih, id., sec. IX.

12.   Fasl fïTmahabba, reproduced by Abu Nu^caym (Hilya), from a written source.^[591]

13.   Risâlafi’l-zuhd, ms. Faydiyya noi, sec. I. Perhaps identical to the Kitâb al-zuhd quoted by Ghazâlî (1/iyâ),

14.   Kitâb al-sabr, ms. Bankipore 105 (last three folios; the copy is from the year 631).^{[592] [593] [594]}

15.   Kitâb al-dimâ^ showing that the "blood” shed among the Sahâba did not damage the Islamic Community’s doctrinal unity (Abû^cAlî Fadi ibn Shâdhân, d. c. 350,” ap. Sam^cânï, s.n.) ~ Kitab ai-kaff ^camma sukhira (sic. properly shujira) bayn al-Sahâba, read by Dhahabi (s.n.). Perhaps the long extracts in Yâfi^cî on the "riches of Ibn ^cAwf " come from this book (Yâfi^cï, Rawd, ms. Paris 2040, f. 11 a-b; Nashr, Cairo edition, II, 382- 83, abridged).

16.   Shark al~ma^cnfa wa badhl al-nasiha_f ms. Berlin, 2815, f. 208-10.

16 bis. Fragment on al-tnuhâsaba, ms. Berlin, 2814, f. 8ob-8ia.

17.   Kitab al-ba^cth waTnushür, ms. Paris 1913, f. i96a-2O3a. Comparison with number 3 shows that number 17 has been altered.

18.   Tafakkur wa i^ctibar; cited in Fihrist, 184.

19.   Sprenger thought he could attribute to Muhâsibî the Kitâb dawâ dâ^D al- nufüs, which Ahmad ibn ^cAsim Antaki edited, with a Kitâb al-shubuhât, as a work of his teacher “Abû ^cAb dalla h.” Antâki, a well-known writer and a teacher of Ibn abi'1-Hawwâri (d. 246), was older than Muhâsibï.’² The teacher “Abu ^cAbdaHâh” is probably Nibaji, another of Ibn abîT Hawwârï's teachers. As we have seen, upon close examination the re­markable text of the Dawâ reveals an archaic doctrine that clearly pre­dates Muhasibî.

20.    Irshâd (mustarshid), ms. Cairo (cited by^cAbdarî, Mudkhal, II, 226).

21.    Fahm al-Qur^ân (cited by Ibn Taymiyya, Naql, II, 4, 24; Madârishï- Nadji, Majm. Ibn Taymiyya, 1329, 367-68).

22.    Akhlâq (ms. Kôpr. 725).

The Ri^caya$ influence on the best North-African Muslims, Abu Mad- yan, Ibn ^cAbbâd, Zarrüq fumdat al-sâdiq), is well known. Nasrâbâdhï de­fended Muhasibî. Ibn al-Jawzï attacked him (Taibis, 178 [cf. 124], 187—90, where he claims that Muhasibî invented the dialogue between Abû Dharr and Ibn ^cAwf [quoted in Muriij, IV, 270]; Ibn al-Jawzî therefore puts the date of Abu Dharr’s death back from 32 to 25 A.H.). Abdalhalim Mahmud is the author of a dissertation in French on Muhâsibï.

B.    Summaries and Extracts

The Ri^caya takes the form of advice dictated to a disciple, divided into sixty odd chapters: an introduction (f. 4a) on istimâ^c, explaining how to listen in order to obtain the most benefit from what is said; (ch. 1) on rah- bâniyya (f. 5b), the monastic life mentioned in the Qur^ân; (ch. 2) mughtarr nafsahu (f.8a), how the examination of conscience dissipates illusions about your own devotion; (3) the first required knowledge (f. 8b), the knowl­edge that you are a servant subject to a master; (4) rules for the examina­tion of conscience, the muhSsaba (f.Ça), concerning the future, concerning the past; (5) the stages of conversion (tawba, f. ix);^u (6) being prepared for death {isti^cdad li’l-mawt, f. 34b); (7-12) the implicit hypocrisy (riyâ, f. 39b) of those who practice religion in order to be seen practicing it — incitements to remedies against this hypocrisy; (13) (f. 49b) how to learn to despise the world; (14-15) how ikhlâs allows you to prevail, and psy­chological defenses against Satanic temptation; (16-19) categories of im­plicit hypocrisy; (20-23) how to make yourself act only for God and without self-interest; (24—27) how to form an intent (niyyd) at the mo­ment of action; (28) how to turn towards God during action; (29) how to take the measure of the consequences of your actions upon others: the risks of scandal, of vainglory, of the sadness when you feel despised, of di- vulgence of hurtful secrets; (37-44) to what extent must you desire the contempt of others, not their esteem; (45-53) how to retire into yourself and struggle against conceit (^c«/6); (54-57) pride (Jeibr) and humility; (58) the forms of illusion (ghirra) that deceive the servants of God; (59) per­mitted hate and zeal; (60) how to lead a unified life, night and day, before God; (61) remaining full of fear of yourself after beginning to serve God.'⁴

Beginning of the Nasa^ih (ms. London, Or. 7900, f. 2b-3b) [Recueil, pp. 18-20]: In this autobiography or philosophical confession, which was no doubt the inspiration for Ghazâlfs Munqidh, Muhâsibï, like many of his contemporaries, observes that the Islamic Community is split ‘'into about seventy sects” and that no one knows which one is in the right. He continues:

13.           In this section there is a phrase taken from Dârânî : "The friend does not abandon His friend-

14.           The comparison with MakkI (Qiït al-qulûb) and Ghazîlï (Jhytf) « very instructive. Makki gives but a pale reflection of ch. 4 (I, 7$), $ (I, 178), 14, and 24 (II, 15#); and Ghazili, in his W- likât, merely summarizes ch. 39 (III, 113), 7 (III, 203), 54 (III, 237), 5⁸ (HI, 264); cf. $ (IV, *)• Neither of them gives the linked states of consciousness, the method of experimental psychology, taught by Muhâsibï.

I was seized by the desire for a directive in my studies; I exercised my thought; I observed longer than before. From the Book of God and the consensus (ijma^c) of the Community it became clear to me that covetousness hides the right path and leads away from the truth. Then I discovered, by the consensus of the Community, in the Book of God revealed to the Prophet, that the way to sal­vation is to hold fast to piety towards God, to the accomplishment of canoni­cal duties, to the scrupulous observance (wara^c) of prescription and proscription of acts, and to all the sanctions of religious law; and in all things to act purely for God and follow the Prophet’s example (ja'asst).¹⁵ Then I began to learn the canonical duties and sanctions, the ways of the Prophet and the strict obser­vance of the rules as described by the learned and in the sources. But I no­ticed that there was agreement on some points and disagreement on others. The Prophet of God said, “Islam began in exile (ghanban), and it will be exiled again as in the beginning. Happy are the expatriates of the nation of Muham­mad, for they live in solitude, alone with their religion.”¹⁶ My misfortune grew because of the lack of guides able to conduct me (to the blessed solitude of true Islam),¹⁷ and I feared that sudden death would overtake me in the troubled state in which I was held by the Community’s discord. Concerning what I could not discover alone, I exhorted myself to make inquiries of people (qauw) in whom 1 had noticed signs of piety, abstinence, and scrupulous observance, people who preferred Çithâr) the next life to this one. I found that their guidance and max­ims (wnsdyd) agreed with the advice of the imSms of the right path, that they gave the same good counsel (nasb) to the Community/⁸ giving no man license to sin but not despairing of God’s forgiveness for any fault, recommending pa­tience (snér) during unhappiness and adversity, contentment (in God, rida) with the (divine) decrees, and gratitude (shukr) for the gifts of grace?⁹ And they sought to make God’s servants love (tahabbub) Him²⁰ by reminding them of His

£5. Passion, Ft 3:196/Eng 3:184.

16.           The famous hadith ahghurba (cf. R 13) is perhaps a hadith qudst. Ibn Rajab wrote a mono­graph about it in the Kashf al-kurba (in Majm. of Ibn Rumayh, Cairo, 1340, 311—28), it is attrib­uted to ^Abdallah Ibn ^cUmar by Muslim (Manar, 29, 493 ) ; to Ja^cfar Sïdiq by Ibn Zaynab (Chayba, 174; Firaq, 63; and Nawbakhti); and to Ahmad AntSki (herein, ch. 4 n 506 and related text; see also Sha^erâwî, Tab. I, 82). It is cited by MuhSsibi, Ibn Qutayba (Mukhtalif, 139), Sahl (Hi/yu, X, ïÿo), the Ikhwïn al-Safâ (IV, 279), the Ismadi Ibn al-Walid (DSmigh, ms. Hamdani, II, 502), and the Khârijite Sàlimï (Majm. <549). Cf. also Mursi (ap. lbn^cAt! Allah, Latâ³if, I, 201), AftJki (I, 273), Sha^erawî {Lata³if, margin, 1, 201), Haytaml (Fat. had. 121). The question of the gharib, the “expa­triate," linked to the Hijra (of Hagar, well before Arab prophecy), is related to the Abraham ic idea of sacred hospitality, the Ikram al-dayf (dakhàla, jiurâr); Ibrâhîm Harbî (d. 285) wrote an fkrâtn al-ddyf, cd. Manor, 1349 A.H. Cf Revue internationale de la Croix Rouge, 1952, pp. 449-68, “Le re­spect de la personne humaine en Islam, et la priorité du droit d’asile sur le devoir de juste guerre" (“Respect for the Person in Islam, and the Priority of the right to Asylum over the Duty of Waging a Just War"].

17.           The Day r Ahmad of Antâkî.

ï8. Passion, Fr 3:2Q3/Eng 3:191; Malatl, f. 143.

[9. Passion, Fr 3 '.44/Eng j

20.           Ibid., Fr j:2£8/Eng 3:206.

favors and excesses of favor. They assembled the penitent faithful, bringing to­gether those learned in Gods majesty (Sartwio), in the fullness of his power, in His Book and His ways; those who knew His ritual and what must be done and avoided; those scrupulous against innovation and personal proclivities; those knowledgeable about the next life, the terrors (ahâudl) of the resurrection, the abundance of the rewards and the harshness of the penalties. God gave them a share of external sadness²¹ and overwhelming anxiety, dissuading them from being distracted by the joys of this world. Desirous of their rule of conduct and appreciating their special advantages (fawS^id), I decided that no one who had understood their argument* could fail to accept it; I saw that adopting this rule of conduct and acting according to its sanctions had become obligatory for me; I bound myself to the rule in my conscience, and I concentrated my inner eye upon it; I made it the basis of my ritual practice and the support of my acts; I passed through all the states of consciousness under it, and I asked God to grant me the favor to thankfulness to Him for the gift He had made to me of the rule; I asked Him to give me the strength to see that its sanctions be main­tained, and to confirm the knowledge He had given me of my own powerless­ness (taqsïr). Surely I am unable to perform the right acts of thankfulness to my Lord for what He has made me understand; I pray to Him that in His pure generosity (fadl) He may guide me and keep me without sin...

The beginning of the FaslJVl-mahabba [Recueil, pp, 20-21]:

The origin of the love of the faithful for religious acts is in the love of the Lord, for it is He Who made them begin to practice. Indeed, He made Himself known to them, led them to obey Him, and made them love Him (tahab- bub) — they were responsible for nothing. He placed the germs of love for Him in the hearts of those who love Him. Then he arrayed them in the brilliant light that lent their hearts phrases indebted to the violence of His love for them. When that was done, he showed them angels rejoicing in them... Be­fore creating them, He praised them. Before they had praised Him, He thanked them, knowing in advance that He would inspire in them what He had writ­ten and announced for them. Then, after ravishing their hearts, He introduced them into His creation. When He delivered the bodies of the learned into cre­ation, He had placed in their hearts the mysterious treasures inherent in their union (muwâsaîa) with the Beloved. Then, when He wanted to bring them closer to Him, and to bring the creation closer to Him through them, He gave them their intentions (designs = hbnma) and placed them on the chairs of Wis­dom. When they had to depart from their own wisdom because of pains (and

* This translation, as if the text read "$»/<, man fahimatut,'’ was corrected in the Arabic, without comment, ¹⁰ 1929, to "^catayya minJalmiihi" (ReaiCil. p. lo). Either way, the pronoun is vague.

21.    Cf. the quote from WakiS herein, ch. 4 n 490. illnesses), it was in the light of His wisdom that they cast their eyes toward the lands where remedies grow?² To teach them how the remedy works, He be­gan by healing their hearts. He commanded them to comfort those who suffer and counseled them to be compassionately involved in the sufferers* requests. He entrusted them with the fulfillment of the prayers of the needy, Then, by concentrating the attention of their intelligence, He called them to hear Him in their hearts as He addressed them, saying, “All My witnesses! He who comes to you sick because he cannot find Me, heal him; he who comes a fugitive fleeing my service, bring him back; he who comes forgetful of My comforts and favors, remind him of them, for ‘Surely I shall be the best physician for you, for I am gentle’; and he who is gentle takes as his servants only those who are gentle also.”

Polemical fragment concerning Ibn ^cAwf s riches :^{[595] [596] [597] [598]}

The doctors of the Law (whom worldly life has seduced) pretend that the Companions of Muhammad possessed wealth; these wayward unfortunates use the memory of the Companions to excuse themselves for amassing riches. The devil deceives them and they do not suspect it. Woe to you, wayward man! Your argument of ^cAbd al-Rahm3n ibn ^cAwf’s riches is but a ruse of the de­mon, who pronounces it with your tongue, to your eternal loss. When you claim that the best of the Companions of the Prophet have desired wealth in order to amass it for ostentation and ornament, you slander those venerated men, and you accuse them of a terrible thing. And when you maintain that amassing permitted wealth is better than giving it up, you show that you un­derstand nothing of Muhammad or the other prophets. You also judge them incapable, since they did not succeed in becoming as wealthy as you. In this opinion, you propose that the Prophet was not advising the members of his Community when he told them not to amass riches?⁴ O you wayward slan­derer of the Prophet, who in this has shown himself a counselor, merciful and mild. Woe to you, wayward man! For even Ibn^cAwf, with his virtue, piety, and good works, his material sacrifices for God's sake, his companionship with the Prophet who promised him Paradise, even he will have to wait in the dock in anguish (the ahwSl) because of riches that he gained legitimately and used soberly for good works. He will not be able to run towards Paradise with the poor Muhâjirün,'⁵ he will arrive only slowly putting his feet in their footsteps.

But then what do you suppose will happen to us, who are submerged under the temptations of this world?

What a scandal to see this wayward man, possessing the suspect gains of il­licit commerce, who howls against the filthiest sinners while wallowing in worldly seductions, vanity, and temptations. And then he comes and cites the case of Ibn ^cAwf to justify himself !

We must observe here that the long campaign against worldliness by the the preachers (of whom Muhâsibî was the most illustrious one), at least succeeded in establishing in Islam the collective observance of cer­tain restrictions that had been practiced only by some of the devout, such as the bans on wine, silken garments, and paintings of living creatures,

C.    His Principal Theses, His Disciples,
and His Influence

Muhâsibî had perfectly mastered the technical language of the theolo­gians of his time?⁶ Sometimes he effortlessly achieved phrases of great liter­ary beauty: “Endurance (yci6r) is making oneself a target (tahadduf) for the arrows of pain”/⁷ “Death is the touchstone of the believers?*³⁸ But the ex­actness of a definition or the fine choice of an epithet was of merely sec­ondary interest to him. The dominant note of his work is the insinuation of an intent, a proposal to transform man from within by means of a rule for living, not rigid, but supple and constantly revised; a method, ri^câya, sub­ordinating the regulation of our individual acts and social relations, ritual or not, to the recognition of a primary duty, continually renewed deep in the heart, to serve one Master, God (huqûq Allah), before everything else. This rule for living involves (a) distinguishing reason faql) from science film),²⁹ because not all (theoretical) knowledge of something makes it (practically) reasonable (parable of the bâdhtr, the “sower”),³⁰ and because a certain kind of listening (istinuf) is required for understanding; and (b) distinguishing faith fïmân) from real wisdom (ma^rifa),³' because not all professions of faith are accepted by God (parable of the waylakum, the “Vae vobisl”)f* and because obedience must be more important than observance.

When practiced loyally, with the aid of education strengthened by re- ^{[599] [600] [601] [602] [603] [604] [605]} solve?³ experiments with a rule for living engender (in the soul) a succes­sion of inner states?⁴ ahwâl, which are virtues linked in a certain order (tawallud)**

This last point does not indicate a concession to Mu^ctazilism?⁶ It is not necessary for reason, ^caql, on which Muhâsibî wrote a perceptive short work?⁷ to be appointed the impartial judge of good and evil, “putting in the balance one thought for Satan and another for God”?⁸ Reason must discern what God prefers (i.e., “the more difficult of two direct com­mands”)?⁹ so that the soul, more and more open to grace, to the loving preeternal providence that is trying to reach it, may be infused with the divine touches (hulül al-fawâ^id), which transform the will and make it re­nounce not the usage of any means as such but the choice of what means will be used (sihhat al-haraka),With delicate nuances, Muhâsibî reviews and corrects quietist tendencies in his predecessors, including Shaqiq (ta- wakkul),*' Rabâh (preference for those who do not suffer for their sins),⁴² and Dârâni (tark al-nàfila, ishfSqan)** Maintaining a precise balance, he condemns the excessive rigor of some anathemas (still recommended by Antâkï) against the shubuhat** and warns against vain observance of ritual by those who wear distinctive clothing (sWira).⁴⁵ He remains very firm, as we have seen, on the necessity of universal asceticism.

Muhâsibî is unusual in being an analyst adept in all forms of casuistry who nevertheless takes the most naive forms of devotion as his point of departure. In his Kitâb al~tawahhum_t he even begins with the Hashwiyya’s eschatology, including the bodily pleasures provided by the hauris, Then he slowly and imperceptibly leads the reader to the saints* solemn proces­sion towards the pure vision of the divine Essence Which Alone gives perfect joy. Here we seize the difference between Dârâni’s imperfectly en­lightened piety and Muhâsibî’s intense inner life, the translucence of his conscience.

33.           Ri^cSya, L 18a: “the six means of strengthening it."

34.           List ap. Atâb abmufiis, f. 134—35.

35.           Tawallufi al-sidq min al-ma^rifa (Mahabba, f. 25; Ri^c3ya, f. 8b, 22b, 31b, 32b).

36.           One of Muhïsibï’s propositions (Adifb ai-mtfus, f. 130 ff ; cf. Makkl, QSt, I, 268-69) differ­entiates W/ and/ttd/ (cf. Passion, Fr 3:132-33/Eng 3:120-21), sabr and warcf, auftd and riàâ, ins3f and ihsSn, human effort and divine grace, the latter being preeminent and having the initiative (Mahabba, f. 1 ff).

37.            Passion, Fr 3;68/Eng 3:58.

38.                       f. 52b-

39.            Ibid., f. 30b; cf. Passion, Fr 3:i9S~96/Eng 3:183-84.

40.           Mahabba, f ? tffitya, X, 79]; and herein, ch.4 n15 and text at ch. $ n 86.

41.           Makiisib, f. 67, 74,

42.                       f. 16a; cf. Passion, Fr 1:118/Eng 1:77.

43.           Ri^câya, f. 69a.

44.           Herein, text at ch. 4 n 523.

45.           Masami, f.237.

HIS DISCIPLES AND HIS INFLUENCE

The only râwïs of Muhâsibï mentioned by Dhahabï are Ahmad ibn Mas- rûq Tüsî (d. 298), Ahmad al~Süfï al-Kabir (d. 306), Ahmad ibn Qâsim ibn Nasr Farabi di, Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn abî Sunh, Junayd, Isma^cil ibn Ishaq Sarrâj, and the Shafi^cite qâdï Ibn Khayrân (d.j 16). The list is abridged, showing the influence of the condemnation by strict traditionalists, no­tably the Hanbalïs, on his dialectical methods;⁴*⁵ it gives an incomplete demonstration of the intense, sustained influence Muhâsibï exercised upon consciences. He inspired Junayd and Ibn^cAta. He is one of the five masters acknowledged by Ibn Khafif;^{[606] [607]} the Ash^caris, under the latter’s influence, salute him as the first precursor of their reform. References to the “works of Muhâsibï”^[608] are found everywhere in Ghazâlï's Ihyâ, and I have located some of the sources for the quotations, in the Ri^câya and the Nusâ^ih.

Muhâsibï is one of the three masters recognized by the Kâzarüniyya or­der.^{[609] [610] [611] [612] [613] [614]} Among the Shâdhiliyya, there is an anecdote about Mursi, who gave a precise summary of the Ri^caya to one of his students, when the student was returning a copy of it: “Serve God with full understanding (of your ritual acts), and never be pleased with yourself.”*⁰

Under the persistent attacks of traditionists, this admirable manual of the inner life was slowly and systematically removed from circulation. Abu Zur^ca Râzî (200—264), ^a direct disciple of Ibn Hanbal, was among the first to put Muhâsibï’s works on the index:*¹ “Abu Zur^ca said, ‘Such books are nothing but heresy and error; keep to the (strict) traditions, and you will find profit in them.’ Some objected that reading these books breathes a warning (^cibra)^sz into the conscience. He answered, ‘Anyone who is not warned by the Qur^ân will find no warning in these books.'”'’³ Attempts were made to accept at least certain extracts of the Ri^caya, in attenuated and amended form:*^{4 c}lzz Maqdisi (d. 660) made a Hall maqâsid “al- Rfâya,” an insufficient abridgment of chapters 1-4, 7, 47, 54, 57, 58, 59, and 60 of the master-work;⁵⁵ and Yusuf Safadi composed an analogous abridgment, even more condensed/⁶

Muhâsibfs strong personality maintained his prestige; it was against him that, in the fourteenth century, ^cAbd al-Rahim ibn Husayn ^cIrâqï (d. 806) directed his Bafth ^cala’l-khal3s mtn hawâdüh al-qu$sa$,^$7 a refutation of an anonymous apology/⁸ Dhahabi, so violent against the mystics, never dared directly attack MuhSsibi, and, in judging him/⁹ only summarized the article in Ibn al-A^cràbi's (d. 341 ) Tabaqât al-nussâk: “Muhasibi was learned in ha- dith, Jiqh> and the history - sects, sayings, and anecdotes-of the ascetics (twssâk); but he gave personal opinions on lafz,⁶* ²ïmân,⁶* and kafâtn Allâh bisawt,⁶² God’s direct conversation with the elect of Paradise,"

2.    The Khurasanian School op Ibn KarrAm

A.    Origins: Ibn Adham, Shaqiq, and Ibn Harb

As we have seen, the qussâs’ movement of moral teaching spread among the Arabs from Basra who had colonized Khurâsân, starting in the second half of the second century a.h.; first in the city of Balkh, when the disci­ples of Ibn Adham, who had died an expatriate in Syria,⁶³ went back to evangelize their teacher’s native country.

The details of Ibn Adham's life are still far from clear/⁴ He directly bor­rowed the Basran school's doctrine and deepened several elements of it: murâqaba, contemplation⁶⁵ (which is more than fikr, reflection) ; kantad, con­trition⁶⁶ (more than huzn, attrition); khulla, permanent "divine friend­ship";⁶⁷ and tna^crifa, “wisdom” (new notion)/⁸ The failures of his attempts

55.           Ms, Berlin 2812.

$6, Ms. Berlin 2813,

57.           Ms, London Or, 4275,

58.           On his argumentation, cf, herein, text at ch, 3 n 88.

59.           Ta^ynkh, ms. Leiden I72f, f. 22b,

60.           Passion, Fr 3: 106 n 2/Eng 3:95 n 266,

Si, Passion, Fr 3:i62/Eng 3:150.

62.           Passion, Fr 3:156/Eng 3:143; rhe accused text is in Tawahhum, f, 170a. An application of his general thesis on^cad! and fad},

63.           Like Ibn AsbSt, seeking to make a living on halal ground,

64.           Herein, text at ch. 4 n 198.

65.           "Al-tnurâqaba hag al-^aq!¹' (ap. Hilya, Goldziher's reading [Kories., Eng, trans,, 144 o 88]; the Damascus text reads, “al-murtyaba mukhkh al-^camal”).

66.           “Nothing is harder to practice than kamad; jt is keeping a wound open, a wound that death alone can close with scars.” Ibn^eArabl, Muhâdarâf [Mu/iJd], I, 219), Cf, Muhâsibï, Mahabba, f. 25,

67.           Passion, Fr 3:2i9/Eng 3:207: "For him who knows what he is seeking, sacrifice is easy” (= "ittitâf bi’!~rida,‘’ ays the gloss, Baqlï, 1, 162). “If I could devote my heart’s sight to Him, I would think 1 had given Him more than if I had conquered Constantinople !” (Baqlî, Shalit, f. 27; cf. Passion, Fr néiy/Eng 1:569). “Rules of agreement and solecisms — in our sentences, or in our actions?” Bay an, I, 143),

68.           Passion, Fr 3:66 n 3/Éng 3:56 n 19.

at an apostolic mission induced him to lead a more and more retired life. Of his hundred and twenty visions of God (during which he had asked seventy questions), he tried to present only four; “Since all of these were misunder­stood, I became silent.*’^{[615] [616] [617] [618]}

Here is one of the four, published by Muhâsibî in his Mahabba:'^K

Ibrâhîm ibn Adham said to one of his brothers in God: If you wish that God should love you and that you should be the friend of God, then renounce this world and the next; do not desire them, empty yourself of the two worlds,⁷' and turn your face to God; then God will turn His face to you and fill you with His grace. For I have learned that God revealed himself to John, son of Zacharias, saying "O John! I made an agreement with Myself that none of My servants should love Me — I having sounded his heart and knowing his inten­tion — and I not then become his hearing ^[619] with which he listens; his vision, with which he sees; his tongue, with which he speaks; and his heart, with which he understands. When 1 have become these things for him, I shall make him hate to be concerned with any but Me, I shall lengthen his meditation (f.kra), I shall be present with him during the night, and I shall be the famil­iar of his days. O John! I shall be the guest [Ja/is] of his heart, the end of his desire^[620]* and hope; every day and every hour are a gift to him from Me; he approaches Me and 1 approach him, that 1 may hear his voice, out of love for his humility. By my glory and grandeur! I shall invest him with a mission (mab^cath)⁷* that will be the envy^[621] of the Prophets and Messengers. Then I shall command a crier to cry, ‘Here is X, son of Y, a saint sanctified by God, His elect among His creatures, whom He calls to visit Him (ziyâra)^[622] so that his heart may be healed by a look at His face.’ And when he conies to Me, I shall raise the veils between him and Me,^[623] and he will contemplate Me at his ease;^[624] then 1 shall say, ‘Receive the good work (abshir)*^[625] By My glory and grandeur! I shall satisfy your hearts's thirst (during our separation) for the sight of Me; I shall renew your supernatural investiture^[626] every day, every night, every hour.”' And when the announcers of the good word have come back to

God, He will receive them and say, “O you who return to Me, what have you suffered in your experiences in the world because I am your Lot (Aazz)?⁸¹ What have your enemies made you suffer because I am your Peace?”⁸²

The text is fundamental, and it presents an entire series of problems re­lated to mystical union.

Ibn Adham’s principal disciple was Abû ^cAli Shaqiq ibn Ibrâhîm Balkhî, killed on jihàd at the taking of Kawlâb (194). Shaqiq is the first to have defined as a “mystical state¹' the ideal concept of tawakkul, “resignation," permanent abandonment to God, which was rejected by Thawri.⁸³ To define the idea, Shaqiq says, “Just as you are incapable of adding anything to your nature (khalqika) or your life, so you are incapable of adding any­thing to your daily wage (rizq). Therefore, cease to tire yourself in pursuit of it."⁸⁴ “Negotiable goods (makdsib) are now worth no more than dam­aged goods; merchant capital and the professions are suspect (shubuhât) to­day, in the Qur^an; increasing or preserving them is not allowed, because of the prominence of fraud and the shortage of proper opinions."⁸³ Muhâ- sibi rightly identifies the quietist risk in these formulas, which he summa­rizes by the statement, “It is wrong to move (haraka) towards a definite gain,"⁸⁶ instead of abandoning oneself completely to God. The thesis, a signature of the Khurasanian school, is that of inkSr al-kasb*⁷ It means, theoretically, a denial that man may desire to obtain anything; and, practi­cally, a vow of voluntary poverty and begging,⁸⁸ later attenuated by Sha­qiq *s disciples.

The doctrine was propagated in Balkh by Ahmad ibn Khidrawayh (d. 240),⁸⁹ Muhammad ibn Fadi Balkhi (d. 243 and Abü^cAbd al-Rah- mân Hâtim ibn ^cUnwân Asamm (d. 237), who publicly stigmatized the behavior of the qâdt of Rayy, Ibn Muqâtil; in Nishâpür, by Abu Hafs Haddad (d. 264), the Malâmatï, and, especially, by Ibn Harb (d, 234).

8ï. Cf. Passion, Fr 3:210, 177-78/Eng 3:198, 165.

82.           Cf. Passion, Fr 3:227 L 11 /Eng 3:2141.38 (silm).

83,           Sibt [bn al-Jawzî, ms. Paris 150$, f. 16a.

84-Baqlj, II, 143 [Xecneil, p. 10],

85.           Makki, QfV, II, 295.

86.           Maitôsib, f. 74 [Recueil, p. 10].

87.           Goldziher, ap. WZKM, XIII, 43 (Ranefl, p. 10J.

88.           Shaqiq combined it with tajdil al-faqr, which die disciples abandoned as untenable (cf. the parallel break with die “vow of chastity'* suggested by the Basran school), (bn KatrSm gave the first clear exposition of the problem of tafciil al~fa<fr (Passton, Fr 3:239 n 6/Eng 3:225 n 31), show­ing that a gradual "impoverishment” through renunciation (taurakkul) had to be a correlative of a gradual "enrichment” through grace: so "impoverishment" was considered a means, not an end (cf. Qutayba).

89.           Author of a it seems the date of his death must be moved forward, because he ex­presses admiration for Bistimi [see above, n 54].

90.           Author of the Kitâb al-suhd and the Sifat aS-janna wa’l-nUr (Samftfai, f. 377a).

Ahmad ibn Harb (176—234) seems to have been a powerful figure; a detailed biography of him ought to be exhumed from Hâkim Dabbï's his­tory of Nîshâpûr.^{[627] [628]} A disciple of ibn ^cUyayna, Ibn Harb was accused of MurjPism by Jum^ca Balkhi and Ibn Hibbân. They also criticized, without understanding it, the doctrine of abandonment that was the basis for his life of intense mortification. Ibn Harb left behind a saintly reputation. He trained two disciples, notably, who would become illustrious in Islam: the theologian Ibn Karrâm and the mystic Yahya Râzî (d. 258). The latter had himself buried at his master's feet.

B.    Ibn Karrâm

LIFE^[629]

Abu ^cAbdalIâh Muhammad ibn Karrâm⁹³ ibn ^cArrâf ibn Khizâna ibn al- Barâ Nizârî, was bom c. 190 near Zaranj (Sijistân) and came to study in Khurasan: first at Nîshâpûr, where he was trained by Ibn Harb; then at Balkh, by Ibrâhîm ibn YüsufMâkyânï (d. 241); at Marv, by ^cAIi ibn Hajar; and at Herat, by the qâàï ^cAbdallâh ibn Mâlik ibn Sulaymân Harawi. About 230, he left to spend five years at Mecca as a mujSwir. He came back (by way of Jerusalem) to Nîshâpûr, and to Sijistân, where he sold his goods in a spirit of poverty.

Then he began a resonant apostolate, interrupted by a trial, the only ac­count of which is by an adversary, ^cUthmân Dârimï, who succeeded in hav­ing Ibn Karrâm banished by the wait for pretensions to ilhâm (personal inspiration).^[630] Ibn Hibbân mocks his mistakes of pronunciation, confusions of h and h, t and t, s and s, hamza and Siyn. Ibn Karrâm and his disciples trav­eled as mendicant apostles, clothed in new sheepskin (removed from the animal and tanned, but not sewn) ;^[631] on their heads they wore white qalan- suwa. Wherever he went, they erected an outdoor brick platform, on which he would sit, preaching and telling hadith^[632] Upon his return with these at­tendants to Nîshâpûr, he was briefly incarcerated by order of Tahir 11 (230- 248). Then he went to Syria’s military frontier (thughitr). Returning to Ni- shiîpür, he was imprisoned again, this time for eight years (243-251); each Friday after the required ghusl, he would beg the jailor to let him go to the mosque-cathedral for canonical prayer,^[633] When the jailor refused, he would cry, "O my God! Do you not see that I have done everything possible, and that 1 am prevented not by myself but by another!” Set free by the emir Muhammad (248/862-259/872) in Shawwâl 251, Ibn Karrâm left for Jerusalem. His moral authority was growing steadily. He preached in public on the central esplanade of the Sakhra, near the column adjoining the “cra­dle of Jesus,”^[634]* and large crowds gathered around him. "Then,” says an op­ponent, "it became clear that he was teaching that faith was no more than a recommended formula,”^[635] and they left him. He died in Jerusalem,^[636] twenty years after he had first come, in Safar 255; he was buried at the gate of Jericho, near the tombs of the prophets’⁰¹ (var. "near the tomb of John, son of Zacharias”). His disciples would make the ftikâf (pious retreat) at his tomb, and in Jerusalem they built a home for ascetics, muta^cabbad, called khânqâh;^{[637] [638] [639]} this hermitage became the parent-house of the order of the Karrâmiyya, whose members were engaged in teaching, as well as begging. Van Vloten^iOJ has shown that the founding of the first Muslim madrasas must be traced to them: the Ash^carite schools were modeled upon the Kar- râmiyyan colleges they replaced, when, in the eleventh century, Ash^cari$m began to do battle against the Qarmathians in the field of education, by set­ting universities against universities.^[640]

HIS METHOD OF EXPOSITION AND HIS WOfiKS^10î

Like two other contemporary moralists, Antâkî and Muhâsibï, Ibn Kar- râm presents his teachings in the form of hadith; most (about a thousand) of these traditions, which call for reformed ways and ascetic mortification (taqashshuf), are given as coming from Ibn Harb; others from Mâkyânî.^{[641] [642] [643] [644] [645] [646] [647] [648] [649] [650]} Sam^cânî remarks that some others from among these hadtth are given as coming from Ahmad ibn ^cAbdalIah Jawbiyârî and Muhammad ibn Tamïm Firyâbï, two forgers of false isnad "whose unscrupulousness was not known to Ibn Karrâm.'"⁰⁷ The dubious sources were later fully exploited against him and his disciples; critics could claim that the Karrâmiyya were teach­ing'⁰⁸ "the permissibility (tajudz) of fabricating hadtth designed to inculcate fear of God (tarhtb) and desire for Paradise (taighTb).”

None of these works seems to have survived the persecutions that de­stroyed the Karramiyyan colleges; there remain only quotations that op­ponents compiled for purposes of polemic. The ShâfiSte qâdï Abu Ja^cfar Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Ishaq made a collection of them, (Alf) fada^ih Ibn KarrSm,'⁰⁹ In the same genre of source, there are three extracts of the Adhab al-qabr^no in Baghdadi (on jawhar, ^carsh),ⁿⁱ and two extracts from the Kitab al-sirr in Ibn al-Dâ^cî^!" (the epigraph, taken from Qur. 56:78, and a proposition on how difficult it is for reason to explain that God should have permitted the lion [or man, for that matter] to kill other animals in order to feed himself)."³ Baghdadi mocked the technical terms that Ibn Karrâm had forged (in the form fa^clûHyya) for new concepts and introduced into scholastic philosophy."*

HIS DOCTRINE¹¹*

Despite the contemptuous accusations accumulated against him, Ibn Karrâm stands out as one of the great thinkers of Muslim scholasticism. The Sunni school that he founded would last three centuries. Its members con­verted eastern Khurasan and Afghanistan as far as India, and they conceived the first Sunni religious schools. On all the questions raised by Mu^ctazilite inquiry, they provided rich illumination and new, precise analysis,^{[651] [652] [653]} not only supported by solid reflection but verified by extended mystical and moral experimentation. The great interest of the Karrâmiyya (and the Bak- riyya and Sâlimiyya) is that they revised contemporary scholastic vocabulary in the light of the constants observed through mystical introspection. More­over, the Karrâmiyya supplied Mâturidï with Hanafite scholasticism’s cor­pus of classical doctrine.

Ibn Karrâm begins by accepting the preeminence of thought (i^ctibâr) in the hierarchy of beings, and the natural role of reason (^caql).^tl7 However, like Antaki and Muhâsibï, he limits reason's powers, which are exaggerated by the Mu^ctazilites (tahsin for Ibn Karrâm, but not ri^c3ya). Though he uses reason, he is a spiritualist; he distinguishes the responsibility of the agent from the imputability of the act.^[654] His work is a very careful general revi­sion of scholastic terminology, with regard to which he takes a critical po­sition, balanced between the attitudes of the Mu^ctazilites and the ahi al- hadîth (Hashwiyya). Analyzing the conditions of canonical acts, he differ­entiates (a) faith (ftman), the formal acceptance of monotheism; (b) the state of grace of the heart that is devoting itself (tuma^nma = ma^crifa); and (c) the external performance that signifies the act of devotion (islam - fard al-^camal).^[655] He revises three well-known technical terms: jabr, irjf³, shakk [Recueil, p. 24]. Jabr, determinism, is^{[656] [657]} the claim that “grace (istitâ^ca) inter­venes only at the moment of the act,”¹³¹ not '’saying that God creates our acts and imbeds evil in the divine qadar” (Mu^ctazilites) or "the interven­tion of grace only before the act” (ahi al-hadith). Irja², latitudinarianism, means "not counting the external accomplishment of the act” (plurality of the ma^cânî in God), and does not mean either "refusing (waqf) to believe that sinners will be damned” (Mu^ctazilites) or "affirming the primacy^[658] of faith over works" (ahi al-hadïth). Shakk, skepticism, means “making istithnS as to one's own faith/’¹²³ not “refusing to judge whether the Qur’an is cre­ated or uncreated" (Mu^ctazilites) or “freely comparing opposed theological theses"¹²⁴ (ahi al-hadïth). For Ibn Karrâm, jistn ("body”) = al-mustaghnï ^can al-mahall (“that which is its own place”), against the Mu^ctazila [Rec, 24].

In theodicy, Ibn Karrâm does not succeed so fully in freeing himself from the influence of Mu^ctazili language. Denouncing the bizarre divine attributes that are “imagined outside the essence and without a supposi­tum* (là fî mahall)" by the Mu^ctazilites,'²ⁱ Ibn Karrâm conceives an un­sound inverse term, i,e., the "production” of events “inside the divine essence (ihdâth fï’ l-dhat) ”¹²⁶ He means that God really intervenes with the special graces He grants to perishable beings (He is positively interested in men), in order to attest to the actuality of His fiat’s (Kun) visitation in them. Ibn Karrâm himself, foreseeing the objection to this theory, declares that he absolutely excludes any possibility of complication in the Essence (ahadl al-jawhar), any intrusion (hulül) by the contingent into the transcen­dent f azama, istiu/a).¹²⁷

C.    Ibn Karrâms Commentators

For almost two centuries, and even after Mâturidi (d. 340), the majority of the Hanafites who were careful to maintain an orthodox, anti-Mu^ctazi- lite theological doctrine declared themselves to be of Ibn Karram’s school:

(third century): Ibrahim ibn Muhammad ibn Sufyan; Ahmad ibn Mu­hammad Dahbân;¹²⁸ the preacher ^Abdallah ibn Muhammad Qayrâti (d. 309); Ibrahim ibn Hajjâj, who converted a famous ShâfiSte, Muham­mad ibn Ghaylân, to Karrâmism; Abû’l-Fadl Tamïmi, qàdï of Isfahan (d. 282, friend of ^cAli b. Sahl); Ibrâhîm Khawwâs, H. Mîkâlî, and Ibn Qu- tayba (according to Bayhaqi, ap. preface to Ibn Qutayba’s Maysir, 12; and Kawthari, preface to Ibn Qutayba’s Ikhtilàfjï'1-lafz, i).^t29

* Mitlittl} is now usually translated "substratum."

123.           Ibn Karrâm was the first to make a proper statement of this thorny problem (Passion, Fr 3:100 n 5/Eng 3:89 n 241 ; I was wrong to use the word "fideism” about him, because he defines the word '‘faith*¹ more strictly than in common Islamic usage), that of the believer's right to say ' I am a believer." For Ibn Karrâm (as not for most doctors of the law), this enunciation does not mean, "1 am sure of my salvation"; it is therefore licit.

124.            Passion, Fr 3:66 n 8, 62 n I, 69/Eng 3:57 n 24, 53 n 1, 59-60.

125.            To safeguard divine simplicity.

126.            Passion, Fr 3:120, 122, 147/Eng 3:108, no, 134: ’ifài and /'dam.

Ï27. Ibid., Fr 3:73, 98, 137, isr/Eng 3:63, 87, 124, 138 (takhsfs al-qwlra). On his theory of the prophets, cf. Passion, Fr 3:2to-i2/Eng 3:198-99.

128.           Ibn Qutayba (d. 276) seems to have joined the school (his 208, on tafdïl al-ghatn; and his polemic against the Hashwiyya).

129.           I have had to strike Ibn Khuzayma (223-311) from this list because he condemned Ibn Karrâm, according to Ibn Hajar (LisSn, V, 3J 6).

(fourth century): Ibrâhîm ibn Muhâjir; Ahmad ibn ^cAbdûs Tarâ^ift (d. 347), probable founder ofa subsect; Abu Ishâq ibn Mamshâdh (d, 383)‘³⁰ and his son Abu Bakr (d. 410), who celebrated Ibn Karrâm as a “model man of religion, a second prophet”; Abu^cAmr Bazzaz, who set Ibn Kar­râm,¹³¹ as an apostle, before Muhammad; the refined poet al-^cAmid abû’l- Fath ^CA1Î ibn Muhammad Busti (d. 401), whose qasida on Sufism has remained famous; and the great Hanafite historian and critical traditionist of Nîshâpûr, al-Hâkim ibn al-Bayyi^c Dabbi (d. 403). At the end of this period, a theological duel between AshSrites and Karrâmîs began. The Ash^carite Ibn Furak was killed, but Mahmud II signed an edict, which was proclaimed everywhere, outlawing the Karrâmiyya and cursing them as "anthropomorphists.”'³¹

(fifth century): Under Qâdir (d, 422), Muhammad Ibn al-Haysamⁱⁿ presented a detailed justification of Karramisnfs technical terms; his views remained the dominant doctrine in Persia until 488/109$, when the Shâ- fi^cis and Hanafîs made a coalition and sacked the colleges of Nîshâpûr.

(sixth century): Abû’l-Qâsim ibn Husayn of Nîshâpûr and his disciple Abü’l-Qâsim Muwaffaq ibn Muhammad Bijistânî Maydânï (c. $20).^!34

The Ghürid princes of the time were Karrâmiyya. But the Ash^carite Fakhr Râzî, who had been expelled from Herat in 595/1198 as a “philoso ­pher” by the qàdt Majd al-Dîn ^cAbd al-Majid ibn ^cUmar Quduwwa, chief of the Karrâmiyya Haysamiyya, took his revenge by converting the prince of Ghür to Shâfi^cism (and to AshSrism).¹³³ Then Karrâmîsm disappeared, just as its apostolate had opened India to Islam.

Only one work of Ibn Karrâm’s school has yet been discovered: an anonymous untitled manuscript in the British Museum (ms. Or. 8049), dated 731. It is an extremely diverse collection of moral and philosophico- mystical traditions, the majority of which are without isnâd. The isnâd of the others is of the pattern/³⁶ “My father told me, Abü Ya^cqûb jurjânï told me: according to Ma³mun ibn Ahmad, according to ^cAli ibn Ishâq, ac­cording to Muhammad ibn Marwân (Suddï), according to al-Kalbi, ac-

130.           Controversy with the Shiite Abü'l-Barakat^cAJawi (Ibn al-Di% 383).

131.           “He was more mortified; he spoke more; he neither made war nor killed.” (Ibid., 381).

132.           Harawi, Dhamm, f. n8a; cf. ^cUtbï,

133.           Died perhaps in 407 (compare Ibn al-Athïr, IX, 209); his grandson ^CA1I ibn^cAbdallah ibn Muhammad ibn al-Haysam Harawi was one of Abü'1-Hasan Bayhaqi's (d. 565/1169) teachers (Yàqût, L’daba, V, 233). On Ibn al-Haysam, consult the large extracts from his Kitâb af-maqâlât pre­served by his adversary Fakhr Rizi (ap. As^as (sometimes al-taqdïs, 79, 88, etc., from Ibn Fürak), and by sympathizers such as Ibn abVl-Hadld (Sharh nahj alAtalUgha, I, 296-99; II, 129) and Ibn Taymiyya (Naqî; MMaj, 11, 24-25). The qâdl Zammouri of Casablanca wrote to me on the KarrS miyy an propsitions.

134.           On this list, see Subkï II, 53~S4, GO; HI, 53; Yâqüt, BuldStt, I, 97; Ibn al-Athïr, X, 171; Ibn^cAjlba, I, 6; E. G. Browne, Chahâr mtufila, 59; Suyüti, Khufafa, s.v. “QJdir."

135.           Ibn al-Athîr, Kami! XII, 99-101, 148.

136.           Ms. London Or. 8049, f,29b.

cording to Abü Salih, according to Ibn ^cAbbas..." This is “Ma’mün” is Sulamï, Ibn Karrâm’s editor, and the last three links of the isnâd form a chain identified as a fabrication by Dhahabi in his I^e tidal.¹³⁷ Ibn Karram is cited as an authority in this manuscript,^1,8 which [ would like to attribute to Abû Bakr ibn Ishâq ibn Mamshadh (d.410). Furthermore, the classification of heresies adopted by the Hanafite heresiographers, for example Nasafi,‘^3s depends directly on Ibn KarrâmJ⁴⁰

D.                        Ibn Karrâm’s Mystic Disciples:
Yahyâ ibn Mu^câdh, Makhül, the Banü Mamshâdh

The most illustrious is Yahyâ ibn Mu^câdh Râzi (d. 258/871 at Nisha- pür),¹⁴¹ who must have followed Ibn Karrâm’s rule for living since he pub­lished it word for word, except for the following three adjustments and alterations:'⁴¹ "The strength of the heart is in five things: reading the Qur’an with meditation (tafakkur), keeping the stomach empty, waking at night (to pray), humbling oneself before God at dawn, frequenting the pious.” He follows Ibn Karrâm’s doctrine of tafdîl al-ghanî.¹⁴³ Yahyâ is the first to have professed a “course” of mysticism in public in the mosques;¹⁴⁴ he is also the first to admit his love for God in verse of a direct style.’⁴* His prayers (munSjât) and sayings have a contrite, confident humility, a timid, budding freshness not to be found afterwards:¹⁴⁶

O my God! My argument (that I invoke) is my need; my provisions (to which I have recourse) are my nudity; my way of access to You is Your grace be­stowed upon me; my intercessor with You is Your beneficence for my sake!

Works that vanish like a mirage, a heart with crumbling piety, sins as nu­merous as grains of sand or dust; and, with these, to desire “heavenly maidens, companions of the same age as you^l47?” Stop ! You are drunk, though you have not drunk any wine !

137.           S.v. However, the chain cannot be treated lightly because it figures in the Ma^cânî^,l~Q»^r' ³ân of the great grammarian Farrâ (d. ioj), as follows: “Farr3-Hayy3n~KalbI-Abü S31ih-Ibn Ab- b3s.” This might be the thread leading back to a reconstruction of Ibn ^cAbb3s’s real doctrine, misrepresented through so many false isnail.

138.            Ms. London Or. 8049, f. 27b.

139.            Who, besides, is a direct descendent of Makhûl Nasafl.

140.           He gives the same definition of shalek, irja’jabr; and makes the same condemnation of Marîsî.

141.            ^cA«3r, I, 298-312.

142.            [Recueil, p. 26.] Cf. herein, ch. 5 n 96; Hilya.

143.            Passion, Ft j:239/Eng 3:225-26.

144.            Herein, text at ch. 4 n 107.

145.           Sarrâj, MasSri^, 581, Misri was still masking it with allegories.

146.           Taken from the Hiïya [Recueil, p. 26].

147.           Qur. 78:33; cf. herein, ch. 4 n 485 and related text.

O my God! How should I rejoice, though I have offended You; but how should I not rejoice, knowing (henceforth) who You are? How should I invoke You, sinner that I am; but how should I not invoke You, the Merciful!’⁴⁸

If you are not content with God, how can you ask Him to be content with you?

The night is long, and you will not shorten it by dreaming (instead of pray­ing); the day is pure, do not stain it with your sins?⁴⁹

Let those whom God hates say, “Pardon!” And let those who are pardoned remain silent. The former say, “Pardon!” but their hearts remain sinful; the lat­ter are silent, but they remember God.

Two accidents happen to a man when he dies (said Yahya to Makhül).

Everything is taken from him, and everything is asked of him.¹*⁰

He who knows his soul knows his God.¹*’

What a difference between going to a wedding for the sake of the feast, and going to a wedding to be with the Beloved!’*³

Take solitude for a house, hunger for food, prayer for conversation; then you must either die of your illness or find the cure.’*³

O my God! do not forget, I have been a guide on the road that leads to You, and I have witnessed that supremacy is Yours! Here, see raised towards You my hands left to rust by sin and my eyes made up with the antimony (fewW) of hope!¹*⁴ Receive me, for You are a generous King; and pardon me, weak servant that I am.

This last invocation, quite characteristic of Yahya, is almost laxist. To bring absolution, the call from the intelligence to the divine glory needs to be accompanied in the will by a glimmer of attrition at least. Yahya often shows an excessive sense of security in God’s mercy: 'Tf I had the author­ity to judge, I would not condemn lovers, for they are constrained to sin and do not consent.”

During his lifetime, Yahya was criticized for not remaining, as he preached, strictly in poverty, and for not enduring trials to the end. “Poor Yahya,” said Bistâmï, “he does not know how to suffer adversity (diin)! How could he bear happiness (taW)?"¹*⁵ The controversy between Yahya

148.           “Kayf ad^cnka wa ana³ khâtî wakayf 13 ad^cfika wa anta kaum?” (weakened in Suhayli's ver­sion, ms. Paris 643, f 81b).

149.           "Al-layl tawïl,falâ yaqsur bimanantika, wa'l-ttahôr tiaqï,fal3 tudannishu bi âthâmika"

150.           îbn^cArabï, Muliiid., II, 270.

r 51. Cf Passion, Ft 3:46 n 5/Eng 3:38 n 96; criticized by Ibn ^eArabi (cf. Goldzihcr, Streii- schriji, cd. of Ghazâlî's Mustazhirî, 113).

152.           Passion, Ft 3:48 n 5/Eng 3:40 n 106.

153.           lbn^cArabf Muhôd, II, 370 (cf 287, 288, 31ft. 363, 364),

154.           Taken up in a quatrain of Ibn abl’l-Khayt.

155.    About his clothes; SarrSj, Luma^c, t88. Cf Passion, Fr 3:23ÿ/Eng 3:225. and Bistâmî is symbolized by a cup of “wine”; '⁵⁶ Yahya, after one drop, says his thirst is quenched, but Bistâmî, drunk, with his tongue hanging out, de­mands, “Is there any more?” He says: “I have drunk Love, cup after cup; / There was no lack of wine, but I am still thirsty.”

Among the disciples of Yahya,¹⁵⁷ those we can claim with certainty as Karramis are Ibrahim Khawwas’⁵⁸ and especially his student Abu Muti^c Makhül ibn Fadi Nasafi of Balkh (d. 319), whose curious manual for com­munal living’⁵⁹ has survived; it is a marked attenuation of Antâkfs and Muhâsibï’s rules, and it was followed among monastic “brotherhoods.”

Mysticism is but one aspect of the Karrâmiyyan religious life; when faced with a case as pronounced as that of Hallâj, their theological school seems to have maintained a prudent, if not mistrustful, reserve, or so would indicate Abu Bakr ibn Mamshadh’s discreet account of Hallâj’s trial, which I have published¹⁶⁰ (with an erroneous note on the genealogy of the Band Mamshâdh family¹⁶’ that appears to have supplied two centuries of leaders to the Karrâmiyya school).

If we are to believe the hagiographers of Indo-Persian Sufism, who put Mamshâdh Dïnawarî at the top of the list of saints venerated by the Suh- rawardiyya, then that order is of Karrâmï origin. We know that ^cUmar Suh- rawardi (d.632/1234) denounced the “misdeeds of Greek philosophy”¹⁶² in the same tone in which the Karrâmiyyan qâdï Majd al-Din denounced the

6. On mystical union (Qush. 173; ShaSâwî, Tab., I, 76; Zarrüq, Rawd., II, 294b; Maqdisi, Bad’ H, 80).

157.           Abü^cUthmîn Hïri (Kashf, 133), Yüsuf ibn Husayn Rîzî.

158.           Who also accepted Ibn Karrâm’s rule for living (^cAmilî, Kashkiti, 197; cf. herein, index).

159.            Ms. Aya Süfiya 4801, in 29 chapters [Remet/, p. 25]: brotherhood in God; pious works; being open with one’s brothers (two chapters); hospitality; discretion and reserve; gifts and alms; the sâlikiin; choosing one's companions; solitude; unfriendliness and cordiality; letters exchanged among the pious; modesty (two chapters); sayings of the ascetics about death; virtues and wishes; penitence and asking forgiveness; reminding others to observe the law; renouncing vainglory and affectation; the agony of death; various brief maxims; sayings of the ascetics on illness; furnish­ings; holy war; leaving possessions to one's heirs; cemeteries and their inhabitants; the importance of being mindful of God; weep from fear of God; the resurrection (copied in 610 a.h.). Makhül is perhaps the first author of the manual of Hanafite heresiography said to be by Nasafi (ms. Ox, Poc. 271, studied by Thatcher).

160.           Passion, Fr 1:575 / Eng 1:528.

161.           Passion, 1st ed., 259 n 3 (Fr 1:575/Eng >-528, notes]. The true genealogical table is as follows; (a) Mamshâdh Dtaawari, a well-known ascetic, d. 299; (b) his son Abü Bakr I, rSwî of the story about Hallâj; (c) the grandson, Abü Ya^cqüb Ishâq ibn Mamshâdh Karrâmî, who died at Nïshâpür on the 25th of Rajab 383, after an ascetic life including a fertile apostolate (conversion of five thousand kitâbts and Mazdeans in the city), as recounted by Ibn al-Bayyi^c; (d) the great- grandson, Abü Bakr II Muhammad tbn Ishâq ibn Mamshâdh, d. 410, who was, at first, the spiri­tual adviser to Mahmùd of Ghazna, at whose court he was all-powerful [being more willing than Khurqani to accommodate the prince’s liaison with AySz] before being forced out by the Ash- Sri tes; (e) a last descendent, Mamshâdh II, who was mentioned in 488 as chief of the Karrâmiyya of Nîshâpür. Cf. Subki, III, 223, on another (possible) member of this family,

i(52. In his Rashf ttasS’ih ’ïtnüttiyya ft ja&f’ih yawnSniyya, which Mas^cÛd Shlrâzï (d. 655) an­swered in three short works (Ibn Junayd, Shadd, 37).

“philosophy” of Fakhr Râzï. And ^cUmar Suhrawardï (of Baghdad) wrote the al-hudâ (= ^caqidat arbâb al-tuqa), a sort of dogmatic profession of faith, very short and dense, which is still consulted today. Experimental mys­tical vocabulary (hayat, tasha^cshu^cnûr al-ïqân fî’l-qalh, ^c azama, ihtirâq bt’l- tajallt) gave him theological formulas, related to Ibn Karrâm’s, that suggest an intermediate position between Hanbalism and AshSrism.

3.                Two Isolated Cases:

Bunlarada Bakarsınız

• Hallac-ı Mansur…TAVASİN Ene'l-Hak ( Ben Tanrıyım)
• Essay on the Origins of the Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism
• Memoir of a Friend: LOUIS MASSIGNON by Herbert Mason

Bistâmî and Tirmidhï

A. Bistâmî

HIS LIFE

The biography of Abu Yazîd Tayfur ibn^cIsâ ibn Surushân^t6j Bistâmî Ak­bar'⁶⁴ (vulgo “Bâyazïd Bistâmî”) is far from complete. Dàsitâni’s tales, ac­cepted by^cAttâr, on Bistâmi's beginnings in the service of Imam Ja^c far, are grossly unrealistic as to time and place. In fact, he must have remained throughout his life in his native city of Bistarn, except when the hostility of the ZâhiriJâifîA Husayn ibn ^cIsa Bistâmî forced him to leave. The date of his death, 15 Sha^cban 260 (= 25 May 874) seems certain; it is corroborated by what is known of his relations with Ibn Harb, Yahya Râzï, and Abfl Mûsâ.^{[659] [660] [661]}

The details of his psychological development and religious education are lacking; he first studied sacred law (Hanafite), which he claims to have explained to Abü^cAlï Sindi.^[662] Sindi, in exchange, taught him the Janâ bi’l- tawhîd, a method of prayer to be studied below. Bistâmî was a rugged, solitary spirit who refused all signs of brotherly affiliation, even with Ibn Harb orMisri.’^[663] Nevertheless, he maintained an awareness of mystical lit­erature, as Dubayli proves in a curious anecdote.^{[664] [665]} In Bistâm his tomb is still venerated; he has a rnaqam at Bahdaliyya near Damascus.’⁶⁹

SOURCES

In the fourth century: the hikâyât of Ibn Farrukhân Dûrï, who received them from Junayd;^[666] and those of ^cAIî ibn ^cabd al-Rahïm Qannâd (d. c. 340)/^[667] who gathered the large collection of tales of Abu Müsâ Dubaylî, Bistâmi’s direct disciple?^[668] In the fifth century, Abü^cAbdallâh Muhammad ibn^cAlî Dasitânî (cL 417) renovated Bistâmi’s doctrine and dictated to his fa­vorite disciple (tabrndh), Abü'1-Fadl Muhammad ibn^cAli Sahlagi (b. 389; d. Jum. II 476),^[669] the elements of the Kitâb al-nür, a collection^{[670] [671]} of Bistâmi’s sentences, now preserved in manuscript in the Mevlevi tekke of Aleppo.^t7î Dasitânî s isnàds, when they do not come from previous collection, are sus­pect; he refers principally, by way of Tayfür Bistâmi Saghir, to a man called ^cUmayy/^[672] an indirect disciple of Bistâmi; attenuated variants of Bistâmi’s statements are intentionally introduced. Another work, the Munâjât, is a collection made by Khurqânï (d. 426) of Bistâmi’s prayers?^{[673] c}Attâr’s sixth­century biography^{[674] [675] [676] [677]} is stuffed with legend; Baqli’s commentary on the master’s principal sayings, in the Shathiyat,'⁷⁹ have been the object of much study. I do not know when to date the Persian manSqib of a certain Yusuf ibn Muhammad/⁸⁰or the “Conversations between Bistâmi and a Monk,”’⁸¹ a simple apocryphal pamphlet that says he has made forty-five pilgrimages and depicts him converting an entire monastery “m Rüm.”

HIS WORKS

Bistâmi wrote nothing, and his disciples, who did not form a school until a century after his death, were able to collect only isolated fragments, sto­ries, and sayings. The longest of these constitute two collections, Shatahât and Munâjât. The former were probably collected by Ibn Farrukhân Dun; their author tells various ecstatic stories (Sarrâj reproduces three of these in his Luma^c)‘⁸³ on Bistâmi's mi^craj or “spiritual ascension,”¹⁸³ with a commen­tary by Junayd (perhaps authentic).¹⁸⁴ The munajdt, prayers, of the second collection, edited by Khurqânï, seem to be in an altered, weakened state.

HIS LEADING PROPOSITIONS

A former Hanafite (min ahi al-ra³y) with Mu^ctazili tendencies, then a convert, Bistâmï is a figure without peer. Later the eponym of several Ot­toman sultans/⁸* he became the model of the perfect Muslim ascetic. React­ing violently against the Karrâmiyya’s resigned renunciation and the slightly indolent confidence of Yahya Râzi, he devoted himself to an implacable,¹⁸⁶ forced program of ascetic training, thereby freeing his teeming intelligence for its magnificent flights; he did not ask enough of the humble wait for di­vine grace. "For twelve years’⁸⁷ 1 was the smith forging my self, for five years I was the mirror of my heart; for one year 1 observed both my self and my heart; I discovered a belt of infidelity (zunnâr) around me, and I took twelve years to cut it; then 1 discovered an inner belt, which I took five years to cut; finally I had an illumination; I considered the creation; I saw it had become a corpse to me, and I said four¹⁸⁸ takbîr for it (i.e., I buried it, and it did not exist for me any more)!”

Bistâmï was the first to make an open proclamation of the goal desired but barely perceived by his predecessors, Rabâh, Ibn Adham, Ibn Zayd, and Dârânï, i.e., isolation before the pure unity of God (tajrid al-tawhtd). We shall review the method of contemplation he used to reach this end. The method led to an attempted meeting of the soul and the divine Essence, in which Ibn^cArabi and his followers believed they saw their own monism. They were probably wrong.¹⁸⁹ "How did you achieve this?” "1 was stripped of my self, as a serpent sheds its skin; then I considered my essence, and I was He!”¹⁹⁰ “God considered the consciences in the uni-

182.           Pp. 382,387,384.

183.           The diluted, nontechnical text that ^cAtt3r published under this name is posterior to these fragments. Nicholson published a late version ofBistSml's mi^erâj.

(84. Though it is Hallajized.

185. Abü Yazîd-Bayeztd-Bajazet.

t86. [Recueil, pp. 28-29, for this note and the following notes containing quotations.) “I have so loved God that I hate myself, and so hated the world that I love obedience to God" (ap. Baqli, I, 78).

(87. Sahlagj, f. 40-41 [Recueil, p. 28]; Kilînï, Gln«iy<t, II, 159.

188. In Sunni and Zaydt usage; the Shiites say five. Parallel texts: “Cast away your carnal self and come!" ‘T had a mirror; then I became a mirror." “One night among nights I was looking for my heart, and I could not find it; at dawn, I heard a voice saying, *O Abü Yazld! What are you doing, looking for something besides Us?'” (Sahlagl, Nfir).

(89. Herein, p. 189.

E9O. Blrûni, Hind, I, 43. A saying taken up byjikir Kurd! (Shattanawfi, Balya, j68). verse and saw that all were empty of Him except mine, in which He saw Himself in all His fullness.¹⁹' Then He said, praising me, ‘The entire world is in slavery to Me, except you’”; Nibâjï, endorsed by Jurayri, notes that Bistâmï might have added in conclusion, “because I am you.”’⁹¹ The re­mark shows that Bistâmï was not consciously a monist, and that his God transcends him. Though he possessed acute intuition and an unprece­dented firmness of will, Bistâmi’s intelligence was greater than his love. He never paused in his abstract pursuit of an external, impassive perception of the divine Essence, laid bare to his infinite humility; but the overwhelm­ing vision never ravished his heart in the transforming union of love, and consequently his invocations contain some strangely proud outbursts: “You obey me more than I obey You!”;'⁹³ on Qur. 85:12, “I seize you more firmly than You seize me!”;¹⁹* or, on the muezzin's cry (“Allah Ak­bar!”), “I am greater still!”;¹⁹³ and his saying to a disciple, “It is better for you to see me once than to see God a thousand times!”¹⁹⁶

HIS RECONSTRUCTION OF MUHAMMAD’S ECSTACY

of THE Qâb qawsayn (Mi^crajy^,J7

Bistâmï was banished from the city of his birth several times for “claim­ing to have made a mi^crâj (Nocturnal Ascension), like the Prophet’s.” Indeed, Bistâmï is the first Muslim mystic whose Quranic meditation re­sulted in an inner reconstruction of Muhammad’s ecstasy. Here are the de­tails of the experiment, recorded in his Shatahât:^i9S

i.

He ravished me once and placed me before Him, saying, “O Abü Yazid! My crea­tures desire to see you.” And I said to Him, “Make me beautiful in your unicity, clothe me in your ipseity (anâniyya), seize me in Your oneness so that when Your creatures see me they will say, 'We have seen You’; and You will be where 1 am no more."

Here Junayd’s commentary is pertinent: “This request proves that Bis-

[91. Weakened version, in Baqlî, I, 14 ï : “God contemplated the world, and in it He saw no one worthy to understand Him; then He busied men in His service (as slaves)?'

192.           Qannîd, HikSyüt (in Sahl agi, Niir). "Abü Yazid, Jurayri says, was removed from the state of slavery (the normal one, that of all creatures), but he did not perceive the state to which God had raised Him."

193.           Sha^cr5wi, LatS'if, 1, t2$.

194.           Ibid., I, 126.

Î95. Baqll, Shath., f, 35; cf. HalBj, in Atsrion, Fr 3:215/805 3:203.

196.           Sha^er3wi, Latli'if, I, 126.

197.           See the detailed account in Passion, Fr 3 : 31¹ ff/Eng 3:293 ff.

198.           Ap. Sarràj, Luma^c_t 382, 387, 384.

tâmï was very close, without being there. What follows shows that he saw how to get there.”

ii.

Once, I reached the arena of nonbeing (laysiyya) and flew there continually for ten yean, until 1 had passed from the “No” to the "No” by means of the "No." Then I attained Privation (tadyi^c), which is the arena of tawltfd, and I flew continually by means of the "No,” in Want, until I wanted want in want, and was deprived of pri­vation by the "No” in the “No,” in the want of Privation. Then 1 attained tawhid, in the distancing (ghaybüba) of the creation from the ^cdrif (= himself) and in the distancing of the ^c<inf from the creation.¹⁹⁹

iii.

As soon as I had come to His unicity, I became a bird whose body is oneness and whose two wings are eternity, and I flew continually for ten years in the air of similitude; and in those years I saw myself in the same skies a hundred million times. I did not stop flying until I came to the arena of Preetemity. There I per­ceived the tree of oneness. (He describes its earth, its trunk, its branches, leaves and fruits.) I contemplated it, and I knew that it was all a snare (khad^ca).^2ao

These texts are an experimental commentary on the Q3b qawsayn (Qur. 53:6-17), a setting of boundaries around the transcendence of God, iso­lated from all secondary causes and withheld from all that is created. Bistami bitterly observes that even this concept, though it self-evidently belongs to monotheism, is nothing but deception, khad^ca. Maintaining the intellect in simple contemplation, as a mirror exposed to the flashing at­tributes of the divine Majesty, would result only in the destruction of the mystic’s personality.¹⁰¹

THE DIVINE SAYINGS AND THE "Subhdni”

Then, at the pinnacle of intellectual ecstasy, Bistami observed, and tried to overcome, his inability to effect union. Where Muhammad had merely articulated the Quranic revelation indirectly, repeating it in the second person, Bistâmï attempted to become aware of it in the first person, identi­fying himself first with the various created subjects (“I am the seven sleep­ers! 1 am the Throne of God!”²⁰² “I am your Supreme Lord!” [as Pharaoh said]);²⁰³ then with the supereminent “I” that is understood in every verse

!99. Cf. Patanjali, herein, ch.2 n 243.

200.           [Usually, Hailsj directly criticized the content of these texts, in Tawâsiti, trans.,

ap. Passion, Fr 3:314, 3i8/Eng 3:297, 300.

201.           Passion, Fr 3:57-58/Eng 3:48-49; as Patanjali never recognized.

202.           Which he is said to explain as follows: "This heart can indeed contain the Throne thou­sands of times, because it apprehends the Uncreated” (Ibn^cArabî, Fustis, 2jo), Cf. Sahlagi, f.98.

203.           In Qur. 79:24; Tustari took up this saying (cf. Passion, Ft 3:37$/Eng 3:357). BistSmî used it among mystics in Samarqand (Baqii, Shafh., f. 34).

of the Qur^ân: “Praise be to Me (sublulnty Praise be to Me! How great is My glory!” Then he said, “That is enough of Me alone! That is enough!”¹⁰⁴ Some commentators explain that he spoke in this way because he was in ecstasy, and that when he had come to his senses and learned what he had said, he was visibly terrified at the involuntary impiety. His contemporaries hesitated: Ibn Salim considered the phrase as impious as Pharaoh's, and condemned it;¹⁰ⁱ Sarrâj¹⁰⁶ attempted to justify Bistâmï by saying that he had pronounced it as a qirâ^a ^cala l-hikaya¹⁰¹ (as a quotation from someone else, not a claim about himself).²⁰⁸ According to Khuldi,¹⁰⁹ Junayd justified the saying as follows: “He who is consumed in the mani­festations of glory speaks for what is annihilating him; when God distracts him from self-perception and he perceives in himself only God, he de­scribes Him!” This gloss, better suited to some of Hallâj's ecstatic utter­ances, which are more explicit,¹¹⁰ did not prevent Junayd from concluding that, “Bistâmï remained at the beginning; he did not reach the full and final state (kamâl wa nihaya)”²" Shibli, in his own style, drew the same conclu­sion,¹¹¹ which Hallâj would deepen, adding details, in his critical commen­tary on the “subhinV.":^2,J

Poor AbÜ Yazîd! He was at the threshold of divine speech (nutq), and it was from God that the words came (to his lips). But he did not know it, blinded as he (still) was by his (persistent) preoccupation with the one named “Abü Yazîd” (i.e., himself, whom he believed he saw raised up, an imaginary obsta­cle), there between the two (= between God and himself). If he had been a (consummate) wise man, who listens (immediately) when God forms words (deep within him), he would not have contemplated the one named “Abü Yazîd” (= his self); he would not have worried about retracting his words, or feared that they were outrageous.¹¹⁴

204.            Text of Ibn al-Jawzi, NSmiis, XI, after Sahlag^, f, 96, [48.

20 j. In appearances (SarrSj, Luma* 390); but his disciple Makkl accepts it (Qfir, II, 75)-

206.            Luina^c, 391.

207.             Cf, Passion, Fr 3:47, 93 n 5/Eng 339, 83 n 197.

208.             Ibn al-Jawzi (Nâmûs, XI) exchanges the theses between Ibn Sâlim and Sarrij.

209.             Probably after Ddri (in Ibn al-Jawzi, NUmiïs) [Recueil, p. 30].

210.             Passion, Fr 3:53, 226/Eng 3:45, 213-14.

211.            SarrSj, Luma* 397. Elsewhere he says Bistâmï is in the state of ^eayn al-jam* (ibid., 37²), which is therefore not nihâya.

212.            "If Abû Yazid were still alive, he would profess Islam again under the direction of our novices!" (Baqli Shath., ms, QA, f, 80) [Recnetf, p. 30].

213.             Text, ap. Taw., 177 (of Baqll, SfaA, f. 131),

214.            From which comes the verse attributed to him, criticizing the subltSm: "I am Yourself, there can be no doubt. The 'Praise be to Thee’ (of the Qur’àn) is 'Praise be to me'; your Mwlfui is what unifies me; your disobedience is my disobedience; to irritate you is to irritate me; your pardon is my pardon" (ms. London, 888, f, 342b); to which Ma^cani (GhufiSn, 152) adds, satirically, "Then it is not I who should be whipped, O my Lord, if they say of me, 'There is the adulterer.

Bistâmï himself seems not to have tried to justify the "subhânt” He sim­ply outlined the theory of union with certain divine attributes, but not with the Essence?¹⁵ This kind of union, taken up by Wâsitï³¹⁶ and then by Gurgânï,³"⁷ became established in the “sifaff” mysticism of the great later orders. But the abstract and discursive vision of the divine perfections did not satisfy Bistâmï. “He who is killed by His love (mahabba) is ripped²'⁸ from death by His vision (ru^ya); but he who is killed by His desire is seized from death only by sharing His cup (munadama)”:^{[678] [679] [680] [681] [682] [683] [684]} desire, that is, for intimate amical union, which Bistâmï could merely glimpse before death. “All have died ^calii'l-tawahhum/^fi2V said Junayd, quoted by Wâsitï,³³¹ “even Bistâmï; he died having realized his design for union only in the imagination*' (~ by situating the problem to be solved and supposing it solved, as one who meditates is transported and enclosed by thought in the ideal frame he has composed for himself, without being ravished and taken to that place in reality).

THE PRAYERS FOR INTERCESSION

The same unusual tone, the same outrageous, insolent muttering of an intelligence inebriated by the sublime Goal that escapes it, the same haughty, cynical, disappointed nuance, are prominent in these astonishing prayers. Bistâmï, having acquired full awareness of the doctrine of the hani- fiyya^{[685] [686] [687] [688] [689]} common to the whole human race, prays to God for all men: he asks that God extend to everyone the indulgence that Muhammad re­quested only for the great sinners of his nation, and declares that the Par­adise of the houris could not satisfy³³⁵ the hearts of the elect: “My banner²³⁴ is broader than Muhammad's?’³³⁵ Before a cemetery of Jews, Bistâmï asks, “What are these, that You should torture them! A handful of dry bones against which sanctions have been pronounced; pardon them!”³³⁶ Or, ac­cording to another version, also before a cemetery of Jews, “They are ex­cusable (because of their invincible ignorance)”; and, before a cemetery of Muslims, “They are dupes (since the created Paradise will not satisfy them).”*²⁷ “O my God! You have created these creatures without their knowing it; You have charged them with the burden of faith (amâna)²^ when they did not desire it; if You do not help them now, who will help them?''^{[690] [691] [692]}

He prayed for Adam, “who sold the divine Presence for a mouthful (lu^ma)"^[693] That prayer, according to Bistâmï, meant more^[694]’ than praying for all mankind: “If God had pardoned me for all men, from the first to the last, I would not have been much impressed; but how astonishing that He should have bestowed upon me the pardon for a mouthful of clay!”^[695] “O my God! If you in Your prescience have foreseen that You will tor­ture one of Your creatures in Hell, stretch out my being to him, so that I alone may be in his place!”^[696] “What is that Hell? Surely I shall go among the damned on the Day of Judgment and say to You, ‘Take me as their ransom, or else I shall teach them that Your Paradise is but a child's play­thing!'”^{[697] [698]} “If I had to be deprived of meeting Him in Paradise, if only for an instant, I would make life unbearable to the elect of Paradise!”²³³ “The wise, in the next life,^[699] will be of two classes in their visit with God: those who will visit Him whenever and however much they want, and those who will visit Him only once. —Why?— When the wise see God for the first time, He will show them a market in which effigies of men and women are for sale; he (from among the elect) who enters this mar­ket will never return to visit God. Ah! God has tricked you, in this life, at the market, and, in the next, at the market; you are and ever shall be the market’s slave’"

BISTÂMÏ AND HALLÂJ

It became common among later mystics to compare these two?³⁷ The problems of the qâb qawsayn and the subhânï have already allowed us to see how they differed. A comparative review of their language will perfectly clarify the distinction between the authors of the subhânt and the and'l-Haqq.

Bistâmï teaches the superiority of fard to sunna, dhikr tofikr, and ^cibn to ma^crifa;²'ⁱⁿ Hallâj takes the opposite position?³⁹ Bistâmï, outlining Wâsitî’s theory fakhalluq bi astna Allah), makes mysticism’s goal the huztlz al- awliyâ,²⁴⁰ the “shares allotted” as each saint achieves union with one divine name (“al-zdhir,” “al-bdtinf etc.). Hallâj goes further and envisages ittisdf the transforming conformation of substance to substance?⁴’ On the prob­lem of the divine conversations, Bistâmï raises himself, through a series of intellectual efforts (partial, momentary, mental identifications), to the “ana huwa” (~ “1 am the ‘he’” of each phrase-“I have been invested with the right to preach logical identity”)?⁴¹ He never considers Hallaj’s anal- Haqqf⁴³ which reaches the permanent source of all of these transitory identities; Bistâmï says only “anta’l-Haqq, wa bi’l-Haqq nard,..,”²⁴⁴ which clarifies Ibn Adham’s well-known theme?⁴³ Bistâmï’s saying about the wise man who is “like the damned man in the fire, neither living nor dead,” attests to his unconsummated desire for union, as in Hallâj's couplet driduka;²⁴⁶ but Bistâmï’s proposition la hdl li’lAarif is corrected by Hallâj (Id waqt... )?⁴⁷ Bistâmï’s final mystical state, the/anS bi’l-tawhid, is a con­ceptual negative purgation, a suspension of the soul, which hovers immo­bile in the interval between the subject and object (both of these being equally annihilated). One is reminded of Patanjali?⁴* For Hallaj, on the

237.            Starting with Klhnl.

238.            ShaSSwi, Tab., I, 76.

239.            Passion, Fr 3:238-39, 129/Eng 3:225-26, 117.

240.            Sha^cr5w£, Tab., I, 76. But also, see SahhgL f. 49, 129.

241.            Passion, Fr 3 :18, 142/Eng 3:11, (30.

242.            Ibid., Fr 3:193/Eng 3:181.

243.            Ibid., index, s.v.

244.           Sahlagi, Nür, f. 137: “You are the Truth; through the Truth we see; through it we ob­serve (fahaqquq), the truth; You are the truth and what verifies the truth (muhatfiq)..." ^,f.., 1 am the Truth,” answers God, “and since, through Me, you are, now I am you and you are I... "

245.            Herein, ch. 5 n 72.

246.            Sha'ràwï, Tab., I, 76. Passion, Fr 3:128/Eng 3:116.

247.            Passion, Fr 3:79/Eng 3:69.

248.           Analogy, not borrowing; Bistâmï achieves it by the alternating usage of two parts of the shahada, negation and affirmation. Patanjali achieves the same thing by a completely different method (herein, p. 64). other hand, the desired Object has transmuted the subject: the magic cir­cie of the prohibitive statement of faith is broken?⁴⁹

Several of the definitions and parables^{[700] [701]} that Hallàj developed had been outlined by Bistâmî. We must not judge his outrages of style, which were the result of an unprecedented intellectual inebriation, with those of the later monists, whose cold cultivation of the same phraseology was bitterly ironic. Bistâmî became drunk to the point of delirium with tajrid,²'^[702] with the previously unexplored via remotionis; but he remained a rigorous, fer­vent, and perhaps humble ascetic?^[703]

To complete his portrait, here is an anecdote, obviously excessive?^[704] but useful nevertheless, as much for amateurs who see in mysticism a pleasur­able art as for the learned who think they can penetrate its language by consulting a library:

One day, an old, respectable, and zealous shaykh, who had been made to wonder by Bistlmi’s pronouncements, gathered his courage and asked what he could do to obtain the same favors. Bistâmî, imperturbable, ad­vised the stifled old apprentice mystic to follow this foolproof procedure: "Shave your head and beard, remove your clothes, wrap your ^caba around you, and hang a sack of nuts from your neck; then bring together some poor children and offer them a nut for each slap they give you; walk about with this group through all the markets, in full view of your friends and acquaintances.”

B. The Works of Tirmidhî^{[705] [706]}

Abu ^cAbdallah Muhammad ibn ^cAli ibn Husayn Tirmidhi (d. 285/ 898)?^ called al-Hakïm (the Philosopher), was above all a prolific and original writer, on hadîth as well as mysticism. He is the first Muslim mys­tic in whom there are traces of the infiltration of Hellenistic philosophy;²ⁱ⁶ in this he is a precursor of al-Farabl. But in Tirmidhi, philosophy is only an accessory; he seeks to take the exposition of traditional dogma attempted by Ibn Karrarn and recast it in the mold of a rational synthesis.²⁵⁷ Less fer­vent and wise than Muhâsibî, Tirmidhi was a Hanafite idealogue and a learned man, almost an esoterist, as diffuse in style as he was loquacious. He is a precious source because of his wealth of supporting documents.

LIST OF HIS WORKS

1.   Khâtam al-wilâya (also known as sïrat al~awliyâ^{2iS c}ibn al-awliyâ),^2S9 the “Seal of Sanctity? Cf. below, and Passion, Fr 3:173> 221/Eng 3:161, 209. Ibn ^cArabi made a long meditation on this, Tirmidhi's fundamental work, which he used often; the work seems, except for a list of chapters, to have been lost entirely.[707]

2.    ^cïlal al~^cubûdiyya (alias ^cIlal al-sharifa),²⁶⁰ “The Rational Grounds for Ca­nonical Rites.” Cf. below; and Cairo ms. VII, 177: f. 148-212^

3.    Al-aky3s^26t wa’l-mughtarrin, “The Wise and the Deluded? a book of ex­amples of the different types of psychological illusions peculiar to be­lievers, classified according to the canonical act and the trade of the believer. Damascus manuscript Zah, tas 104, sec. I.

4.    Riyâdat al-nafs (vulgo Riyâda), “Mortification of the Flesh." Important manual of asceticism. Damascus ms. Zah. tas 104, sec. V.

4 bis. Al-riyâda ft ta^calluq al-amr bi’l-khalq, ms. ^cAshir 1479, sec. VIII, and Paris 5018, sec. VI (~Al-haqîqa al-adamiyya), edited by ^cAbdalmuhsin Husayni, Alexandria, 1946 (60 pp.).

These are the fundamental ascetic/mystical works. The others works are:

5.    JawSb kitâb [^cUthmân ibn Sa^cid] tnin Rayy, Damascus ms. 104, sec. n.

6.    Bayân al-kasb, Damascus ms. 104, sec. III.

7.    Masd^il, Damascus ms. 104, sec. IV.

8.    Adab al-mundin, lost (cited in Hujwiri, Kashf 338).

On dogmatic theology:

9.     Kitab al-tawhid, lost (cited in Hujwïri, Kashf, 141 ).

10.    ^cAdhab al-qabr; lost (cited in Hujwïri, Kashf, 141).

11.    Dun maknûn fï as^ilat mâ kân u>a mâ yakün, Leipzig ms. 212.

The hadîth he compiled are gathered in several books :

12.    Nawâdir al-usülf⁶² Kôpr. ms. 464-65, Yeni Jâmi^c 302, Madrid 468 (v. I).

13.    Kitab alfuruq, ms. Aya Sufiya 1975 [and two other mss., see Recueil, p.37].

14.    Kitab al-nahj, lost (cited in Hujwïri, Kashf 141),

15.    Tqfsîr (unfinished Quranic commentary), lost (cited in Hujwïri, Kaslf p.141).

Finally, he is the author of the first collection of biographies of the Muslim saints:

16.    Ta^rikh al-mashâ^ikh (var. Tabaqât al-sûfiyya);²⁶³ lost (cited Hujwïri, Kashf, 46).

Add to this list the Adab al-^câlim wa^>l~muta^callim, ed. M. Z. Kawthari, Cairo, 1358, and some other works preserved in manuscript, which are listed as nos. 17-30, in an addendum to the preceding list, in Recueil, p. 37.

Analysis af the ^cIlal al-^cubudiyya. It is a series of critical notes on the canonical rituals. Tirmidhî attempts to discern the rational motive for insti­tuting each ritual, as much to respond to the Qarmathians' philosophical objections as to present a synthesis satisfactory to the mind. After the dïbâja, there are twelve notes on the purifications preceding canonical prayer, siwâk, khalS, wudü^c (6-7, 9—12), ghusl al-janaba; then forty-four historico- liturgical notes on the salât itself/⁶⁴ an effort to rind a plausible answer to the following questions: Why the takbtr? To teach humility. And the tahi- ydt? According to Hasan, it is the islamization of a pagan rite. Why is the number of rak^cas not the same²⁶' in the last rive prayers? What is the ety­mology of the word salat? (according to ^cIkrima, it is “to tie” [man] to God); and of the Persian word namâj [= namâz]? (it comes from Natntj, the “Syriac" name of the first angel who obeyed and prostrated himself before Adam). In conclusion there are eight articles on ascetic psychology: the various dispositions (manàzil) of hearts during prayer, temptation, the three species of hearts, the heart as the house of God, the five defects to avoid

262,           Extracts, ap, Ibn al-Dabbigh, îbrïz; and NabhSni (Muhammad'. on his preexistence). The Nawâdir al-uiûl prove the authenticity of his Khâfam al-awliyâ, ed, Ibn^£Arabi (Futühât, II, 44”ⁱ54. cf. p-454).

2ÔJ. A rather credulous work, as to legends, since it classifies Abu Hanifa among rhe mystics.

264. Comp, Falttn al-salât, a short work by Muhâsibl.

263.     A typical Q arma thia n objection (Farq, 293); cf *A. M. Kindï, Rtsâfe, to. while praying, how the self-denial of the fast raises the four veils of the heart, the heart’s three foods and four graces, and the internal directives that allow proper performance of prayers: fard, sunna, or tatawunf.

Table of the chapters of the Khâtam al-wilâya. This curious book explains, in 160 articles, the principal ecstatic statements (shathiydt), be they derived from the Qur’an or not, that were put into circulation during the first two centuries of the Hijra?⁶⁶ Thanks to îbn ^cArabi, we possess the table of contents : [708]

§§1. The number of stations (manâzil) of the saints.

—           2. Where are the stations of the ahi al-qurba. ~~ 3. Their meetings, be­hind this veil.—4. Their limitations. — 5. Where is the stage (maqarn) of the Ahl al-majalis wa’l-hadith. — 6. How numerous are they. — 7. What made their Master bestow that maqarn upon them.--8. What are their conversation (hadïth) and intimate encounter with God. — 9. How they begin their munajSh. —10. How they end them. — n. What are His re­sponse to them and their response to Him. — 12. How to describe their conduct. — 13. Who has the right to the “Seal of the Saints,” as Muham­mad had the right to the Seal of Prophecy. — 14. What is the quality of having this right. — 15. What is the cause of this seal and what is its mean­ing. — 16. How many meetings are there for the Angel of the Realm (ma- lak al-mulk). — 17. Where is the stage of the apostles in relation to that of the prophets. — 18. Where is the stage of the prophets in relation to that of the saints. — 19. What constitutes the special dowry of happiness (hazz) re­ceived by each apostle from his Master [20-23].

—           24. What is the origin of the names. — 25. [What is the origin] of the revelation (wahy). — 26. Of the spirit (riih). — 27, Of saktna. — 28. What is justice. — 29. What is the superiority of certain prophets (and saints) to oth­ers. — 30. God made the creation in darkness (zulma). — 32. How to de­scribe the maqâdtr. — 33. What is the cause of this science of qadar that was revealed to the prophets. — 34. Why it was revealed. — 35. When it (the secret of qadar) was revealed. — 39. What is this Supreme Intellect (al-^cAql al-Akbar) from which were parceled out the intellects of all His crea­tures. — 40. How to describe Adam. — 51. Where are the treasures of grace [mtmm]. — 52. Where are the treasures of the energy of souls. — S3 - How they reach the prophets. — 54. Where are the treasures of those among the saints who converse with God (muhaddithtn). — 5$.What is their hadïth.

—    56. What is revelation (wahy), — 57.The difference between the muhaddi- thin and the prophets. — 59. Where are most of the saints. — 64. What is the “word” fkalam]addressed by God to the muwahhidtn. — 65. What is His word to the apostles. — 66-71. What are the dowries of the prophets in the vision they have of God; what are the dowries of the muhaddtthïn; of the other saints; and of ordinary men. For among their dowries (Auzuz) on the Day of the Visit (yawm al~ziyâra) there is a distinction, and no good news can de­scribe it. And just as in Paradise there are degrees, so for them, on the Day of the Visit, there are degrees. — 75. How much Muhammad's dowry differs from those of the other prophets. — 82. How many parts of prophecy there are. — 84. How many parts of the siddiqiyya. — 87. What the Truth demands of the muwahhidïn. — 88. What is the Truth (al-Haqq). — 89. Who made it ap­pear. — 90. What is its action on creation. — 91. Who is its delegate. — 92. What is the fruit of it. — 93. Who is a “verifier” (muhiqq), — 94. What is the place of him who is one. — 95. What is the saklna of the saints. — 96. What is the dowry of the believers. — 97. What is their dowry, "All things perish, ex­cept His face.” —98. Why does one say "face,” in particular. — 100. What is "Amen.” — xot. What is the sujud. — 102. How did it start. —103-107. What is His statement, "The glory is My turban, the grandeur is My man­tle.” What are the turban, the mantle, pride. — 108. What is the "crown” of the Realm. — 109. What is “dignity” (waqàr). — no. How to describe the "assemblies (majalis) of veneration.” — 111. And the “Realm of the graces.”

—    112. And the "Realm of Light.” — 113. And the "Realm of divine Sanc­tity.” — 114. What is divine Sanctity. — 115. What are the scintillations of the face (subuhat al-wajh). — 116. What is the drink of love. — 117. What is the chalice of love. — 118. Where is it. — 119. What is “Drinking His love for you so deeply that He inebriates you with love for Him.” — 120. What is the embrace (qabda). — X23. How many looks God casts upon his saints every day; and what He looks at in them. — 124. What He looks at in the prophets, how many He receives in His intimacy every day. — 125. What is “to be with” (ma^ciyya) for God, for he “is with” His creation. — 126. What are his offiya. Prophets and intimates (khdssa), ~~ 127. How they differ.

—    128. What is the dhikr of God; surely the dhikrof God is supreme. — 129. “Udhkurîlnï adhkurukum” — 130. What the Name means. — 131. What is the Name, upon which the (created) names are conditional. — 132. What is the Name that is hidden from all creation, but not from His intimates.

—    133-134. How Solomons friend received it and revealed it to Solomon, the apostle of apostles; and why. — 135. Did he leam the letters of this Name or its meaning. — 136. Where is the door that gives access to this Name; where is it hidden from all creation. — 137. What is its vestment (kiswa). — 138. What are the consonants in the alphabet. — 139. The isolated consonants (of the Qur’an) are the key to every one of the (divine) names;

197 where are the names, where are their consonants. ~~ 140. How alif became the first letter. — 141. And lam-atif the last. — 142. The count that stopped the number of letters at 28. — 143. What is the meaning of "God made Adam in His own image.'’— 144. And of “Add twelve prophets from my nation.” — 145. What Moses’ cry, “Lord, make me belong to the nation of Muhammad!” signifies. —146. And “God has worshipers other than the prophets, and whose bliss the prophets envy, for they are close to God alone.” —147. And the basmala. — 148. And “Peace be with you, O Prophet!” — 149. And “Peace be upon us and upon the pious worshipers of God” — 150. And “The people of my family are the safeguard (aman) of my nation.” — 151. What is the “family of Muhammad” (al Muhammad). — i52, Where are the treasures of the Proof, in the treasures of the Work, in the treasures of the knowledge of divine autonomy (tadblr). — 153. Where are the treasures of the knowledge of God in the knowledge of creation (bad³). — 154. What is the “mother of the Book” (Umm al-kitab) that He reserved for our Prophet among all the prophets, and for our nation. — 155. What is the pardon (maghjira) bestowed upon our Prophet, and previously an­nounced to all others.

Remarks: art. 13-15: cf. Passion, Fr 3:221/Eng 3:209. Ibn ^cArabi (^cAnqd mughrib, Cairo ms., f. 4a) gives an extract of this section: “The seal of the saints is superior (qfdal) to Abu Bakr; he is Jesus; he is at once a prophet ab intra, and a saint ad extra ! For his heart works in two ways: he receives ab in­tra the divine inspiration (ilhâm), and he impresses upon his limbs (ad extra) the commandment (amr) of God.” — 18. Therefore it is said, “starting point of the saints, end point of the prophets” (Simnânî, in Jami, 509; Mursi in­terprets the phrase falsely, according to Sha^crâwï, Tabaqât, II). — 19. Passion, Fr 3:210/3:198, and herein, text at ch. 5 n 81. — 20-23, Headings skipped in my copy. — 32. Cf. Passion, Fr 3:135/Eng 3 :123. — 39. Cf. Tustari, in Pas­sion, Fr 3:301 /Eng 3:283.-40. Cf. Passion Fr 3:1i5-t6/Eng 3:104. — 55. Cf. Passion, Fr 3:156/Eng 3:143. — 66-71. A theme treated by Ibn Adham, Muhasibi, and Bistami (Passion, Fr 3:178-79/Eng 3:166-67; herein, index, s.v.). According to the Hilya, Tirmidhi explains [Remei'/, p. 36], “God has chosen the muwahhidtn so that they may glorify Him on the day of the Jam^c Akbar, in His court, before His Angels. In the nature of Adam and his de­scendants was manifest a seed of Love, while in the nature of the Angels was manifest the divine Omnipotence. Because of His love for the Adamites, God will rejoice in their conversation and say, in this Jam^c, ‘O troop of My angels, your splendors issue from yourselves, for you were created from light; but the splendors of men come from their covetous souls, while demons encircle them in the vilest dwelling-place. 1 made them from earth. That is why they now deserve My dwelling-place, and nearness to Me/” Which is an attenuation. — 75. Cf. Passion, Fr 3:2io/Eng 3:198. — 88. Cf. Passion, Fr 3:88/Eng 3:77-78. — 93. On tnuhiqq, see Hallâj (Akhb. 44 [50]) and Ibn^cAtâ (Baqlî, II, 587). — 119. The saying is Misri’s (Sarrâj, Masàrf, 180). — 123.Cf. Hallâj, Riw., 28. —129.Cf. IbnHyad (herein, ch.3, sec.j.B.). — 131. The “Name” is the ism a^czam (Passion, Fr. 3:no/Eng 3:99; and herein, ch. 2, sec. 2. B. — 138. ff. Cf. Passion, Fr. 3HO9/Eng 3:98.— 145. Cf. Sahlagï, Nür, f. 37. — 146. It is the hadith al-ghibta (Passion, Fr 3:218/ Eng 3:206). — 147, Cf. Hallâj (Passion, Fr 3; 52/Eng 3:44). — 151. Cf. anti­Shiite exegesis of the qurbâ (Qur^ân) according to Hasan, herein, ch. 4, text at n 272.

HIS DOCTRINE

Tirmidhi is a theoretician. He proceeds methodically through the in­ventory of inner mystical experiences, “simply savoring” them in his inner­most self, and then classifying them. With his balanced, logical mind, he succeeds in freeing the design of his principal works from servitude to is- nad. But he attaches too much importance to the letter of definitions. He tends to confuse concepts with their verbal presentation; he is the first Sunni mystic to be inclined towards a kabbala of the letters of scripture.^[709] Compared to Muhâsibï, Tirmidhi is less humble and wise, more professorial, better arranged. He is a Hanafite deeply influenced by Ibn Karrâm/^[710] whose doctrine he tries to rework, taking objections into account; Tir­midhi makes great efforts to identify ma^crifa with ^îmân,^{[711] [712] [713]} and to reduce the notion of rüh to that of His doctrine that reason, ^caql, has been cut into pieces and divided among the believers alone/⁷* prepares the way for Tustari’s philosophico-gnostic compromise?^{[714] [715]} Tirmidhi, reacting against MurjPism, reintroduces the notion of kasb.^Z7i

In mystical psychology, he gives an excellent presentation of the “sci­ence of hearts”;^{[716] [717]} he distinguishes sadr from qalb,^m explicitly observing that qalb (heart) designates both the organ regulating thought and the piece of visceral flesh?⁷⁶ He also defines degrees of sanctity?⁷⁷ especially from the point of view of intellectual illumination/⁷⁸ without the intervention either of ecstasy (tawâjud) to transfigure^i7y the body or of love to trans­form the will. Tirmidhfs angelology is highly developed and approaches spiritualism; he claims to be in constant contact with spirits both good (Khidr) and bad (Khannas)?⁸⁰ According to him, the angels drink canoni­cal prayer, with their lips to the lips of the one who is praying?⁸¹

Through his direct disciple Abü Bakr Muhammad Warrâq, Tirmidhi influenced the Malâmatiyya mystical school. But it was his books that had the greater effect, first on Ibn ^cArabî, whose precursor he was; then on Bahâ al-Din Naqshband, the founder of the Naqshbandiyya order?⁸¹

4.    Sahl Tustarï and the Salimiyya School

I have examined Tustarï's life elsewhere. Here I shall summarize his doctrine¹⁸³ and that of his disciples, the Salimiyya, and give the text of the sixteen Sâlimiyyan propositions condemned by the Hanbalites.

Through his teacher Ibn Sawwâr, Tustarï is the disciple of Thawri, of the philologist Abu ^cAmr ibn al-^cAla, of strict Sunni traditionists; and of two mystics, Malik ibn Dinar and Ma^crüf ibn ^cAli?⁸⁴ He is hostile to the mutakallimûn, and he uses a special type of dialectical argumentation (radd ai-far^c He has a tendency to confuse what is evident to reason

with the light of faith; "renunciation (tawakkul) is deduced from certainty ma^crifa is the Jikra of the tntthâq; the role of reason is to

recognize what is allowed under the sacred law. "The proof of tawhïd is the very affirmation we make (al-jazm dalïl) I have pointed out his psy­chological theories of the three and the three tawaffi;¹⁸⁷ his intense

276.           Ms. Damascus 104, f. 300: "had^cat min lahmfl jawfUta''— the ntudgha jaufâitiyya of Hallâj (Bustâiï, sec. 15),

277.            Letter to^cUthmin of Rayy.

278.            The lights of (anwffr) that are the antidote for poisoned hearts (ms. Damascus 104, f. 390).

279.            His theory of the destructive tajalli (ms. Damascus 104, f. 402) is a forerunner of the Sâli­miyyan theory (herein, ch. 4, sec. 4, thesis iv, and see longer text, Rerweif, p, 40). This preterition of ecstasy is one of the distinctive traits of the Malâmatiyya.

280.            On Khannâs, cf. Chauvin, Bibliographie, VIII (Syntipas), sec. iji, 176. ^cAttir, II, 96-97.

281.            ^clial, f. 148b.

282.            Jâmî, 132.

283.           From the following sources: (a) his Tafsu, printed Cairo, 1326, 204 pp. (ed. NaSâni); (b) two apologetic works of Abü’l-Qisim Saqailï (about 390/999): Shark tea bayân HmS ashkakt min kalâtn Salt/ and Mu^càrada um radd, both preserved ap. ms. Kopr. 727. For Saqaliis sifat al-awliyii, see Ibn ^cAta Allah, Hikam, 78, 163.

284.            Passion, Fr 1 ; 110 if. / Er. g 1:6y if

285.            Cf. Passion, Fr 3:96/Eng 3:85.

286.           [Reruei/, p. 42 (and all fragments of the Mu^Srada on pp. 41-42).) Saqalll, Mu^carada; cf. Pas­sim», Fr 1:366/37/Eng 1:290.

287.            Passion, Fr 3 :26-27/Eng 3 ^{: J}9-

spiritualism leads him to say that man positively “lives" on faith. Like Ibn Karrâm, he affirms, against the common doctrine, the souls personal sur­vival after death,¹⁸⁸ though the Hellenistic theory of impersonal survival (^caql) might have tempted him.¹⁸⁹ His theory of the four elements is the same as Tirmidhi’s,^{[718] [719] [720]} and he applies it to the soul.

In theodicy, Tustari affirms the fullness of divine reality, against the Mu^ctazilï restrictions [Recueil, p.42]:

Wahdâniyya,*^[721] fundamentally, means that God is, before everything can be. He is alone (fard) and knowing, He has willed, determined, balanced ,.. rewarded, and punished; acts are attributed to men, but He possesses their origin and end (latnam); the guilty do not defeat Him by sinning, and the just do not obey without recourse to Him. All things are, through His knowledge and power; they are not this knowledge and power, to be sure, but they exist by means of them both.

Tustari tends to allow only for a virtual distinction between the various divine attributes, and to catch a glimpse^{[722] [723]} of them in every created thing, viewed at a certain angle. In cosmogony, he tries to stay at an equal dis­tance from Qadarism and MurjPism; he admirably explains that God’s grace intervenes not only at the moment of the act but also before and af­ter (i$tita^ca qabl, ma^c, ba^cd al-ji^cl).^Z9i He links the two questions of iktisâb and tajdil al-faqr.^{[724] [725]} In eschatology, he affirms the necessity under sacred law of continuous contrition, tawta, but he understands this term to signify the mind’s “return" to awareness of the divine presence, thanks to the act of faith, of which he makes a fine analysis.¹⁹⁵ For him faith, includes the entire religious position of the believer. Faith's essence is divine; it is an uncreated, evident Certainty, yaqin, which is God Himself.^[726] Tus­tari also accepts that at the Judgment all creatures will receive the vision of God, the ru³ya; even Satan, who will be forgiven.^{[727] [728]} Tustarfs theory of ta- jallï¹⁹⁶ and the anwâr (illuminations) is the work of an intellectualise. In politics, he admits that the prophetic mission is an emanation of the pri­mordial “column of light," particles of which are found in the hearts of the believers. (He has made a compromise between the Hellenistic ^caql akbar and Imâmï gnosticism.)^[729] Tustarî hesitates, but he still seems to differenti­ate saints from prophets.^[730] He is very firm for the obedience owed to the government of the caliphs^[731] and for the unity of the Community.^[732] His theory of the four senses of the Qur’an is important.^[733]

Various suggestions from Tustarî were developed by Hall5j;^[734]°⁴ notably on the basmala and the ghayba bfl-tnadhkür.^[735] The Sâlimiyya, however, were led towards monism by their own distortions of other suggestions he had made:^[736] sirr al-rubübiyya, sirr al-“ana³”.

Ibn Salim of Basra, the founder of this important mystical school and a Malikite in jurisprudence, wanted simply to be the editor of the “thousand questions" asked of Tustarî, his master.^[737] But Ibn Salim seems to have em­phasized, and even to have exaggerated, some of the bolder features of Tustari's doctrine. For two centuries, the school was engaged in copious theological and literary activity, and it can claim to have produced works as valuable as Abu Tâlib Makkî's (d. 390) Qiït al-qulüb and Ibn Barrajan’s (d. 536) Tafcïr. It finally disappeared, under the pressure of the condemna­tions incurred.

Here is a list, adapted from an account in the Mu^ctamad of Abu Ya^cla ibn al-Farrâ (d. 458),^[738] of the sixteen Salimiyyan propositions condemned by the Hanbalites (Kilânï reproduces ten of them in his Ghunya)^[739] (Re­cued, pp. 39-40]:

i.     God does not cease, in His essence, to contemplate^[740] the universe, whether the universe exists or not.^[741]'¹

ii.    God grasps by one attribute alone^[742] what He grasps by all of His attributes.

iii.    God will be seen, on the Day of Judgment, in the form of a Muham- madiyyan man. (Even the infidels will see him in the next life, and He will summon them to be judged.)^[743]

iv.     God will irradiate³'^[744] on that day on all His creatures: jinn and human beings, angels and animals; and each one, recognizing Him, will acqui­esce to His signification.

v.      The divine omnipotence^{[745] s} has a secret (sirr)~~if it were discovered, prophecy would become worthless; prophecy has a secret— if it were discovered, knowledge of the QuCân would become worthless; and knowledge has a secret — if it were discovered, the judgments of the doctors of the law would become worthless.³’^[746]

vi.     Satan prostrated himself (before Adam) at the second divine command.

vii.    Satan never entered Paradise.³’^[747]

viii.    God never ceases creating.^[748]’*

ix.       A work (Jî^c/) is a created thing, but the act that creates it is uncreated.³'^[749]

x.     This was the punishment for the vainglory Moses had conceived after his conversation with God (mukâlama): upon asking to see Him (rw°yd), he suddenly perceived a hundred identical Sinais, and a Moses on each one.^[750]

xi.    Divine decision (irfida) is a created thing.^[751]* ‘

xii.    Divine decision concerning the errors of creatures foresees those faults in them (bihim) (as involuntary defects), but not as coming from them (IS minhum}^[752] (— voluntary).

xiii.    The Prophet knew the whole Qur’an by heart before Gabriel came to recite it to him.^[753]

xiv.    God speaks, and it is He that we hear speak through the tongue of each reader of the Qur’an?^{[754] [755] [756]}

XV. God has one will (iitashïty, as He has but one (uncreated) knowledge (^ciltn).^32$ And, in conjunction with every decided thing (murâd), He has a (created) decision (irâda).^î26

xvi. God is present in every place (fï kuU makdn);^[757] there is no difference, from this point of view, between the Throne and other places.

The SSlimiyya suffered ridiculous invective of a very vulgar tone against their '‘anthropomorphism,” but they inspired respect, as much for their high piety as for their intellectual activity, in many adversaries. Ibn al-Farrîï, in a paragraph in which he condemns them, expresses his admiration for Abu Tâlib Makki; and we know of the latter’s influence on the second stage of Ghazâll’s life.

5.   Kharrâz and Junayd

A. The Doctrine of Kharraz

Kharraz, like Junayd, updated the vast syntheses^[758] of Tustari and Tir- midhi in a spirit better conforming to the demands of Sunni orthodoxy, correcting an excessive resemblance, in some respects, to Imâmï gnosti­cism and Hellenistic philosophy.

Abü Sa^cid Ahmad ibn ^cIsâ Kharrâz Baghdadi^[759] (d. 289/899 in Cairo)^[760] was an independent author without any personal affiliation to Sufism but much influenced by the Sufis of Kufa and Baghdad. He was also an ad­mirer of Abu Hashim and a disciple of Ibrahim ibn al-junayd, whose fa­vorite hadith he loved to recite: "He who macerates his flesh sees his sins fall away, as a tree sees its falling leaves.”^[761] He was a friend ofJunayd and Ibn^cAta.

When his major work, the Kitab al-sirr, was condemned in Baghdad, Kharrâz was exiled to Bukhara, The book is lost, except for one quota­tion.^[762] His Kitab al-sidq and which are extant,^[763] are simple col­lections of traditions (with isnâd) on asceticism.^[764] But numerous isolated fragments attest to a precise mystical doctrine, of which we can reconsti­tute an outline :

In theodicy, he limits himself to defining the divine Essence ‘‘as that alone which has two opposite attributes (diddayn) simultaneously,”³³³ a trait Hallâj preserves in his ^caqtda but criticizes as insufficient in his Bus tan.^{[765] [766]}

In mystical psychology, Kharrâz affirms against Tirmidhi the distinction between ^caql and rüh,^[767] and reacts strongly against the master’s intellec- tualist idealism.^[768] Even more than Tustarî, Kharrâz underscores the actual possibility for the soul of mystical union, realized a parte post. In the pro­cess, he introduces several characteristic terms, which will become classical models. The “science of annihilation (fand) and perpetuation (baqa)” con­sists of “annihilating oneself in God, in order to survive in Him.”^[769] Ascetic mortification must end in a positive, personal transfiguration of the soul by grace.^[770] Kharrâz defines this final state as ^cayn al-jam^c, “essential union,” of substance and substance.^[771] His doctrine of sanctification is riper and fuller than Bist ami’s. “As for the believer who has penetrated the anagogic sense^[772] of acts God gives him, and who persists in praising God above all else ~ God sanctifies his soul?’ As corollaries of this statement, Kharrâz sketches two Hallâjian theses: the failure of Satan, for "having strained to please God” (idlâl),^[773] and the salât ^cala^fl-Nabt’s inoperativeness for ad­vancement along the mystical path: "Forgive me, but loving God makes me forget to love you,”^{[774] [775]} he said to Muhammad, because mystical union bypasses the Prophet.³⁴³

Kharrâz is not without faults. Imitating Tirmidhi, he descends into jafr.^[776] Following Misri, he demonstrates some indulgence in the satnâ^c, mental inebriation, the cult of ecstasy for its own sake, which is the source of the sensual nuance that somewhat obscures the sentiment in this lovely fragment?^{[777] [778]}

Happy the man who has drunk from die cup of His love, who has savored ec­static conversation with the glorious Lord, who has approached Him through the joys found in loving Him. His heart is filled with delight, he flies to God with happiness, he aspires to Him with desire. Ah what a trance of regret the Lord makes him savor! What servitude! What languor for the man who has no fellow traveler but the Lord, no intimate but Him!

But Kharrâz explicitly rejects the dangerous deviations of the samâ^c.^34ÿ

B. The Works and Role of Junayd^[779]

Junayd’s doctrine is an even more severe and circumspect revision of the systems previously proposed than Kharrâz’s. I give only a list of his works and a summary of his doctrine.

1.    Dawâ al-arwâh, Cairo ms. (3 folios) — ms. Shahid^cAlï Pâshâ 1374, sec. IX. Compare with the title of his Dawâ al-tafnt, mentioned by Sulami (Taf- sir, on Qur. 8:24).

2.    Risâla ilâ Yusuf ibn Husayn Râzi, ms. S.A. 1374, sec. I.

3.    Risâla ila ba^cd ikhwâtiihi, id., sec. II.

4.    Risâla ila Yahya ibn Mu^câdh Râzi (d.258), id., sec. HI. This famous letter is mentioned by Sarrâj (Luma^c 358) in the following century. Whether the purported recipient could in fact have received it is a matter of chronological dispute.

5.    Risâla ila ba^cd ikhwânihi, id., sec. IV.

6.     Risâla ilâ ^cAmr Makkî, id., sec. V (9 double folios).

7.     Risâla (no. II) ilâ Yüsuf Râzi, id., sec.VÏ.

8.     Risâla fï'1-sukr, id., sec. VII.

9.     Fasljï’l-ifâqa, id., sec. VIII.

ïo. Kitâb al-fânâ, id,, sec. X.

11.    Kitâb al~mïthâq, id., sec. XL

12.    Kitâb JVlAulühiyya, id., sec. XII.

13.    Kitâb al-farq bayn al-ikhlâs wa’l-sidq, id., sec. XIII,

14.    Kitâb al-tawhïd, id., sec. XIV.

15.    VI tnasâfl (cf. his Masâ^il al-shâmiyïn, cited by Qush.), id., sec. XV.

16.    Adab al-muftaqir ila Allah, id., XXVI.

17.    Sharh shatahât Abt Yazid (Ibn Farrukhân Düri's recension), extracts in Sarrâj, Luma^c 380-82, 385, 386, 387, 387-89 (cf. 347).^,s°

18.    Tashïh al-irâda; lost; cited by Hujwïrî, Kashf 338.

HIS DOCTPINE

I must make a fundamental correction of what was said on this subject in my preceding work.³⁵’ Prolonged scrutiny has made me recognize that

terminology), maintained intact Ma^crüf’$ double vocation: “to take on oneself all the sorrows of the world" (Hilya, X, 118), and to be one of the ten “true servants of God/' after a triple decima­tion (of io,oqo called, 9,000 preferred the world; of 1000, 900 preferred Paradise; of too, 90 re­treated before Hell). Expiation of Adam’s original sin of the hupna, by proposing that he himself should suffer this divine burden, which the strongest mountains could not bear. Here the exegesis of Qur. 33:72 that HallSj would later employ is recognizable. In Egypt there have been descen­dants of Sari (/fldi Pasha MubSrak, XII, j) at Girga. On Sari, cf. also Khatib, IX, 187--92; and Hurayfish, Raud, 196, 197, 206, 232. A maqUm to Junayd exists at Gouraya (near Cherchcll [Alge­ria]), beneath a masjR dedicated to Ibr. Khawwâs (photo in Essai supplied by Dermenghem).

350.            According to Sahlagi (Niir, f. 114),Junayd chimed to have made the Arabic translation of these texts, which had come down to him in Persian through Bistâmî’s nephew, Abû Müsiî Ba ibn Adam.

3$i. Passion, 1st ed.₍ pp. 37-38, 401 [and 2nd ed., Fr 2;io8/Eng 2:iOï]. I had attributed too much importance to Khuldl's tales [cf. ch. $ n 36$].

Junayd’s doctrine is much nearer to Hallâj s than I had thought. I hesitated for a long time because of Junayd’s great reserve on decisive points; also, it was repugnant to me to see in that reserve any dissemblance, or to make Junayd the author of two simultaneous, contradictory teachings, the first exoteric and the second esoteric. In reality we must take the just measure first of the personal temperament of this cautious, shy savant, who was conscious of the dangers of heterodoxy peculiar to mysticism; and then of the proven wisdom of a spiritual director who would suspend judgment, leaving questions open, as long as he thought the experimental results were not decisive, crucial.

Junayd was orthodox, and found fault with Muhâsibî for using kalam,^3il As for Hallâj, on the other hand, if he reasoned like the mutakallimün in certain ways, he did so only in order to show that their dialectic was in­conclusive.^35J Junayd criticized the mental attitude of those who attribute a permanent objective reality to the ahwâl (states of mystical conscious­ness);³⁵⁴ though Hallâj is in some respects vulnerable to this criticism, all of his works finally show that he adopted Junayd’s doctrine.³⁵⁵ Junayd affirmed the preeminence of ^cilm over mcfrifa, and of tahrim over ibaha;³⁵⁶ he meant only the provisional precedence, acknowledged by Hallâj, of a precept (for the group) over advice (only for certain individuals).³⁵⁷

Junayd was the first author to embrace the problem of mystical union in all its fullness and to explain it correctly; he found the exact threshold of the operation of transcendence, the night of the will³⁵⁸ whose anguish Bistami had foreseen and whose trial Hallâj would undergo. Junayd did not push the experiment as far as they: he presented its conditions and al­lowed his listeners to draw their own conclusions from personal experi­ence. When the case of Hallâj came up, Junayd’s school split between Jurayri, a partisan of the obvious intellectual solution,³⁵⁹ in which it is ob­served that God is the supereminent “I” of any sentence spoken by any

352.            Psusinu, Fr 3:62/Eng 3:53-

353.            Passion, Fr 3:141-42, 359/Eng 3:128-29, 341-42.

354.            Ibid., Fr 1:167/Eng i : 125-26.

355.            Ibid., Fr 3:48 n 5/Eng 3:40 n 106.

356.           Ibid., Fr 3:239, 70/Eng 3:225, 6l. Cf. the bitter quotation from Junayd, refuted by Ibn al-Qayyim in his Ftirâdâl-. 'Tf children are the punishment reserved for permitted desire, what will be the punishment for that which is forbidden?” This statement is attributed to Ibn Fürak (Huart, Lit. arabe, 224),

357.            Passion, Fr 3:201, 228/Eng 3:189, 216,

358.           “Let the servant, with respect to God, be like a marionette (shabah)... let him come back, at the end, to his point of departure, and let him be as he was before he was given exis­tence” (ap. Qush., 177; Sha^cr3wl, Tat., I, 84; taken up by KdSnI, Balya, 79).

359.           Which satisfied the monists, and led them to esoterism; jurayri, who would have liked BistSmt to confess, of God, “I am you,” was the first to declare that HallSj had to be executed (Passion, Fr 1:575~76/Eng 1:528-29; herein, text at n 192), man?⁶⁰ and Ibn ^cAtâ, who accepted the possibility of a transcendent inter­vention by grace, filtered through the chosen personality of a saint?⁶'

Like Hallâj, Junayd meditated on the primordial Covenant and con­ceived it as a declaration, made in our name in advance, of love for God?⁶² Therefore, he taught, in order to rediscover this pure word of acquiescence to God’s will in ourselves, we must progressively and implacably cleanse our entire being, achieving abandonment of the memory, intelligence, and will. The purpose is to reach the fana btl~Madhkür,ⁱ⁶ⁱ “annihilation in Him of Whom we are thinking.” Junayd rejected the second of Kharraz’s pair of terms, fanâ-baqâ, as inadequate; he was right to judge that there was no logical symmetry between the state of consumption that the creature can obtain and the state of transfiguration in which the Creator can immortal­ize him. Thirdly, Junayd tried to define what this final state might be. It is the “return to our origin (biday a)," to the idea that God formed as a model for us in the Covenant?⁶⁴ Therefore, I came to think Junayd was teaching that the person of the mystic could be reduced to a divine idea, a mere, ir­realizable virtuality. I was mistaken. He explains that the phrase, “return to our origin,” indicates access to the Creator's life itself?⁶⁵ “The living being is he who bases his life so completely on the life of his Creator, not on the survival of his corporeal form (haykal), that the reality of his life is his death, which is the way to the level of primordial Life (hayât asliyya)”*⁶⁶ How can we characterize this new life? Junayd, after studying Bistâmï, ob­serves that his experiment is incomplete?⁶⁷ instead love must achieve, “through a permutation with the qualities of the lover, a penetration of the qualities of the Beloved.”*⁶* That is the final hypothesis.

It is now apparent that Junayd made a complete theoretical outline of Hallâj’s doctrine. The Dau’d al-arwah¹⁶⁹ shows that some men, through the grace of loving preference of divine providence, are invested with the very ^{[780] [781] [782] [783] [784] [785] [786] [787] [788] [789]} secret of revelation itself and are allowed an experimental taste of the prophetic vocation's successive stages. In this short work, Junayd con­structed the first “dynamic synthesis of the Qur'an” conceived as a “man­ual of ascension towards God,” which is precisely the theme of the Najm idhâ hawd of Hallâj.

Junayd, correcting Tustan, also presents the Hallajian theme of the Ta Stn al-Azal,^{[790] [791] [792]} describing a vision of Satan that he has obtained after fifteen years of prayers to God. He claims to have asked, “Why did you not bow down before Adam?” “Zeal in love stopped me from bowing down be­fore anyone but God,” (Horrified, Junayd heard an inner voice say, “Tell him ‘You lie I If you had been a true servant, you would not have trans­gressed against His command.’”)³⁷'

Ibn ^cAtas critiques. Another cause of my hesitation to affirm the kinship of Junayd’s and Hallâj’s formulas, in spite of their relationship as teacher and student, was the existence of critiques made by Ibn ^cAtâ, Hallâj’s friend, against several points of Junayd’s teachings. A reexamination has shown that these critiques are rectifications rather than true divergences: a reduction (from eight to four) of the number of major prophets to be imitated;³⁷* and the soul’s fuller and more loving embrace of all of God’s will,^[793] no matter how awful it may seem. Ibn ^cAtâ clarifies Junayd’s idea of “the primordial life”:^{[794] [795] [796]} “According to the divine science, God revives him who is ‘living’ and communicates with him through (direct) vision, understanding, hearing and saldm!’^m Ibn ^cAtâ also makes formulations more explicit than Junayd’s of Hallâj’s theses on replacing the hajj^i7& and on the Real that is “beyond reality.”^[797]

6.    Hallâj’s Synthesis and Later Interpretations

The preceding monographs show how much the presentation of doc­trine in Hallâj’s work depends upon the terminology gradually established by his predecessors. Almost all of his vocabularly,^[798] his principal allego- ries,³⁷⁹ even his rule for living,³*⁰ can be found in those who preceded him. His originality is in the superior cohesion of the definitions he brings together; and in the firmness of the guiding intention that led him to affirm in public, at the cost of his own life, a doctrine his teachers had not dared make accessible to all. Just as the rationalist movement in Greece ended in Socrates with the affirmation of a religious philosophy valid for all, so the ascetic movement in Islam ended with the proclamation of an experimental mysticism, providing aid to all. Hallâj, far from being an aberration within the Islamic Community of his time, represents the final completion of the mystical vocations that had sprung up throughout the first centuries of Islam through meditated reading of the QuPân and the “interiorization’¹ of a fervent, humble ritual life.

Here is the translation in extenso of the eighteen sentences of Hallâj chosen by Sulamï to place their author in the gallery of psychological por­traits in chronological order that constitutes his Tabaqâi al-Stifiyya:*

1.                 He has clothed them (by creating them) in the veil of their name,³⁸¹ and they exist; but if He made the knowledge of His Power manifest to them, they would faint away; and if He unveiled His reality to them, they would die,³*²

2.                 The names of God?³*³ From the point of view of our perception, they are synonymous (lit.: there is one name [alone]);³⁸⁴ from God’s point of view, they are reality?⁸³

3.                 The inspiration that comes from God³”⁶ is that about which no doubt³*⁷ arises.

4.                 When the faithful servant³⁸⁸ is freed and reaches the stage of wisdom, God sends him a permanent inspiration, which then preserves his conscience so that only (true) suggestions coming from God may be conceived in it. And the mark of the sage is that he is emptied of (concern for) this world and the next.³*⁹

* Sec Pedersen's edition, p. toS-iJ, mdAMASr *t, where the numbering is different.

379.           Herein, ch. 3, sec. i. B.

380.           Comp. Hallâj (ap. Sulamï) on Qur. 49:3; with the risSla supposedly by Hasan (Possiow, Ft 3:242 n 7/Eng 3:228 n 71 ), and the rules of Ibn Karrâm and Tustarï (Tafsir, 61),

38 t. Althb. *1 alif-zâl (4) (see ch. ! n 1 for the form of this and several of the following cita­tions] « nos. 1--5. Passion, Fr 3: t8j/Eng 3:171.

382.           A variant (Akhb.) reads, ’’they would be annihilated."

383.           Passion, Fr 3:184/Eng 3:171.

384.           Var. {Akhb.}: "there is one description (alone)." [Pedersen, going against most of the manuscripts, including the one from which Massignon quotes, reads not ism but rosm.|

385.           “Wit min hayth al-Haqq, luufaa" (Sulamï). A variant (Akhb.), probably Hanbalite: "from the point of view of divine reality, they are God Himself."

386.           Passion, Fr 3:31/Eng 3 :24.

387.           Var.: nothing. [LM later decided (A * ijM), with Pedersen, against shakk, which is trans­lated here, for this variant, shay³, giving the sense, "that which nothing opposes.”]

388.           Passion, Ft 3:3r; 2:S4-$6/Eug 3:24; 2:47-50.

389.           This clause is missing in the London ms. Ibn^cAqïla adds the gloss, "and to be concerned

5.                 (HallSj, when asked^{[799] [800]} why Moses had coveted the vision [of the divine Essence] and asked God for it [Qur. 7:139], answered), Since Moses had gone into solitude {away from every created thing) for God, God was alone in Moses, for whom He became the one Object of all thought. God became^{[801] [802]} what prevented him from seeing all perceived objects, what came face to face with him and erased all other perceptible presences, by an unveiling (kashJ),^i9Z not a concealment (taghayyub), That is what pushed Moses to ask for the vi­sion, not anything else.^[803]

5 bis. (Here SulamI gives the quatrain Anta bayn al-shaghâf..., translated in Passion Fr. 3 :5O/Eng 3:41-42.)

6.                 The novice^{[804] [805]} who desires (titund) God must fire (straight) at Him,^39s on target with the first shot, and not shift^[806] (his bow), having failed to hit Him.

7.                The novice who desires God is outside secondary causes and both worlds, and that is what gives him mastery^[807] over the inhabitants (of the worlds).^[808]

8.                 The prophets have received power^[809] over the divine graces [al-ahtoal]; they have them in theit possession; they have them at their disposal (to distrib­ute them), the graces do not have the prophets at theirs (to transform them). As for the others (the saints),^[810] the graces have received power over them; it is the graces that have them at their disposal.

9.                 O my God! You know I am powerless^{[811] [812]} to offer You the appointed thanks that must be given to You. Come into me then, and thank Yourself; that is true thankfulness! There is no other.

10.   Whoever considers his (own) works⁴⁰* loses sight of Him for Whom he does them; whoever considers Him for Whom he does his own works loses sight of those works.^[813]

11.                 God is He towards Whom ritual gestures are directed, and He upon Whom acts of obedience are founded.^{[814] [815]} One bears witness only before Him, and nothing is perceived without Him. It is thanks to the (guiding) effluvia of His counsels that the qualities (= virtues of mysticism) cohere. It is by concen­trating your efforts on Him that you will advance in the degrees (of the mysti­cal path).

12.                It is not fitting that someone who (still) considers or mentions a created thing should declare, "Certainly I understand Who the One is, from Whom the monads⁴⁰³ have come."

13.                Our tongues^[816] serve to speak words, and they die from this spoken lan­guage; our carnal selves (nn/»s) are employed in our actions, and they die from this employment.

14.                 (Maintaining) a fearful reserve in the presence of the Lord deprives His friends* hearts of the joy (to be had) in receiving His favors; what am I saying? Keeping a fearful reserve during the ritual act suffices to deprive His friends’ hearts of the joy of obedience (to Him).

14 bis. (Here Sulamï gives the Mawâjtdu Haqq..., translated ap. Passion, Fr 3:58 n 4/Eng3:so n 174.)

15.                He who is inebriated^[817] by the cups^[818]** of divine union can no longer use the language^{[819] [820] [821]} of divine inaccessibility;⁴'⁰ and there is more: he who is inebriated by the (first) gleams of divine inaccessibility already speaks of the re­alities of divine union; for the inebriate is he who speaks of every secret that is (still) hidden (before it is unveiled to him).

16.⁴” He who seeks (to discover)^[822] God by the light of faith^[823] is like someone seeking (to discover) the sun by starlight.

17.                (HalUj said to one of the disciples^[824] of [Abu ^cAli] Jubbâ °i), Exactly as God came to create the bodies (= substances) without (being incited to it by a mediate)* cause, so He came to create (in them) their attributes (= accidents) without (being incited to it by a) cause. Just as the servant (~ the man) does not strictly possess the root of his act, so he does not strictly possess the act itself.

18.                 He has not separated Himself from carnal nature,⁴¹’ nor has He attached Himself to it.⁴¹⁶

The gradual distortion of the doctrine and legend of Hallâj has allowed me to follow the stages of decomposition of the great mystical movement in Islam. The correct solution of the central problem, mystical union, was insinuated by Hasan and Ibn Adham, sensed by Bisçâmî, glimpsed by Tus- tari and Junayd, and finally presented by Haîlâj through a complex method defining it as an intermittent identification^'⁷ of subject and Object. The iden­tification is renewed only by a continual, amorous exchanging of roles be­tween the two, a vital alternation (like oscillation, pulsation, sensation, consciousness) that is imposed in superhuman, transcendent fashion on the heart of a given human subject, without ever achieving permanence or a stable regularity during the subject's mortal life.⁴¹⁸

This solution avoided both the ideological intellectualism of the mu- takaUimün and the Hellenists’ championing of individual freedom, both the antagonistic dualism of the Hashwiyya and Qarmathian monism.⁴’⁹ It was promptly distorted. Wâsitî, the first theoretician of Sufism after Hallâj, bent and slid towards the monist libertarianism of the Salimiyya; Faris tried to react against this tendency, without success. It is to Wâsitî that we should give the role assigned to Hallâj by Kremer, that of precursor, in the fourth century A.H., to Ibn ^cArabi*s monism. Beside Wâsitî, «Abdallah Qu- rashi^4ZOand Abu Bakr Qahtabï⁴¹¹ attempted analogous systematizations.

Some mystics saw the danger of the Sâlimiyyan doctrine; it was de­nounced with clairvoyance by Ibn al-Haysam of the Karrâmiyya and by the Hanbalites Husri, Ibn Sam^cün, Harawi, and Kîlânï. Ibn Khafif thought he had found a decisive weapon against it in the scholastic ideology of the

* ''Cause” here is not uwlfo (cf. ch. t, sec. 2, translator's note under the root L85) but ^ci!la. There are two possibilities for Massignon's interpretation of the Arabic: (1) an intermediary is seen as a cause relative to Gods originating the act of creation, in which case “mediate” is used as in ch. one; (2) in Hallâj s straw-man sen­tence, something would more effectively "cause" God to create the bodies (if God's being "caused” to do any­thing were not impossible), in which case "mediate" would be used in the true sense

41$. Bashariyya.

416.           Passion, Fr 3:58/Eng 3:49. Compare the formula of the falSsiJa criticized by Ghazàli (Tahâfut, I, 45): '"Hie First could not be associated with another by genus, nor could it be differ­entiated by difference ” And Jill's monist formula, “You are not weaned (from us), and You do not wean us (from You)" (^cuyn»yyo; condemned ap. Sha^cr3wi, Minait, II, 29),

417.           Passion, Fr 3 23 60/Eng 3 :342.

418.           Ibid., Fr 3;34i~42/Eng 3:324.

419.           Ibid., Fr 3:299/Eng 3:281-82.

420.           Shark ai-tawkid, extract ap. Hilya.

421.           Baqlî, II, 2.2,6; Fitrq, 259.

Ash^carites, and the last Hallâjians imitated him: Abu ^cUthmân Kirkintî Maghrib! and Daqqâq rallied to Ibn Fürak; Nasrâbâdhï, to Isfarâ/'im (both were Ash^carites).⁴¹²

But Qushayri's attempted synthesis of Ash^carite dogma and mystical ele­ments was insufficient. Ghazâlï's synthesis, upon which he meditated for so long, made such grave concessions to the Sâlimiyya (because of the neces­sities of the struggle against the Qarmathians) that theologians who adopted it were led backwards to monist solutions; this danger, already visible in Suhrawardi of Aleppo, triumphed in Ibn^cArabî.

Smitten with formal logic, Ibn ^cArabi effectively eliminated all tran­scendent intervention of the divinity from the mystical domain. Such is the foundation of his critique of the old mystics, Yahya, Râzi, Junayd, and Hallâj, and of his sympathy for the Sâlimiyya. And Ibn ^cArabi accepted the extreme consequences of his thesis: he retracted the primacy once ac­corded to introspection, to the humble inner struggle to examine the con­science; he conceded preeminence to a subtle, theoretical culture, in which purely speculative souls without moral control over themselves experi­enced the nuances of intellectual ecstasy. Socially, a divorce was consum­mated between the monastic vocation's reserves of spiritual energy and the Islamic Community, which should have been revived by the daily inter­cession, prayers, example, and sacrifice of the ascetics.

All of these internal symptoms of social decadence appeared in the fourth century. Their aggravation in secular society is the true cause, deeper than economic and military developments, of the current disintegration of the Islamic Community, for whose salvation the first Muslim believers strug­gled and suffered so much, with ascetics and mystics in the first line of attack, making holy war in the name of the one God not only on the frontiers but in the capital, not only among idolaters but deep in their own hearts: Hasan, Ibn Wâsi^c, ^cUtba and Shaqiq, Ibn Hanbal and Hallâj.

422.           Subies, HI, 52; Passion, Fr 2:2I5~-1S/Eng 2:205—K.

APPENDIX:

ON MASSIGNON’S “SUPPLEMENT OF
HALLÂJIAN TEXTS”

In the French editions of the Essai, the “Supplement of Hallâjian Texts/’ in Massignon's handwriting, most of the texts in Arabic, some in Persian (on pages *i-*iO4 in the 1922 ed. and, slightly expanded, pages 336-449 in the 1954 ed.; cf. Passion, Fr 3:294, 367/Eng 3:276, 349), contains most of the referents for the inventory of Hallâj’s technical vocabulary in chap­ter i, above. The supplement has not been reproduced here. In 1922, only 21 of the 386 fragments had already appeared elsewhere in print, but many of the sources have been edited since then. What follows here is a brief identification of the texts and, where possible, a concordance between the numbering system to which Massignon refers in chapter 1 (see ch. 1 n 1) and the page or paragraph numbers in printed editions.

A)    27 Riwâyât of al-Hallâj, in Persian. See bib., s.n., Hallâj, for the Arabic original and the French and English versions. The text given in the supplement of the Essai corresponds to Corbin’s ed. of Baqli’s Sharh al- shathiyat, as follows:

LM's number	Corbins paragraph number
introductory statement	1192 (p.601)
ï	1193
2	1201
3	I2JI
4	1215
5	1217
6	<507 (p-335>
7	rtio
8	612
9	617
to	620
11	623
12	626
U	627
14	631
IS	633

 

 

LM's number	Corbin’s paragraph number
16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 215 27 fas! fi adilla...	63S 637 639 641 644 646 648 6sa 656 658 660 663 667-72

 

B)    Isolated fragments, remarked upon in Passion, Fr 3:294/Eng 3:276, taken from the following works:

1.   Kalâbâdhî, Ta^carruJ. P 143a, mss. QA, Oxford, Vienna, Faydiyya, Br. The three Cairene eds.—Arberry (1933), ^cAbd al-Halim Mahmud (1960), and Nawâwî (1969) — seem to be based (although Arberry’s is the only ed. to state it) principally on two mss. in the Dâr al-kutub, which are not the ones Massignon used. Several of his quotations are absent from the printed eds., and, as a result, the concordance below is incomplete. The extracts are numbered consecutively through 61. The name of Hal- laj is intentionally omitted from most of the quotations. (On Kalâbâdhï's intentions regarding Hallâjianism, see Jacqueline Chabbi, “Réflexions sur le soufisme iranien primitif,” JAP 266 [1978], 37-55). And, already in 1922, Massignon noted that 36 of the extracts were certainly to be attributed to Hallaj (marked below with an exclamation point) and 7 of them certainly to other authors (marked below with an asterisk). Massignon’s numbering in the Essai corresponds to Arberry’s and subse­quent eds. (col. 2) and Nawawi's ed. (col. 3) as shown below; attribu­tions to authors other than Hallâj are noted in parentheses :

LM’s number	Ch. number in Arberry and Cairo eds.	Nawâwï’s page number
i	20 (Sahl Tustari)	78 (text differs)
2
3
4
S»
6!
7!	S	48-49

 

 

LM's number		Ch. number in	Nawâwî’s page
		Arberry and Cairo eds.	number
8!		10	55
9* (Sabi)		14	64
10
11’
12!		21	79
13!		21	79
14
U!		21	80
1«!		21	81
17!		21	81
£8!
19
20*
2l!
22*
23!		28, 27	loo, 99
24I (cf. Baqh on		28	too (partial)
Qur. 39:57)
25		38	114
26’		38	115
26 bis !		38	1(5
27* 28* (Probably Muh.		43	I »9
b cAli al-Tirmidhï)
29!		43	120
30!		44	121
Ji!		44	121
32!		47	«73
33Î		47	124
34!		47	125
35-		48 (Junayd)	126
36		50	130
37
3» !		St	131
39		53	135
40’		55	139
41		55	140
42!		57	143
43		57	143
44!		58	«45
45		58	146
46		58	147
47*		59	147
48?		60	158
491		bo	159
50		6a	160
		61	f6i
52!		62	J 64
S3		64	168
54*		65	172-173
55*		65	173
5«		65	174
571		66	175-176
LM’s number	Ch. number in Arbetry and Cairo eds.		Nawâwï’s page number
58’	66		177
59!	69		181
60!	74		189
61	64		168 (partial)

 

2.   Suhmi, Tafsïr. P iycd, mss. YJ, QA, Azh, et al. This work, a collection of commentary by various authors, is not yet published complete (though some excerpts have been, as the Tafstrs of ïbn ^cAtâ and Imam Ja^cfar: see bib., s.n. Nwyia). The extracts, numbered 1-208, are com­ments on the verses of the Qur’an given below, in Flügel’s numbering system; LM’s numbers are given in italics, once every ten, so that, for example, number 10 from the system of the Essay, ch. 1 and the supple­ment, corresponds to the first of three Hallâjian comments on sura 3, verse 16, in Flügel’s ed.:

1 i : i (2k), 2:14, 51 (2x), 109, 256 (ax), 3:16, 10 3:16 (jx), 3:2$ (2x), 29, 77, 89, 138, 188, 20 3:188, 4:103, 124, 138, 5:3, 23, 39, IOI, 116, 119, 30 6:2, 18, 19, 33, 66, 69, 73, 76, 91 (2x), 40 6:103, 7'i (^2x-), 22, 28, 97 *39, <40, ISS, 54J 7:171 (3x), 204, 9:43, 54^ 9:1 <2, 55

9:112, 129, 10:1, 33 (2x), 60 10:35 (ax), 43, 82, 11:1, 3, 47, 12:67, 7⁶, 70 <3:9, 28, 42,

14:15, 15:75, 15:99 (cf. Baqlt’s Tafiir, 14), 16:21, 17:72, 76, 110, 80 18:8, 17, 48, 64, 78-81, 107, 109, 19:13, 55, 57» 90 19:57, 2o:i8 (ax), 26, 106, 21:38, 43, 83, 110, 23:12, 100 23:12 (2x), 14, 15, 93, 24:26, 31, 35 (3x), no 24:37 (2k), 24:53, 25:2, 4, 22 (ax), 60, 27:29, 60, 120 28:24, 46, 73, 85, 30:39 (ax), 45, 32:16, 33:23, 35. &> 33:72 (ax), 35:16, 29, 36:10, 31. 55, 82, 37:106, 39:23, 140 39:23 (3x), 55, 63, 67, 40:15, 67, 42:<7, 44:5*» O* 46:25, (ax), 47:21 (ax), 48:10, 29, 49:3, 17, 50:1, 36, 160 50:36 (ax), 50:37, 51:21, 52:47 (2x), 53:3, 24, 43, 55:1, 17P 56:23, 57:3 (4x), 5, 58:8, 22 (2x), $9:8, jfo 62:4, 64:3, 65:2, 68:4 (jx), 69:38, 72:7, 190 74:3"4, 52, 82:8, 85:3, 88:8, 13, 19, 90:17, 96:19, 98:4, 200 98:5, 102:5, 7 (2x), 109:1, 112:1 (3x), 113:1.

One additional extract (1954), on 19:73.

3.    Baqlï, Tafsïr (^cArâ’is al-bay an). 1?380a, Cawnpore lithograph, see bib. Ex­tracts numbered 1-32. LM’s numbers correspond to the Hallajian com­mentary on different verses of the Qur’an in this way:

LM’s number	Sura and verse
1	1:5
2	i:5
3	2:32
4	3:4
5	4:62, 85
6	6:148
7	7:140
8	10:36
9	12:83
10	12:83
II	14:7
12	14:37

 

 

LM's number	Sura and verse
	14:41
14	15:99
15	15:99 (cf. Stf7S)
16	22:2
17	24:14
18	27:63
19	37:7
20	37:7
21	37:164
22	38:44
23	39:n
24	48:10
25	jO: 1-2
26	52H
27	54:50
2$	55:S<5
2ÇJ	58:22
30	74:31
31	8i:i
32	99:2-4

 

There are two additional extracts in the 1954 ed. of the Essay from the Cawnpore lithograph, the first from vol. 2, p. 310, on Qur’ân 57:21; the second from vol. 2, p. 319, on Qur’an 59:9.

4.    Baqlï, Shathiyâl. P lagib. Numbered (with interruptions) 163-214, cor­responding to Corbin s ed. as follows (an asterisk shows where the orig­inal Arabic of the Mantiq, from Qazan ms., ff. 36-38, is also printed in the 1954 ed. of the Essai):

LM’s number	Corbin's paragraph number
î63*~64 169* 172* 173* 174* 174 175* 176 177* 178* 179* 181* 182* «83 184 185 i «7	686 (p, 381) 698 706 708 710 712 (p.393, ». lo-ii only) 7H 715 717 720 (p. 398,11. 4-6 only) 724 (p. 402,11.9-12 only) 726 728 730 732 735 739

 

 

LM's number	Corbin's paragraph number
188	741
190	746
191	748
192	751
193	753
195	758
209	781
211	784
20	79*“93
214	794

 

C)    A few fragments from other collections:

I. Sulamî, Jawâmi^c. P 170c, ms. LJ. Extracts numbered 1-8. Ed. Kohlberg, see bib. Correspondence as follows:

LM's number	Kohlberg's paragraph number
i 2 3 4 5 6 7	83 84 86 86 87 135 (correct by means of Stf 122, on Qur. 28:73; trans- P Fr 3:18-19/ Eng 3:11-12)
8	159

 

II.    Sulamï, Ghalatât (- P 170/, ms. Cairo. See bib. The extract

corresponds to the Cairo, 1985, ed. in fine, in the faslflhi ai-radd ^cala al- qàfitna hi’l-huhll, p. 199. LM remarks that "wa sifatuhu... mfibüdan” seems to be Sulamfs commentary.

III.    Kharküshi, Tahdhib. P 180 a, ms. Berlin. Cf. Arberry’s article, “Khargii- shï’s Manual of Süfism,” BSOAS 1937-39, 345-49.

IV.    Ibn Yazdânyâr, Rawda. P 228(1, ms. Cairo.

V.      Qushayrî, Risâla. P 231a. Ed, Cairo, 1290, see bib. Massignon went through the Risâla and numbered the quotations from Hallâj, 1-16. In the Arabic supplement he reproduces only numbers 2--5 and 7-9, but in ch. i he refers to some of the others. The table below includes, for the extracts written out by him, the vol. and p. numbers of the 1290 ed. from which he was quoting, and, for all of the quotations, the pages in the Cairo edition (1385/1966) of Mahmud and Sharif.

VI.     

LMs number	Ch. and, for the ones LM writes out, vol. and p. in the 1290 ed.	P. in 1966 ed.
i	Jasi I	28“ j 1
2	fasl I ; 1, 62	43
3	bub al-khauf; ] I, 198	312
4	tab dl-jau>c-, IB, 6	333
5	bâb al-tawakkul; III, 15	370
6	bâb al-tawakku!	372
7	bâb al-humyya (zx); HI, 152	462 (2x)
8	bâb al-firâsa; III, 177	483
9	bab al'-firâsd; HI, 179	484
IO	bâb al-fi râsa	487
11	bab al-khulq	494
12	bab al~tasauwuf	551
13	bâb al-!au>hïd	5 S6
14	bâb al-mafifi billâh	604-5
iS	bâb al-inahahba	617
16	bâb hafz quhïb al-trtashâ^ikh wa lark al-khilaf calayhim	636

 

VII.  Hujwîrï, Kashf al-mahjûb. P 1055a, ms. Paris, Eng. trans., p. 281. Ed. Zhu- kovshy, Tehran reprint, p. 361

VIII.  Kirmânî, Htkâya. P 350 a. 9 extracts.

IX.        Harawi, Tabaqât. P 1059a, ms. N^CU. Extracts numbered 1-3, corre­sponding to ^cAbd al-Hayy Habibi's ed. (see bib.) as follows:

LM’s number	eAbd ai-Hayy Habibi
ï	sec, 334, p. 395 B. 5-<5
2	sec. 186, p. 208 1. 2
2 bis	Cf. sec. 278, p. 323,1.10: Arabic version ( = Stb 16) of part of this handwritten extract
3	sec. 278, p, 32411.3 ft.

 

X.      Ka^cbî, Manaqib. Pjjoa, mss. Cairo, London. 2 Extracts.

XI.    ^cAttar, Tadhkira. In the 1922 ed. of the Essai, LM reproduced thirteen selected quotations from the ch, on HaDaj (in Nicholson’s ed., vol. 2, 139-40, for the first twelve, 144 for the last one; in the Tehran ed., vol. 2, 118-19, 122). The code letter “W” with its following number from ch. 1 indicates one of these quotations. For the 1954 ed. of the Es­sai Massignon more systematically numbered the quotations from Hallâj (ï — Nicholson’s vol. 2, 138, 1. 3). Between no. 7 C'yd daltl al-mutaltay- yirïn ...*’) and no. 26 (vol. 2, 140, 1. 16, “ .. zohd-e he indicated his own additions, which he either wrote out by hand or mentioned as

XII.  appearing in a published source. He then added nos. 27 to 35. The siglum "^cAttâr” in ch. i corresponds to this system.

LMs no.(1922) “W"	LM's no. (1954) ”‘Attar”	Location, either (N) in vol. 2 of Nicholson's ed. (p. and 1. are given), in the supplement (hand­written), or elsewhere
14	7	N 139 1.5 #■
	8	N 139 1.10 ff.
	8 bis	T V:8-io
	8 ÉF	TVkij
	8 qir	A 26
3$	9	“va az Abft'l'Sau/tiB
		berasïdain{ N
		139 1.14
	IO	A 73
18	11	N 139 11. 19-20
	II bis, tr	handwritten
39	12	N 13911.20—2 r
	H	Sth 4
	13 bis	Sth 9
	13 tr, sfir, qttt	handwritten
	14	N 139 I.22 ff.
	>5	N 139 L 24 ff.
	16	N 140 1.1
44	17	N 14011.1-2
	18	N 14011.2-4
	19	Stf 16 f
46	20	N 14011. 7-9
	20 bis	handwritten
47	21	N 140 11.9-10
	21 bis	handwritten
	22	Sth 3
49	23	N 1401.1 j
	24	N 14011.12-13
SI	25	N 14011.13-14 + “tsf dieb
		thtz az satiofbirm âyaJ‘
52	26	N 140 11.15-16
53		N 140 11.16-17
54		N 1401.18 ff.
	27	handwritten
	28	sth 21
	29	end of A 41
	30	Stb 14
	3*	Sth 2
	33	var. of Stb i
	34	Stb 12
	35	Stb io
92		N 144 H. 2-3

XL Sibt ibn al-Jawzî, MiPât al-zatnzân. P 440a, ms. London. 1 extract.

XII.       Munâwi, Kawâkib. P 795a, 840a,

XIII.      Fânî, Shark khutba, P 1174a, ms. India Office, 1 extract.

Additional extracts from the 1954 ed. of the Essai that have not been in­corporated above (as have nos. XIV, XV, XVI, XVIII, and XXII):

XVII, Ahmad Ghazâlî, Sawànih al-^cushshâq. P 281c, 1082a. 1 extract.

XIX.      Nâgürî, ms. Calcutta 1 extract.

XX.        ^cAyn al-Qudât al-Hamadhânï, Tamhtdât. P 1082a, ms. India Office. New ed. : ^cAfif ^cUsayrân (Afif Osseiran). Tehran: Manoochehri Press (3rd printing, 1370 h.s.). 6 extracts.

LM's number	P. and 1. in text of Tehran ed.
1 2 3 4 5 6	22 1.4 129 11.13-14 247 Ü, 3-7 257 1.7 260 I. 7 295 1. 8

 

XXL Firyâbï, ms. Arles. 1 extract.

XXIIL Hallâj, Kitab al-sayhür (preface). Ms. Leningrad.

XXIV. Daylamî, ^cAtf P 175& and c (redundant), ms. Tubingen 8ï. 5 extracts corresponding to Vadet's edition (see bib.) as follows:

LM’s numbers	Vadet’s section numbers (in both the Arabic ed. and the French trans.)
I= 278-28b 11 = 478-488 III  - 73b—74a IV  = 92b V ~ 122b	87-92 (not in the same order)[825] n53~<55 246 309 404

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The French Essai has no bibliography. The Passion's last chapter, a thor­ough guide to mentions of Hallâj in both Islamic and western orientalist literature, is meant to suffice. Massignon invites the reader, when this “Hallâjian bibliography” cites a work incompletely or not at all, to consult the first edition of Brockehnann’s Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur. Unfor­tunately, the desired information is not always there. Certain old editions were unavailable to me and could not be verified, and the following list of works is not complete. It fills a few holes and should be useful not only as a guide to the footnotes of this translation of the Essay, but for readers of the Passion as well.

Manuscripts have not been pursued. If further information is needed be­yond what is given in citations in the footnotes or text, consult the Passion.

An indication of the form “P refers to the numbering system of the Passion's bibliography, vol. 4. "P (Eng) 316a" would mean that the en­try in the English translation (1982) corrects the second French edition of 1975, or contains an error not in the French. Otherwise either the original or the translation will do.

The absence of brackets or braces around an entry indicates that the book or article is listed in the edition that Massignon was using, or one in­distinguishable from it. Square brackets, [ ], mean that he refers, directly or indirectly, in either 1922 or 1954, to the work in question, but that the listed edition appeared too late for his use or was not used. Braces, { mean that he does not refer to the work in question. The date will make it obvious which of these books he probably consulted and which are rele­vant only to the translation. This system of classification leaves some room for ambiguity: Ritter’s article on Hasan Basri, for example, though men­tioned in a note of 1954, is enclosed in braces because there is no refer­ence to a page, and Massignons main discussion of Hasan does not benefit from Ritter’s work. Consult the Abbreviations if a reference is cryptic, es­pecially if only a fragment of the title is given, without the author's name.

Transliterations that do not belong to the system used throughout the book either are taken from the Roman title pages of the works in the bib­liography or are obviously for Persian titles. It is hoped that the resulting ease in locating the books in catalogues will make up for any confusing in­consistencies (e.g., different spellings of the names Hallâj and Flügel). Kitab and al do not affect the order of alphabetization, but risâla does.

Writings and Editions by Massignon

This list of studies and editions by Massignon should be supplemented in general by Moubaracs Oeuvre, v.i. See also the main portion of this bibliography, s.n. Hallâj, for other of Massignon’s edition.

(ed.) Akhbâr al-Hallâj. In Quatre Textes, v.i. 2d ed. (with Paul Kraus): Akhbâr al-Hallâj: Texte ancien relatif a la prédication et au supplice du mys­tique musulman al-Hosayn b. Mansour al-Hallâj. Paris; Editions Larose, 1936. With French translation. 3rd ed. (with Paul Kraus): Akhbâr al- Hallaj: Recueil d'oraisons et d'exhortations du martyr mystique de ITslam, Hu- sayn ibn Mansur Hallaj. Etudes musulmanes, 4. Paris: Vrin, 1957. With French Translation.

‘“Ana al Haqq.' Etude historique critique sur une formule de théologie mystique, d’après les sources islamiques.” Der islam 3 (1912): 248—57. Collected in OM, vol. 2,

“Le Dïwân d’al-Hallâj, Essai de reconstitution, édition et traduction.” Jour­nal Asiatique (Jan.-March 1931): 1-158. See also, s.n. Hallâj.

with Clément Huart. “Les Entretiens de Lahore [entre le prince impérial Data Shiküh et l'ascète hindou Baba La‘1 Das].” Journal Asiatique 209 (1926): 285-334. Persian text and Fr. trans.

Essai sur les origines du lexique technique de la mystique musulmane. Paris: P. Geuthner, 1922, 2nd ed. : Etudes musulmanes, eds. Gilson and Gardet, no. 2. Paris: J. Vrin, 1954. A reissue of the 1954 ed. in 1968 has caused confusion in some bibliographies; there is no third edition.

“Interferences philosophiques et percées métaphysiques dans la mystique hallagienne: Notion de Tessential Désir.’” In Mélanges Joseph Maréchal, 2: 263—96. Brussels and Paris, 1950. Corrects earlier thinking on ^cshq and hbb.

“Karmatians,” Eli.

“Les méthodes de réalisation artistique des peuples de l’Islam.” Syria 1 (Apr. 1921).

Muhâdarât ft tânkh al istilâhât al-falsafiyya al-^carabiyya’, Cours d'histoire des ter­mes philosophiques arabes du 25 Novembre 1912 au 24 Avril 1913. Ed. Zeinab Mahmoud el-Khodeiry. Textes Arabes et Etudes Islamiques, 22. Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale du Caire, 1983.

“Nouvelle bibliographie hallagienne.” In The Ignace Goldziher Memorial Volume, ed. S. LÔwinger and J. Somogyi, vol 1. Budapest, I94§- (Vol. 2 was published in Jerusalem in 1958.)

Opera Minora. Ed. Moubarac. 3 vols. Beirut: Dar al-Maaref, 19^3* Col­lected essays. A planned fourth volume has not appeared.

Parole Donnée, précédée d'entretiens avec Vincent-Mansour Monteil. Paris: Jul- liard, 1962. Selected Essays.

La Passion d’al-Hosayn-ibn-Mansour Al-Hallaj, Martyr mystique de I’Islam, exécuté à Bagdad le 26 mars 922. Paris: Geuthner, 1922. 2nd ed.: La Pas­sion de Husayn Ibn Matisür Hallâj. Paris Gallimard, 1975. English: The Passion of al-Hallâj, Mystic and Martyr of Islam. Trans. Herbert Mason. Bollingen Series, 98. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982. The same, abridged (translated and edited by Herbert Mason). Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.

(ed.) Quatre textes inédits relatifs à la biographie d'al Hosayn ibn Mansour al Hallâj. Paris, 1914.

(ed.) Recueil de textes inédits concernant rhistoire de la mystique en pays d’Islam, Collection de textes inédits relatifs à la mystique musulmane, 1. Paris: Geuthner, 19^9- See corrections, s.n. Wahitaki. Note errors in P 1695«, corrected herein, s.n. Schacht and ^cAbd al-Râziq. The latter gives the Arabie title as Majmif nusüs lam yasbiq nashruhâ muta^calliqa büaMkh al- tasauwuffî bilâd al-islam.

“Recherches nouvelles sur le 'Diwan d’al-Hallaj’ et sur ses sources.’^> In Mélanges Fuad Kôprülü [v.i., under title], 352—68. 1953. Reproduced as an appendix to the 1955 reprint of the Dïwân of 1931.

"Shath?’ In Ell and Shorter El.

Testimonies and Refections-. Essays of Louis Massignon. Ed. Herbert Mason. Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1989. Selected es­says in translation.

Writings by Others

^cAbd al-Râziq, Mustafa (Moustaphe Abderraziq). “NaslTat kalimat süfiyya wa mutasawwif wa asluhumâ.” Ma^crifa of Cairo 2 (1931): 149-52. Note error in P1695» (this article contains a mention, not a translation, of the Recueil). Cf. supra, Massignon, ed., Recueil.

^cAbdari, Muhammad ibn al-HaJj al-Fâsî. Madkhal al~shar^c al-shanf Alexan­dria, 1293. P524 (Eng).

Abû*l-^cAtâhiya, Ibrâhîm b. al-Qâsim. Al-Anwdr al-zâhiyaft Dïwân. Beirut: Matba^ca Kâthulîkiyya, 1888.

[Abü'l-Fadl (Fazl) ibn Mubârak, Akbar's minister. Ain-iAkban Ed. H. Bloch- mann. Calcutta, 1867-77. Persian text. Trans., vol. 1, Blochmann, 1868] then continued, as cited in text here, by H. S.Jarrett, s.n.

[Aflâki (Eflaki), Shams al-Din Ahmad. ManSqib al-^c3rifïn (Kâshif al-asrâr). Ankara, 1959-61.] See also trans., s.n. Huart, the ed. referred to in the text.

Âlüsî, Nu^cmân Khayr al-Dïn ibn Mahmûd. Jalâ al-^caynayn fi muhâkamat al- Ahmadayn. Cairo, 1298/1880. [New ed., Cairo: Matba^cat al-Madani, 1980.]

Âlûsï, Shihâb al-Dïn Mahmüd. Ruh al-ma^cânî fi tafsïr al-QurMn al-^cazïm Bùlâq, 1301-10.

^cÂmilî, Bahâ al-Din Muhammad. Al-Kashkül. Cairo, 1316.

Père Anastase (al-Ab Anastàs al-Karmalî). “Al-AbddlT Al-Machriq 12 (1909): 194-204.

Anbârî (Anbari), Abü’l-Barakât ^CAR b. M. Nuzhat al-alibbâ fi tabaqât al~ udabâ. Cairo, 1294/1877. P (Eng) 2017.

Andrae, Tor. I myrtentrâdgârden: Studier sufisk mystik. Stockholm: Albert Bonniers, 1947. [Reprint 1981. Trans. Birgitta Sharpe as In the Garden of Myrtles, SUNY Series in Muslim Spirituality in South Asia, Albany: SUNY Press, 1987.]

Arberry, A. J., ed. Pages from the Kitab al-Luma^c of Abu Nasr al-Sarrâj. Lon­don, 1947.

Arnold, Sir Thomas Walker. The Preaching of Islam, 2nd ed. London: Con­stable, 1913.

[Ashfari, Abü’l-Hasan ibn Isma^cïl. Al-Maqdldt al-Isldmiyyïn, Die dogmatis- chen Lehren der Anhdnger des Islam. Ed. Ritter. Biblioteca Islamica, 1. Is­tanbul, 1929-30. Reprint Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1963.]

Asin Palacios, Miguel. Algazel, dogmatica, moral, ascética. Estudios filosôfico- teolôgicos, i. Zaragoza, 1901,

 , Bosquejo de un dicaonario técnico de filosofia y teologia musulmanas. Zaragoza: M. Escar, 1903.

 . La espiritualidad de Algazel y su sentido christiano. Madrid and Granada: E. Maestre, 1934-41.

 . Logia et agrapha Domini Jésu apud muslemicos scriptores, asceticos praeser­tim. Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1916-29. (Reprint Turnhout: Brepols, 1974.]

 . Los Precedentes musulmanes del pari de Pascal. Santander: Menendez y Pelayo, 1920.

^cAttar, Farid al-dïn. Tadhkirat al-awliyâ. Ed. R. A. Nicholson. London, 1905-7. See P 1101c.

^cAyn al-Qudat al-Hamadhani, also known al-Miyânÿi al-Hamadhani. Shakwd al-gharib. In Mohammad ben Abd el-Jalil, “£akwâ~l-Garib ^cani l- awtdn ³ild ^culamà^:>-l-buldân de ^cayn al-qudat al-hamadant.” Journal Asiatique 216 (1930): 1-76 (text) and 193-297 (French trans.). [Subsequent ed.: Risâlat shakwd al-gharib (La Plainte d’un exilé), Tehran, 1962. Trans. A.J. Ar­berry as A Sufi Martyr, London, 1969.]

[Badawi, ^cAbd al-Rahman. Shatahat al-Sufiyya (vol. 1 : Abu Yazïd al-Bisfâmï).

Darâsât Islâmiyya. Cairo: Maktabat al-Nahdat al-Misriyya, 1949.]

Baghdadi, Abu Mansûr^cAbd al-Qahir Ibn Tahir (Ibn Tahir Baghdadi). Al- Farq bayn al-firaq. Ed. Badr, Cairo, 1328/1910, [Trans. Kate C.Seelye and A. S. Halkin, 2 vols.)

  Usül al-dïn. Istanbul: Matba^cat al-Dawla, 1346/1928.

[Baqlï, Sadr al-Dïn Abu Muhammad Rüzbihân. Mantiq al-asrâr bi bayou al- anwâr, See P 380b. N.B. a confusing error: LM stated in 1922 that this work was lost. In the 1930s, he discovered 2 mss. at Mashhad. These are noted in the new Passion, but the old note, “lost/' is erroneously maintained. See herein, ch. 3 n 69.]

[ . Sharh-e shathiySt. Ed. Henry Corbin. Bibliothèque Iranienne, 12.

Tehran-Paris, 1966. See P 1091b. Persian text (trans, with alterations of the Arabic Mantiq, above).]

 . TafsîrArMis al-Bay an. 2 vols. Cawnpore, 1883. P380a; and herein, ch. i n i.

Bar-Hebraeus. Bar Hebraeus’s Book of the Dove. Trans. A.J. Wensinck. Lei­den: E. J. Brill, 1919. With an introduction.

{Basetti-Sani, Giulio, O.F.M. Louis Massignon: Christian Ecumenist, Prophet of Inter-Religious Reconciliation. Ed. and trans. Allan Harris Cutler. Chi­cago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1974.}

Bïrüni, Abû'l-Rayhân M. b. A. Al-Ath& al-bâqiya ^can al-qurûn al-khaliya (Chronologie orientalistischer Volker). Ed. Edward Sachau. Leipzig, 1878. Trans. Sachau as Chronology of Ancient Nations, London, 1879.

[ . Kitâb bâtanjal al-hindïfi'l-Khalâs min al-amthal. S.n. Ritter.]

 , Ta rikh al-Hind. Ed. Edward Sachau. London: Trübner, 1887.

Arabic text. Trans Sachau as Alberuni’s India. London.: Trübner, 1888 (Reprint 1900, 1914).

Blochet, Edgar. Etudes sur l’ésotérisme musulman. Louvain: J. B. Istas, 1910 (See JAP, 1902; Le Muséon, 1906-9.)

——. Catalogue des manuscrits persans de la Bibliothèque Nationale. 4 vols. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1905-34.

Brockelmann, Cari. Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur. 2 vols. Wiemar: Fel­ber, 1898-1902. Supplement. 3 vols. Leiden, 1937-42.

Brockelmann, Cari. Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur. 2 vols. 2nd ed. Lei­den: E. J.Brill, 1943-49.

Browne, E. G. Arabian Medicine. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1921.

Browne, E.G., trans. Chahdr Maqâla. S.n. Nizâmï ^cArûdï,

Briinnow, Rudolf Ernst. Die Charidschiten unter den ersten Omayyaden. Lei­den: E. J. Brill, 1884.

Carra de Vaux, Baron Bernard. "La Philosophie illuminative fhikmet el- ichraq') d'après Suhrawerdi Meqtul.” Journal Asiatique series 9, 19 (1902): 63-94.

Chauvin, Victor. Bibliographie des ouvrages arabes ou relatifs aux arabes publiés dans l’Europe chrétienne de 1810 à 1885. 12 vols. Liège, 1892—1922.

{Chittick, William C. The Sufi Path of Knowledge. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989.}

Daylamï, Abû'l-Hasan ^CAlï ibn Muhammad. Kitab ^cAtf al-alif al-ma³lûf ^calâ’l-lâm al-ma^ctiïf Ms. Tübingen 81. P 175 |HalIâjian fragments, trans. LM, in "Interférences,” 269-79. Ed. J.-C. Vadet. Arabie text. Cairo: IFAO, 1962. Trans. J. K. Fadih. Geneva: Droz, 1980.]

 . Sïrat al-shaykh ibn Khafif. Trans. (Persian) ïbn Jurayd Shîrâzï. P 144. [Ed. A. M. Schimmel. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi. ¹⁹⁵ 5-1

De Goeje, M. J. Mémoire sur la conquête de la Syrie. Leiden, 1900.

Delitzsch, Friedrich. Die Grosse Taüschung. Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags- Anstalt, 1920.

Dhahabï, Shams al-dïn Muhammad ibn Ahmad. Kitâb tnïzân al~i^ctidâl. Cairo: Matba^cat al-Sa^câda, 1325/1907.

Dozy, Reinhart. Supplément aux dietionaires arabes. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1881 (reissued Leiden and Paris, 1927, 1967).

Dussaud, René. Histoire et religion des No seins. Paris, 1900.

{Ernst, Carl W. Words of Ecstasy in Sujism. Albany: SUNY Press, 1985.} Fâni, Muhsin (ascribed author). Dabistân-i Mazâhîb (Madhâhib): An Account

of Eastern Religions and Philosophies. Ed. Nâzir Ashraf and W. B. Bayley. Calcutta, 1809. Trans. Shea and Troyer. London, 1843.

Festugière, A.J. La Révélation d'Hermès Trismégiste. Paris: Lecoffre, 1944-54.

Appendix by Massignon in fine vol. x, on "L’hermétisme arabe.”

Firuz Bin Kaus, Mulla, ed. and trans. The Desâffr: or Sacred Writings of the Ancient Persian Prophets. Bombay: Courier Press, x8x8. Reprints of the trans., Bombay, 1888 and Minneapolis: Wizards Bookshelf, 1975.

Fïrüzâbâdï, Muhammad b. Ya^cqüb. /L-Qümüs al-muhit. Cairo: Bûlâq, 1301 / 1883.

Fluegel, Gustav, ed. Corani Textus Arabicus. 3rd ed. Leipzig: Ernest Bredt, 1869. Numbering system used herein for references. {See table of con­version in Bell's Introduction, s.n. Watt.}

 , ed. Definitiones viri. ..Alt ben Mohammed Dschordschani (followed by) Definitiones Theosophi... Ibn Arabi (— Kitâb al-ta^crfat of Jurjânï fol­lowed by ïstilâhât of Ibn al-^cArabi). Leipzig: Vogel, 1845. Arabic text with introduction and critical apparatues in Latin. [Reprint Beirut: Li­brairie du Liban, 1978, entitled simply Kitâb al~Ta^crïfât (A Book of Defin­itions) by Ali Al-Gurgânî but including Ibn ^cArabi’s work as well.]

Friedlander, Israel. The Heterodoxies of the Shiites in the Presentation of Ibn Hazm.

2 vols. New Haven: 1907-9. Originally published in JAOS 28, 29.

Galtier, Emile, Mémoires et fragments inédits. Cairo: ÏFAO, 1912.

Gandhi, Mahatma M. K. "La Doctrine du ‘Satyagraha’.” Revue du Monde Musulman 44-45 (Apr.-June 1921): 55-63. Text in English. In a larger article: "Documents sur la situation sociale dans l’Inde et les projets de réforme”.

{Gardet and Anawati. Introduction à la théologie musulmane : Essai de théologie comparée. Paris: Vrin, 1948. 2nd ed., 1970.}

{ , Mystique musulmane, aspects et tendances, 2nd ed., Etudes Musul­

manes, 8. Paris: Vrin, 1968.}

Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Maurice. Le Pèlerinage à la Mekke. Annales du Musée Guimet, Bibliothèque d’Etudes, 33. Paris: Geuthner, 1923.

Ghazâlî, Abu Hâmid. Ihyâ^culûm al-dtn, Cairo: 1312/1894. See P 280a.

— . al-Munqidh min al-Dalal. Cairo: Matba^ca I^clâmiyya, 1303/1885.

[Trans. R.J. McCarthy as Freedom and Fulfillment: Al-Ghazâlt’s Al-Mun­qidh min al-Dalai, Library of Classical Arabie Literature, 4, Boston: G. K. Hall, 1980.]

 . Mustazhiri - Streitschrift, s.n. Goldziher.

Goldziher, I. Muhammedanische Studien. Halle, 1889-90. [Reprint Hilde­sheim: G. Olms, 1971. Trans. C. R. Barber and S. M. Stem as Muslim Studies, London and Chicago, 1967-71.]

 . Die Richtungen des islamischen Koranauslegung. Leiden: Brill, 1920. (Reprint 1970.]

 . Streitschrift des Gazaitgegen die Bâtinijja-Sekte (~ al-Mustazhirt ~ Kitâb al-fadîPih wa fadâ^tl Mustazhiriyya). Leiden: Brill, 1916.

[ , Ÿodesungen über den Islam. Heidelberg, 1910.] Trans. Arin into

French as Le dogme et la loi de VIslam. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1920. [Foot­notes herein refer to the Eng. trans, by Andras and Ruth Hamon, Intro­duction to Islamic Theology and Law, Modem Classics in Near Eastern Studies, eds. Charles Issawi and Bernard Lewis, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981.]

Graf, Georg. Die christliche-arabische Literatur bis zur Jrankischen Zeit. Strass­burger Theologische Studien. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1905.

 . Geschichte der christlichen arabischen literatur. Rome: Biblioteca Apos­tolic a Vaticana, 1947-53.

{Graham, William A. Divine Word and Prophetic Word in Early Islam. Reli­gion and Society, 7. The Hague: Mouton, 1977.}

Hâjjï Khalifa Mustafa b. ^CAA (Kâtib Chelebi). Kashf al-zunün ^can asdmï al- kutub wa’l-funün, Lexicon Bibliographtcum et encyclopaedicum... a Katib Jelebi... Haji khalfa... compositum. Ed. G. Flügel. Leipzig, 1835-58. Ara­bic text and Latin trans. [Keçf-el-zunun, Istanbul: Maarif Matbaasi, 1941-43.]

Halabï, ^cAlï ibn Burhan al-din. Insdn al-^cuyün fi sîrat al-Amïn al-Ma^mün (- Sïra Halabiyya). Cairo, 1320/1902.

Hallâj, Abû’l-Mughîth al-Husayn ibn Mansür. Bwstân al-ma^crifa. - last sec­tion of Kitâb al-Tawâsïn, ed. 1913 only (v. i.). Nwyia (his ed., p. 4, v.i., under editoris name) presents evidence that the Bustân is not part of the Tawâsïn.

Hallâj, al-Husain ibn Mansür. Dîwân, 1931, s.n. Massignon, v.s. Also: Le Dîwân d’al-Hallaj, ed. LM, Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1955, an exact reprint with an appendix reproducing Massignon’s article “Recherches nou­velles/’ which makes this edition the handiest one of the Diwan. There is another edition of 1955, in French only (Paris: Cahiers du Sud), with amended translations only of those poems Massignon was certain were by Hallâj. [New ed., Kâmil Mustafa al-Shaibï, Baghdad: Matba^cat al- Ma^carif, 1394/1974.]

 . Hallâj. Riwâyât. Arabic in Akhbâr, 3rd ed., p. 147-49; Persian in Essai, appendix, now printed in Baqlï, Sharh (v.s.), 335—69, 601—11; French or English in Passion, Fr 3:344~352/Eng 3:327-34.

 . Hallâj, Aboû al Moghîth al Hosayn ibn Mansoûr. Kitab al-Tawd- sfa. Ed. Louis Massignon. Paris; Geuthner, 19H- [New ed., s.n., Nwyia.] Trans, in Passion, vol. 3.

Hamadhânï. See^cAyn al-Qudât.

Hammer-Purgstall, Josef von. Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches. Pest, 1827.

Reprint Graz, 1963,

Haqqï, lsmâ^cïl. Tafsïr rüh al-bayân. Cairo, 1255. See P 844.

Harawï, ^cAbdallah al-Ansârï. Manâzil al-sâ^inn ilâ rabb al-^câlamtn. Contained in Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya’s Madârij al-sdliktn, v.i.

 . Tabaqât al-süfiyya. See P 1059a. [Ed, ^cAbd al-Hayy Habibî. Kabul: Historical Society of Afghanisun, 1341 h.s./i962.]

Hartmann, Richard. Darstellung des Sufitums. Berlin: Meyer and Millier, 1914.

Haytamï, Shihâb al-Din Ahmad b.M.b. Hajar. Al-Fatâwâ al-hadîthiyya. Cairo, 1325.

Horovitz, Saul. Uber den Einfluss der greichischen Philosophie auf die Entwick­lung des Kalam, Breslau, 1909,

Horten, Max. Die philosophischen Système der spekulativen Theologen im Islam nach original quellen Dargestellt. Bonn, 1912.

Huart, Clément. Littérature arabe. Paris, 1902.

 . Les Saints des derviches tourneurs. Vol. 1. Paris: E. Leroux, 1918 [1922 (v. 2)]. Trans, of Aflaki's manâqib, v.s.

 , _an<3 pi/a Tevfîq. Textes persans relatifs à la secte des Horoufis (Maj- mü^ceh-ye rasâ^el-e Horüfiyeh). E.J. W.Gibb Memorial, old series, 9. Lon­don, 1909. In French and Persian.

Hujwïri,^cAlï b.^cUthmân Al-Jullâbî. Kashf al-Mahjüb of Al Hujwiri: The Old­est Persian Treatise on Sufism. Trans. Reynold A. Nicholson. E.J, W. Gibb Memorial, old series, 17. London: Luzac, 1911. See P 1055a, 1692/ [Sub­sequent ed. of the original, Valentin Zhukovsky, 1927, reissued Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1336 h.s., with introductory material translated into Persian.] Hurayfîsh Makkî, Abû Madyan ShuSyb b. ^CAA. Kitâb al-rawd alfiâ^iq fi’l- mawâ^ciz wa’l-raqâ^iq. Cairo, 1310. Note misprints in P 579.

Huysmans, Joris-Karl, Sainte Lydwine de Schiedam, Paris, 1901.

Ibn^cAbd Rabbihi, Shihâb al-Dîn Ahmad. Al-^cIqdal-Fand. Cairo, 1316/1898.

Ibn abi Usaybi^ca, Ahmad b. Qâsim. Kitâb ^cuyün al-anbâfi tabaqât al-atibbâ.

Ed. A.Müller. KÔnigsberg and Cairo: 1882-84,

Ibn ^cAjïba, A. b. M. Futühât ilâhiyya. P 888.

 , Iqâz al-himam fi sharh al-hikam.

Ibn al-^cArabï, Muhyï al-Dîn. Fusûs al-Hikam. Istanbul, 1309.

 . Abfutühât al-makkiyya. Cairo: Bülâq, 1329/1911. Reprint Beirut: Dar Sader, 1968. See P 421.

 . Istilâhât (Definitiones). S.n., Fluegel.

  . Kitâb muhâdarat al-abrârwa musâmarat al-akhyâr. Cairo, 1282/1865.

Ibn ^cAsâkir, Abü’I-Qâsim ^cAlî b. al-Hasan. Tahdhïb tafikh ibn ^cAsâkir (on some title pages, al-Ta²nkh al-Kabtr; also Ta^rikh Dimashq). Damascus: 1329-31 (vols. 1-5), 1349-51 (vols. 6-7).

Ibn Atâ Allah, Tâj al-Dïn Abû’l-Fadl. Latâ^if al-minan, In margins of Sha^c- rânî’s Latâ^ifal~minan, v.i.

Ibn al-Athïr, ^cIzz al-Dîn AbûVHasan ^cAlï b. M. Al-Kâmil fi’l-tânkh, Ed. C.J.Tomberg. Leiden: Brill, 1867.

Al-Nthâya figharib al-hadîth.

 . Vsd al-ghâbafi ma^crifat al-sahâba.

Ibn Batta^cUkbarî, S.n.^cUkbari.

Ibn Bâbüya, Abu Ja^cfâr M. b. ^cAlî Kitâb ifanâl ad-dïn. Heidelberg, 1901. See P 160c.

Ibn Bâküya, Abü^cAA M.b.^cAA. Bidâyat hâl al-Hallâj wa nihâyatuhu, In Qua- tres Textes, s.n. Massignon. Errors in P 191.

Ibn al-Dâ^cï Râzï, Abu Turâb Murtadà. Tabsirat cd-^cawâmmfi ma^crifat maqâlât al-anâm. Tehran lith., 1312/1895. P 1081.

Ibn Dâwûd Isfahânï, Abu Bakr Muhammad. Kitâb al-Zahrah (The Book of the Flower). Ed. A. R. Nykl and Ibrahim Tuqan. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1351/1932.

Ibn Dihya, ^cUmar. Nibrâs. Ed. Azzawî. Baghdâd, 1946.

Ibn Durayd, Abû Bakr Muhammad. Kitâb Jamharat al~Lugha [Alfamhara fi’ldugha in the ed. of Ramzi Baalbaki, Beirut, 1987-88].

Ibn Farhûn, Ibrahim ibn ^cAlî. Al-Dïbaj al-mudhahhab fî ma^crifat a^cyân ^culamâ al-madhhab. Fez, n.d.

Ibn al-Fârid. Al-Tâ^iyyat al-kubrâ (Nazm al-sulûk). Many eds., e.g., Harn- mer-Purgstall, Das arabische hohe Ldede der Liebe, Vienna, 1854.

[Ibn al-Farrâ, Al-Qâdï Abû Ya^cla. Kitâb al-mu^ctamadfî usûl ai-din. Ed. Had­dad. Beirut: Dar el-Machreq, 1974.]

Ibn Hajar ^cAsqalânî, Ahmad b.^cAlï. Lisân al-mizan. Hyderabad, 1329-31/ 1911-13. See P 632b.

Ibn Hanbal, Ahmad, Musnad. Cairo: AI-Matba^cat al-Sa^cada, 1313/1895.

Ibn Hazm, Abu Muhammad ^cAlî b. Ahmad. Al-Fisal fï’l-milal waTahwâ wa’l-mhal. 5 vols. Cairo: Matba^ca adabiyya, 1317.

Ibn Jahdam, Abü’l-Husayn ^cAlï. Bahjat al-asmr wa lawâtnf al-anwâr, See P 182a.

Ibn al-Jawzî, Abû’l-Faraj. Akhbâr al-humaqa wa’l-mughaffalin. Damascus: Matba^cat al-Tawfig, 1345.

[■—. Al-Hasan al-Basri, adabuhu, hikamuhu. Ed. Hasan al-Sandûbî. Al- rasa^il al-nadira, 6. Cairo: Matba^ca rahmâniyya, 1350/1931. See H. Rit­ter in DI 21, pp. 7~ï0, dismissing this ed. as being of no verifiable authenticity. See also M. Swartzs ed. of Ibn al-Jawzï's Qussâs, 151 n 2.]

  —. Al-Muntazam fi ta^rikh al-mulük wa’l~umam. Haydarâbâd, 1359.

 . Kitab al-nàmüs fi talbïs Iblïs (Talbîs Iblïs). See P 370b. Notes reading “Nâmüs” are of 1922 and refer to a chapter in the manuscript; they are therefore generally usable, if somewhat vague. Notes added later read “Taibis” and refer to the Cairo ed. of 1923.

. Kitab al~qussâs wa’l-mudhakkirin. Ed. and trans. Merlin Swartz. Recherches: Pensée arabe et musulmane, 47. Beirut: Dar el-Machreq, 197 î]

 . Sifat al-Safwa. Ms. P. 2030.

Ibn Junayd, Mu^cîn al-Dïn Abü’l-Qâsim (Junayd Shîrâzï). Shadd al~izârfi hatt al-awzâx ^can zauwâr al-tnizâr. Ed. E. Denison Ross. 1919. [Tehran, 1328 h.s./1950.]

Ibn-Khaldûn. Muqaddima. Trans, de Slane. Algiers, 1852.

Ibn al~Murtadâ, Ahmad ibn Yahyâ (Bâb Dhikr al-Mu^ctazila min) al-Munya wa’l-amal fi sharh kitâb al-milal wa’l-nihal. Ed. Thomas Arnold. Leipzig, 1902. See P 210g.

Ibn al-Nadim, Abü'l-Faraj Muhammad b. Ishâq. Kitâb alfihrist. Ed. Gustav Flügel. Leipzig: F.C.W. Vogel, 1871-72. Reissued Beirut: Khayyât.

Ibn Manzûr, Muhammad b. Mukarram. Lisân al~^carab. Cairo, 1300-1307/ 1883-89.

Ibn Mukarram = Ibn Manzûr, v.s.

Ibn Qayyim (Qayîm) al-Jawziyya, Shams al-Dîn Muhammad. I^clâm al- muwaqqî^cïn ^can rabb al-^câlamïn,

 . Madârij al-sâlikînft manâzil al-sâ^irin. 3 vols. Cairo: Matba^cat al~ Manâr, 1331-34/1912-14.

Ibn Qutayba, Abü M. ^CAA b. Muslim. Kttàb al~Ma^cârif, Ibn Coteiba’s Hand- buch der Geschichte. Ed. Wüstenfeld. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ru­precht, 1850. P (Eng) 2112c cites other editions, but Massignon’s notes refer to this one.

 . Kitâb ta^unl mukhtalif al-hadïth [—Mushkil al-hadïth, Ikhtilâffïd-lafz]. Cairo: Matba^cat Kurdistan, 1326/1908.

 . ^cL^ûn al-akhbâr (on title page: ^cUjun al-ahbar). Ed. Brockelmann. Berlin: E. Felber, 1900-1908.

Ibn Sa^cd, Abû^cAA M. Kitâb al-tabaqât al-kabtr. Ed. Sachau et al. 9 vols. Lei­den; 1904-40. [New ed. Ihsân ^cAbbâs, Beirut, 1957.]

ïbn Sïda, Abu'I Hasan ^cAli b. Ismâ^cîl. Al-Mukhassas fi’l-lugha. Cairo: Bülâq, 1316-21. [Amended ed. A.S.M. Harun, Beirut, 1386.]

Ibn Sînâ, Abü^cAlï, Tt’s^c rasâ^il. Constantinople: Matba^cat al-Jawâ^b, 1298.

Ibn Taghrïbirdï (Ibn Tagri Bardiy), Abû'l-Mahâsin. Al-Nujüm al-zâhira fï mulük misr iva'l-qâhira (Annales). Ed. T. G. J. Juynboll. Leiden: Brill, 1 855- 61 [first two volumes of an edition continued by Popper, at Berke­ley, Cal., 1909-30]. P (Eng.) 660a cites an edition (Cairo: Dâr al-kutub al-misriyya, 1929) to which Massignon does not refer.

Ibn Tahir Maqdisi. S.n. Maqdisi.

Ibn Taymiyya, Ahmad. MajtniF al-rasa^il al-kubra. Cairo: 1323.

 . Majmü^catfatâuâ... Ibn Taymiyya, Cairo: Matba^cat Kurdistan, 1326— 29/1908-11.

 . Minhâj al-sunna, 4 vols. Cairo: 1321—22. See P512.

 . Naql al-Man tig.

Ikhwân al-Safa. RasâM. Bombay, 1305-6/1887-89.

Inostrantzev, Konstantin Aleksandrovich. Iranian Influence on Moslem Lit­erature. Trans. G.K. Nariman. Bombay: Taraporevala, 1918. With appen­dices from Arabic sources.

Isbahânî, Abü’l-Faraj ^cAlï b. Husayn. Kitâb al~Aghânï. Ed. Ahmad al-Shan- qïti. 21 vols, in 7. Cairo: Matba^cat al-taqaddum, 1905. See P 2122. ('Tst ed.” in the notes refer to Bülâq, 1868, 21 vols.).

Isfahan!, Abu Nu^caym. Hilyat al~awliyâ. Cairo, 1932-38.

Ivanow, Vladimir. A Guide to Ismaili Literature. London: Royal Asiatic So­ciety, 1933. Esp. pp. ï-2, on LM on "Qarmathians.”

^cIyâd Sibti. Kitâb al-shifa. Istanbul, 1312.

Ja^cfar al-Sâdiq, Tafsïr. S.n., Nwyia.

Jâhiz. Kitâb al-bayân wa’l-tabyïn. Cairo, 1332.

Jâmï, Nûr al-Dïn ^cAbd al-Rahmân b. Ahmad. Nafahât al-uns. Ed. Nassau- Lees. Calcutta, 1859.

Jarrett, Henry Sullivan, trans. The Ain-i Akbari by Abul Fazl Allâtni. Biblio­theca Indica, 3. Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1873-. [See text, s.n., Abü’l- Fadi.]

Jawharî, Ismâ^cïl b. Haminâd. Taj al-lugha wa sihâh al-^carabiyya. Cairo: Bülâq, 1282.

Jïlânï, ^cAbd al-Qâdir. See Kilani.

[Junayd. Rasa^il. In The Life, Personality, and Writings of Al-Junayd. Ed. A. H. Abdel-Kader. E. J. W. Gibb Memorial, new series, 22. London: Luzac, 1962.]

Jurjani, ^cAli b. Muhammad al-Sharif. Kitab al-ta^€rifst (Definitiones). S.n. Fluegel.

{Juynboll, G. H. A. Muslim Tradition. Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civi­lization. Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1983.}

[Kalâbâdhî, Tâj al-Islâm Abü Bakr Muhammad. Kitâb al-Ta~arruf H-mad- hhab ahl al~tasawwuf. Ed. Muhammad al-Nawâwi. Cairo: Maktabat al- kulliyât al-azhariyya, 1388/1969.]

Kâshânï (Kâshï), ^cAbd al-Razzâq. Istilâhât al-süfiyya. S.n., Sprenger, [New ed. ^cAbd al-Khâliq Mahmud, Cairo: Dar al-Ma^cârif, second printing 1404/1984.]

Kattâni (Kittani), ^cAbd al-Hayy ibn ^cabd al-Kabïr. Fihris al-fahâris wa ithbât wa mu^cjam al-mcTâjim wa’l-mashyakhât wa’l-musalsalQt. Fez, 1346.

[Khalil b. Ahmad. Kitâb al~^cayn. Vol. 1. Ed. A. Darwish. Baghdad: 1967. Vol. 2. Ed. M. al-Makhzümi. Baghdad: 1981.]

Kharrâz, AbÜ Sa^cîd Ahmad b. ^cIsà. Kitâb al-Sidq, The Book of Truthfulness. Ed. and trans. A. J. Ar berry. Oxford and Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1937. With Arabic text.

Khatib Baghdadi, Abu Bakr ibn Thâbit. Ta³rikh Baghdad. Cairo, 1831.

Khünsâri (Khwânsârî or Khawânsârï), Muhammad Bâqir. Rawdât al-jannât. Iranian lithograph, 1307.

Kilânï,^cAbd al-Qâdir (usually Jîlânï). Al-Ghunya li tâlibt tariq al-haqq. Cairo, 1288. P34th.

Kindi, ^cAbd al-Masïh. Risala ilà al-Hâshinù. Portions trans. William Muir as The Apology of al-Kindy, London: Smith, Elder, 1882. See P (Eng) 2139.

Kindi, Abu ^cUmar Muhammad b. Yusuf. The Governors and Judges of Egypt or Kitab el ’umara’ (el Wulâh) wa kitâb el Qudât of el Kindi. Ed. Rhuvon Guest. E.J. W. Gibb Memorial, old series, 19. Leiden: Brill, 1912. See P (Eng) 2139a.

Kraus, Paul. Jabir ibn HayySn. Paris; Maisonneuve, 1936. [Reprint Paris: Editions les Belles Lettres, 1986].

Kremer, Alfred von. Culturgeschichtliche Streifzüge auf dem gebiete des Islams. Leipzig, 1873. [Trans, in vol. i of S. Khuda Bukhsh, Contributions to the History of Islamic Civilization, Calcutta, 1929—30.]

Kürküt, Shâhzâdeh. Hariml. Ms. Faydiyya 1764. The author is called Qorqut in P (Eng).

{Lalande, André, ed. Vocabulaire technique et critique de la philosophie. Paris: Félix Alcan, 1926. ioth ed. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1968.}

Lammens, Henri. "Etudes sur le règne du calife omaiyade Mo'âwia 1er." Mélanges de ^Université Saint-Joseph (1908): 145-312. {The first parts of this series of articles are in MUSf x (1906): x-~xo8, and 2 H (1907); 1-172.}

{Landolt, Hermann. “Snnnânî on wahdat al-wujüd.¹' In Mohaghegh and Landolt, eds., Collected Papers (v.i.), 91—111.}

Lane, E. W. An Arabic-English Lexicon, London: 1863-77.

{Lieu, Samuel N. C. Manichaeism in the Later Roman Empire and Medieval China: A Historical Survey. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985.}

Lioni Africano, Gio van. Descrittione dell ’Africa. In Ramusio, Navigatione e vi- aggi. Venice, 1550.

Ma^carri, Abû'l-^cAlâ. The Letters of Abü ’I-‘Aid. Arabic ed. and Eng. trans., D. S. Margoliouth. Anecdota Oxoniensa. Oxford: Clarendon, 1898.

 . Risâlat al-ghufrdn. Cairo, 1907.

Makki, Abu Tâlib. Qut al-qulüb. Cairo, 13x0/1892.

Malatî, Abü'l-Husayn. Al-Tanblh wa'l-radd ^çala ahi al-ahw3 wa'l-bida^c. Reed, of Khashïsh NasaY's Istiqâma. [Ed. Sven Dedering, with add. tide, Die Wiederlegung der Irrglâubigen und Neuerer, Biblioteca Islamica, 9. Leipzig and Istanbul, 1936.]

Maqdisï, Ibn Tâhir (Ibn al-Qaysarânï). Kitâb al-bad³ iva’l-ta^rïkh (Le livre de la création et de l'histoire). Ed., trans. Clément Huart. Paris, 1899-X919.

~~—. Homonyma inter nomina relative, auctore Abu’l-Fadhl Mohammed ibn Tahir al-Makdisi vulgo dicto Ibno'l-Kaisarani. Ed. P, de Jong. Leiden: Brill, 1865.

Maqrizi, Taqî al-Dïn Ahmad b.^cAlï. Kitâb itti^câz at-hunafâ bi akhbâr al-a³imma alfâtimiyyin al-khulafa.

{Maréchal, Joseph. “Le problème de la grâce mystique en Islam." In Rech. Sc. Rel, (1923): 244-92 (P Eng 1755). Reed, and trans, in Studies in the Psychology of the Mystics, London, 1927. Early summary and appreciation of the Essay and Passion, on ramifications for Catholic theology.}

Margoliouth, D. S. The Early Development of Mohammedanism. Hibbert Lec­tures. London: Williams and Norgate, 1914.

 , ed. Letters. S.n. Ma^carri.

{Maritain, Jacques. See P 1784.}

{Massignon, Daniel, ed. Présence de Louis Massignon. Paris: Maisonneuve, 1987. Tributes, several in English.}

Mas^cüdî (Maçoudi), ^cAli b. Al-Husayn. Murüj al-dhahab (Les prairies d'or). Collection d'ouvrages orientaux publiée par la société asiatique, ed. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille. 9 vols. Paris: 1861—77- Arabie text and French trans., [Rev. Charles Pellat, Paris {French 1962-, Arabie 1966“)].

——. al-Tanbïh wa'l-ishrâf (Kitâb at~Tanbîh wa'l-ischrâf auctore al-Masüdt). Ed. de Goeje. Bibliotheca geographicorum arabicorum, 8, Leiden: Brill, 1894. P W-

MaSüm ^cAIi Shah Ni^cmatallâhi Shïrâzï. Tariftq al-haqëfiq. Tehran, 1316-19/ 1898-1901.

Mélanges dédiés à la mémoire de Félix Grat. Paris: Mme. Pecqueur-Grat, 1946.

Mélanges Fuad Kôprülü. Istanbul, 1953.

Mélanges Joseph Maréchal. Paris : Desclée de Brouwer, 1950.

{Mélanges Louis Massignon. Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1956.}

Mehren, August F., ed. Traités mystiques d’Avicenne. Leiden: 1889-99. Ara­bie text and French explanations. Four fascicules. [Reprint in i vol. Amsterdam: APA-Philo Press, 1979.]

{Mohaghegh, M., and H. Landolt, ed. Collected Papers on Islamic Philosophy and Mysticism, Majmü^ceh-ye sokhanrânî-hâ va maqâleh-hâ darbâreh-ye fal- safeh va ^cerf3n-e eslâmï. Wisdom of Persia, 4. Tehran, 1971-}

{Mole, Marijan. “Les Kubrawiya entre sunnisme et shiisme aux huitième et neuvième siècles de l'Hégire.” Revue des Etudes Islamiques 29 (1961): cah. ï, 63-142.}

Moubarac, Youakim. lé Islam et le dialogue islamo-chrétien. Pentalogie, 3. Bei­rut: Editions du Cénacle Libanais, 1972.

 . L’Oeuvre de Louis Massignon. Pentalogie Islamo-Chretiénne, ï. Bei­rut: Editions du Cénacle Libanais, 1972. Chronological bibliography.}

Mubarrad, Muhammad ibn Yazîd. Al-Kitâb al-Kâmil. Ed. William Wright, with add. title The Kâmil of el-Mu barrad. Leipzig: Kreising, 1864-82.

Muhâsibï, al-Hârith b. Asad. See list herein, ch. 5, sec. 1. A., and P 2166.

[ . Kitâb al-RFaya lihuqüq Allah. Ed. Margaret Smith. E. J. W. Gibb

Memorial, new series, 15, London: Luzac, 1940.]

[ . Kitâb al-tawahhum. Ed. A.J. Arberry. Cairo, 1937.]

[ . Al-MascPil fï a^cmâl al-qulüb wa’l-jawârih. Cairo: ^cAlam al-kutub,

1969 (also includes the Makasib and a Kitâb al-^caql containing no. 6 from the list in the text). Error, “Ma‘iyyaf in P (Eng) 2166c.]

[ . Risâlat al-Mustarshidtn. Aleppo, ï384/1964,]

[ .AI-Wasâyâ aw al-Nasâ^ih al-dlniyya wa’l-nafahât al-qudsiyya H naf^c

jâmi^c aPbariya. Ed.^cAtâ, Cairo, 1384/1964.]

Muir, Sir William. The Life of Mahomet. London: Smith and Elder, 1858.

Muqaddasï, Abü^cAA M. b. A. Asân al-taqâsîmfï ma^crifat al-aqàltm (Descriptio Imperii Moslemici). Ed. M.J. de Goeje. Leiden, 1877. See P(Eng) 2167.

Murtadà. See Ibn al-Murtada.

Muttaqï, ^Alâ^al -Dîn ^cAlï b. Husam al-Dîn. Kanz al-^cummâlfïsunan al-aqwâl wa’l~af^cal. On the margins of Ibn HanbaTs Musnad, v.s. See P2168.

Nabhânï, Yüsuf b. lsmâ^cil. Al-MajmS^cat al-Nabhâniyya fl’l-madâ^ih al~ Nabawiyya. Beirut, 1320/1903.

 . Jâmi^c karâmât al-aivHyâ. 2 vols. Cairo, 1329. Reprint Beirut: Dar Sader, n.d.

Nasâ³i, Khashïsh. Istiqâma. See Malatî.

Nawbakhtï, Abu Muhammad al-Hasan b. Mûsâ. Kitâb firaq al~shï^ca (Die Sekten des Schi⁽a). Ed. Ritter. Istanbul, 1931.

Nicholson, Reynold A. “An Early Arabie Version of the Mi‘râj of Abu Ya- zïd al-Bistâmî,” Islamica 2 (1926): 402—15. Arabie text and English trans.

Nizâmï-i~^cArüdî-i-Samarqandï, Ahmad ibn ^cUmar ibn ^cAlï. Chahâr MaqSla. Ed. Mîrzâ Muhammad. EJ. W. Gibb Memorial, old series, 11, no. 1. Lei­den and London, 1327/1910. Trans. E. G. Browne in II, no. 2, 1921.

Niyâzï Misri, Muhammad. DlwSn. Istanbul, n.d. Lithograph. P1353.

Nôldeke, Theodor. "Die aramaïsche Literatur.” In Die orientalischer Liter­atur, 103-23. Berlin, 1906.

 . Geschichte des QurSns. Gottingen: i860. P(Eng) 2172. [Augmented ed., E Schwally et al., 3 vols. Leipzig 1909, 1919, 1936],

{Nürï, Abü’l-Hasan. Maqâmât al-qulüb. S.n. Nwyia, “Textes”.}

{Nwyia, Paul. Exégèse coranique et langage mystique: Nouvel essai sur le lexique technique des mystiques musulmans. Pensée arabe et musulmane, 49. Beirut: Dar el-Machreq, 1971. Nwyia, correcting LM (pp. 14-15 and passim), shows that newly discovered texts and further analysis of Tir- midhï, Nuri, and Kharrâz demonstrate a doctrine as bold as Hallaj’s, be­fore his time. The Essay's thesis that Hallâj grew out of the early mystical movement is thereby strengthened.)

[ . “Hallâg: Kitâb al-Tawâsîn.” Melanges de ['Université Saint-Joseph cpj

(1972): 183-238. Full Arabic text except for the Bustân al-ma^crifa; par­tial French trans., where different readings change the sense.]

[ . “Le Tafsir mystique attribué à Ga'far Sâdiq, édition critique.”

Mélanges de ['Université Saint-Joseph 43 (1968): 181-230.]

 , “Textes mystiques inédits d’Abü-l-Hasan al-Nûrî.” Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph 44 (1968): 115-54.}

{ , ed. Trois oeuvres inédits de mystiques musulmans: Êaqîq al-Balhî, Ibn

^cAtà, Niffarï. Beirut: Dar el-Machreq, 1973-}

Pantanjali. Yoga-Sutra. Trans. M. N. Dvivedi. Bombay: Tattva Vivechaka Press, 1899. [See Bîrünï's trans, s.n., Ritter.]

Patrologiae Cursus Completus. Series Latina. 221 vols. Ed. J.-P. Migne. Paris, 1841-64.

Qushâshï, A. Dajjânî, Simt Majîd. Hyderabad, 1327.

Qâsimï, Jamâl al-Dïn. Majmù^c rasâ^ilfl usûl al-Jiqh (= majmû^c mutün usüliyya). Damascus, 1912. See P (Eng) 2188.

Qushayrï, ^cAbd al-Karîm ibn Hawâzin. Al-Risdla. See P213a. Citations with vol. and p. nos. refer to Ansari's ed., Cairo, 1290/1892 (4 vols.); with p. nos. alone, to the Cairo ed. of 1318 / 1900 (1 vol.).

Râghib Pashâ, Muhammad Beg. Saftnat al-Râghib. Cairo, 1282.

Râzî, Fakhr al-dïn. Tafsïr Kabîr (Mafâtïh al~ghayb). P385c,

Râzî, Najm al-Dîn Days. Mirsâd al-^cibad. P 1107 a.

Renan, Ernest. “Fragments du livre gnostique intitulé Apocalypse d'Adam, ou Pénitence dAdam ou Testament dadam, publiés d’après deux ver­sions syriaques.” Journal Asiatique, 5th series, 2 (1853): 427-71.

Rinn, Louis. Marabouts et Khouan, étude sur VIslam en Algérie, Algiers, 1884.

[Ritter, Heilmut. “Al-Bîrünî’s Übersetzung des Yoga-Sütra des Patanjali.” Oriens 9 (1956): 165-200. Arabie text.]

 . “Studien zur Geschichte der islamischen Frômmigkeit: I. Hasan al-Basri.” Der Islam 21 (1933) : 1-83. Contains Arabie text of MB’s letter to ^cAbd al-Malik b. Mar wan.}

Sabziwâri, Mullâ Hâdï. Jawshan kabîr. Tehran, 1267.

Sacy. See Silvestre de Sacy.

Sam^cânï, Abu Sa^cd^cAbd al-Karim b. Muhammad. Kitâbu’l-Ansâb of as-Sam- ‘ânï. E.J. W. Gibb Memorial, old series, 20. Leiden and London, 1913. Facsimile of Hyderabad ed. See P 350a.

Sarrâj, Abu Nasr (b. A. b. al-Husayn). Kitâb al4uma^c fî’l-tasawwuf E.J. W. Gibb Memorial, old series, 22. Leiden, 1914. [Supplement, s.n. Arberry.]

 . Masârf al~^cushshaq. Constantinople: Matba^cat al-Jawa³ib, 1301/ 1884.

Schacht, Joseph. Der Islam, mit Ausschluss des QMr’Sns.Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1931.

{Schaeder, Hans Heinrich. “Al-Hasan al-Basri: Studien zur Friihgeschichte des Islam.” Der Islam 14 (1925): 1-75.}

{Schimmel, Annemarie. Mystical Dimensions of Islam. Chapel Hill: Univer­sity of North Carolina Press, 197$.}

Shahrastânï, Abü’l-Fath M. b.^cA. Karim. Al-Milal wa'l-nihal, In margins of Ibn Hazm’s Ftsal, v.s.

{Shaibi, Kamil Mustafa. “Dhayl Dîwân al-Hallâj.” Zânkâ 3:2 (1997) : 1—31}

{ . Al-Hallaj Mawdû^can. Baghdad: Matba^cat al-ma^cârif, 1976.}

{ . Sharh Dïwân al-Hallaf Baghdad/Beirut, 1394/1973.}

Shammâkhi, Abu Zakariyâ. Chronique. Trans. Masqueray. Algiers, 1878.

Sha^crânî,^cAbd al-Wahhâb b. Ahmad. Al-Kibrit al-ahmar. Cairo, 1306.

———. Latâff al-minan. Cairo: Matba^ca Maymaniyya, 1321/1903.

 . Kitâb Lawâqih al-anuür al~qudsiyya fï bayan al-^cuhud al-Muhamma- diyya. Cairo: Matba^ca Maymaniyya, 1308/1891.

 . al~Mïzân al-Khidriyya. Cairo: Matba^ca Maymaniyya, 1276/1858.

    Al-Tabaqat al-kubra. Cairo, 1305,

 . Kitâb al-yautâqît al-jawàhirfl bay an SiqcPid al-akdbir. Printed in the margins of his Mïzân Khidriyya, v.s.

Sha^crâwi. See Sha^crânï.

Shattanawfï, Nür al-Dïn Abü’l-Hasan ^cAlï. Bahjatal-asrâr wa ma^cdan al-anwâr. Cairo, 1330. Error in P, 2nd ed., 502a.

Shiblï, Badr al-dîn Muhammad ibn ^CAA. Akâm al-maijân fi ahkâm al-jânn. Cairo: Matba^cat al-sa^câda, 1326/1908.

Sibawayh,^cAmr b.^cUthmàn. Le Livre de Sibawaihi. Ed, Hartwig Derenbourg. Paris, i88ï. Reprint Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1970.

Syistânï, Abu Hâtim. Kitâb al-mu^cammann, Ed,, with intro., I.Goldziher as Das kitâb al-Mu^cammafin des Abu Hâtim al-Sigistârtï. Leiden: Brill, 1899.

Silvestre de Sacy, Baron Antoine Isaac. Exposé de la religion des Druzes. Paris, 1838.

. Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale et autres bibliothèques. Paris, 1787-1819.

{Smith, Margaret. Rabt'a the Mystic and Her Fellow-Saints of Islam. Cam­bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1928. Reissue, intro, by A. Schim­mel, 1984.}

Snouck Hurgronje, Christian. Mekka. The Hague: M. Nÿhoff, 1888-89.

 . “Politique musulmane de la Hollande.’’ Revue du Monde Musul­man 14, no.6 (June 1911): 381-509, esp.446-49.

Sprenger, Aloys. Mohammed und der Koran. Hamburg: J. F. Richter, 1889.

 , _ej ’Abd-r-Razzaq’s Dictionary of the Technical Terms (f the Sufies. Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1845. Arabic text. Cf. Kashani.

-  _{( ec}j Dictionary of Technical Terms. S.n. Tahânawï.

Steiner, Heinrich. Die Mu^ctaziliten. Leipzig: Breitkopfand Hartel, 1865.

Ste inschneider, Moritz. Polemische und apologetische Literatur in arabischer Sprache zwischen Muslimen, Christen une Juden. Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1877.

Subkî, Tâj al-Dïn Abu Nasr ^cAbd al-Wahhâb b. Taqï al-Din. Tabaqât al- shâfi^ciyya al-kubrâ. 6 vols. Cairo: Matba^ca Husayniyya, 1324/1906.

Suhrawardï, Abü Hafs Shihâb al-Din ^cUmar. ^cAwârif al-Mfàrif. Cairo: In margins of Ihyâ, s. n., Ghazâli. Cf. Pqoia.

Sulamï, Abü ^cAbd al-Rahmân. HaqcRiq al-Tafsir. P tyod. There is also a ms. in the British Library (Oriental 9433).

 j_awâ_mfâdâb al-süfiyya. P 170c. [Ed. Etan Kohlberg. Jerusalem: Jeru­salem Academie Press, 1976.]

[ . Kitâb tabaqât al-Sûfyya. Ed. Johannes Pedersen. Leiden: E.J. Brill,

i960. Numbering system corresponds to references here.]

[ . Usül al-malâmatiyya wa ghalatât al-sûfyya. Cairo, 1405/1985.]

Suyüti, ^cAbd al-Rahmân. Kitâb al-La³âlt al-masnü^ca fl-ahâdïth al-mawdü^ca. 2 vols. Cairo: 1317/1899.

Tabari, Abü Ja^cfar Muhammad b.Jarïr. Ta’rïkh al-rusul wa’l-mulük. Annales. Ed. de Goeje et al. Leiden, 1879—1901.

Tabarsï, Abû^cAlï Fadi b. Hasan. Kitâb al-ihtijâj. Lithograph Tehran, 1302.

Tabâtabâ^ï, Muhammad Kâzim. ^cUrwa wuthqa. Baghdad, 1328/1910.

Tahânawî (Tahânuwï), Muhammad ^cAli b. ^cAli, A. Ed. Sprenger, Kashshâf istilâhât alfunün, Dictionary of Technical Terms. Calcutta, 1854—62. [Later eds.: Istanbul, 1317; Cairo, 1382/1963].

[Thawrï, Abu ^CAA Sufyan b. Sa^cïd b. Masrûq. Tafstr al-Qur^n al-^caztm (“Sawn TajstruTQur^ân”). Ed. ^cArshi. Rampur: 1385/1965.]

Tholuck, F. A. G. Ssufismus, sive Theologia Persarum Pantheistic#. Berlin: F. Duemmler, 1821.

Tirmidhi, al-Hakim. Khattn al-awliya. S.n. Yahia.

{Trimingham, J. Spencer. The Sufi Orders in Islam. Oxford: Clarendon, 197Ï.}

Tuscan, Sahl. Tafstral-Qur’an al-^cazim. Ed. Na^csânî. Cairo, 1326/1908. Mis­prints in P2237.

Tüsï, Abûja^cfàr Muhammad b. Hasan. [Fihrist kutub (Kitdb) al-Sht^ca] (Tusy’s List of Shy 'ah Books). [Ed. Sprenger and ^cAbd al-Haqq.] Trans. Sprenger. Calcutta, [1853—] 55. SeePz^zc,

[^cUkban,^cUbaydallah ibn Batta. Shark wa tbâna ^calà usül al-sunna wa’l-diyana, Ed. and French trans. Henri Laoust. Add. title: La Profession de foi d’Ibn Batta ^cUkbari. Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1958.]

^cUlaymi, Mujir al-Din. Uns Jalïi Cairo, 1283.

{Underhill, Evelyn. Mysticism. London: Methuen, 1977. (First pub. 1911.)}

Van Arendonk, Cornelis. De opkomst van het Zaidietische Imamaat in Yemen. DeGoeje Series, 5. Leiden: Brill, 1919.

Van Vloten, Gerolf. “Les Hachwia et Nabita.” In Xie Congrès International des Orientalistes. Paris, 1897. Off-print 1901.

Vaux. See Carra de Vaux.

{Waardenburg, Jean-Jacques. L’Islam dans le miroir de l’occident. The Hague: Mouton, 1962.}

Wahitaki, Hussein. “Verbesserungen und Bemerkungen zu Massignon’s ‘Recueil de textes inédits concernant l’histoire de la mystique en pays d’Islam'.” Islamica 5 (1932): 475-92.

Wahrânï, A. Firdaws al~murshidiyya. P 2243.

{Watt, W. Montgomery, ed. Bell’s Introduction to the Quran. Rev. Islamic Surveys, 8. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1970.}

Wensinck. The Book of the Dove. S.n. Bar Hebraeus.

{Wright, W. A Grammar of the Arabic Language. 3rd ed. Cambridge: 1896-98.}

Wüstenfeld, H. F. Register zu den arabischen Stdmmen und Familien. Gottin­gen, J 85 3.

Yâfi^cî, Abu M ^CAA ibn As^cad. Marhatn al-^cilal al-mu^cdila [ft daf^c al-shabh wa’l-radd ^cald’l-mu^ctazila] (Marhamu ’I-'Hah ’l-Mu'dila). Ed. E. Denison Ross. Bibliotheca Indica. Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1910-.

 Nashr al-mahâsin al-ghaliya. lyig. Printed in the margin of Nab- hânîs Jâmi^c, v,s.

 . Rawd al-Riyâhtn. Cairo : Bülâq, 1297. [Cairo : 1374/1955).

(Yahia, Osman, ed. Kitab hatm al-awliya’ d’al-Tirmidï. Pensée arabe et musul­mane, 19, Beirut: Dar el-Machreq, 1965.]

al-Yaman, Ja^cfar b. Mansür. Kitâbu'l Kashf of Jafar b. Mansür’l Yaman. Bd. R. Strothman, Islamic Research Assocation Series, 13. London: Oxford University Press, 1952, Arabie text.

  al-zakat. Ms, Leiden.

Yâqût. The irshad al-anb ilà ma‘rifat al-adtb, or Dictionary of learned men of Yâ- qût (Mu'jam al-udabâ). Ed. D. S. Margoliouth. E.J. W. Gibb Memorial Series, London: Luzac, 1907-. See P 410,

 . Marâsid al-ittilS^{c c}alà asmâ al-amkina wa’l-biqcf, Lexicon Geographicum. Ed. T. G. J.JuynboIl. 6 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1852-64.

 . Mu‘jam al-buldân: Jacuts geographisches Wbrterbuch. Ed. F.Wüsten- feld. Leipzig: Deutsche Morgenlàndische Gesellschaft, 1866-73. Arabic text. Reprints Leipzig, 1924; Tehran, 1965. Error in P^toft

{Young, M.j. L., J,D.Latham, and R.B.Serjeant, ed. The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature: Religion, Learning, and Science in the ^cAbbasid Period. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.}

Zamakhshari, FMiqfl gharib al-hadith. Hyderabad, 1324.

Zwemer, Samuel. "The So-called Hadith Qudsi.” Moslem World 12 (1922): 263-75-

INDEX

This is essentially a combination of Massignon’s separate indexes of names and technical terms. The definite article is suppressed in some of the names. The technical terms are italicized, here and in the text; when, that is, they appear in the text at all: sometimes the presence of a French equivalent was enough for Massignon to put the Arabic word in the index. Chapter one, insofar as words may be sought there by their triliteral Arabic roots, is not indexed here.

 

Ablnb. a. ^cAyyash, 84, 118, 123, 147

^cAbdak, 79. 116

^cAbdakiyya, 44, 116

abdâl, xxi, 28, 92-93

[^cAbd]

^CAA b. ^cAwn, 115

^CAA b. MaymOn al-Qaddah, 54, 139

^cAbdulmajid, Dr., 62

^CAA b. Qintlsh Hudhalï, 79

^CAR b. Ahmad, 144

^CAR b. ^cAwf, 167

^CA al-W3hid b. Zayd, 28, 51, 8o,

ro6, 123, 134, 135, 147, 148, 151

^cAbdari, 81

Abraham, xxx, 96

[Abb]

—    ^cAmrb, ^cAlâ, 115, 199

—    ^cAwlna, 123

—    ’l-Atahiya, 79, 131, 160

—    ’1-Dardâ, 91, 108, 131

—    Dlwüd Sijistânï, 79, 99

—    Dharr Hamdânï, 91, 116

—    Dharr Jundub Ghifari, 88, 98,

108-9

—    '1-Fadl, 60, 62, 67

—    Hamza, 75, 77-78, 107

—    Hâshim Küfï, 79, 203

—    Hazim Madanï, 45, 117

—    ³Imâma, 102

—    ^clsma ^cAbdï, 84

—    Israeli, 115

—    Nuwls, 77, 94, 160

—    Qullbajarmi, 136

—Shu^cayb QallSl, 8o, 158

—    Thawr, 116

—    Usama, 116

—    Zur^ca Râzï, 170

Adam, 137, 190, 194, 202, 209 ^cadl, 77, 129, 169 ahi, 28

Ahmad Ghazâlï, s.n. Ghazâlï Ahmad b. Masrüq, 160, 170 Ahnaf b. Qays, 120, 137

Akhbâr al-Hallâj, (editions of and references to) xxii, 13 n 1

^cAlï (the Caliph), 90, 109, 111, 123 ^cAli b. Rabbin, 38, 55, 58 dZtf, 27

Ameer Ali, 98

Àmidï, Rukn, 60

Amis de Louis Massignon, Les, xv amr, 27, 71, 138, 141

^cAmrb. ^cUbayd, 115, 120, 122, X27 ^cAmrb. Qays, 117, 119 ^càmiid al-ntlr, 42, 92

ana’l-Haqq, 28, 191

ananiyya, 186

Anas b. Malik, 89, 114, 244

Anawati, xxviii

^cAnbari, 122

Antaki, Ahmad b. ^cAsim, 104, n8, 123, 147, 154-58/ 163, 165, 169

Antâkï, Abû Muhammad ^CAA b.

Khubayq, 117-18, 154

Anthony, Saint, 44 apavarga, 63 apotropaic figures, xxiv ^caql, 169, 177, 195, 198 ^carif_J 65, 78, 187

Arnold, 60

Asm Palacios, Miguel, 8, 43, 44, 50, 152

Asma^ci, ^cAbdalmalik, 115 atman, 63—65

^cAttâbî, 51

^c Attar, Farid al-Din, xxvii, 51, 124, I59> *85,221-22

^cayn a!-jam^c_J 65, 78, 80, 188, 204

Augustine, Saint, 44, 46

Ayyüb Sikhtiyânî, 115, 121, 136, 138

azaliyya, 140 ^cazama, 183, 204

Baba Kapur, 61

Badawi, ^CAR, 83 bâdhir, ï68

Baghdâdi, ^cAbd al-Qâhir, 106, 177

Bahya ben Paquda, 44 bakht, 181

Bakkâ’ün, 113 ff.

Bakr, Bakriyya, 151-52

Bakr b. Khunays, 90, 117, 158

Balay balan, 72 balkaftyya, n baqa, 203

Baqlî Shïrâzî, Ruzbihân, 8, 13, 14, 70, 83, 184, 218-20, 223, 228

Barhebraeus, 44

Basetti-Sani, Giulio, xxvi

BashshSr, 27, 31

Basn, s.n, Hasan

Bâyazïd, Bastâmï, s.n. Bistami

bayn, 65, 67

Becker, Carl, 49

BektSshis, xxviii, 9

Berkevi, 81

bhakhti, 61

bi day a, 208

BÜ51 Sakünï, 106

Biqâ^cï, 49

Bîrûnî, Abû’l-Rayhân, 58, 63, 67,

68, 185

Bishr Hafï, 45, 93, 103, 159

Bishr b. Mu^ctamir, 159

Bistâmï, 51, 80, 83, 93, Ï75, 181,

183-92, 197, 208

Blake, William, 190

Blochet, Edgar, 35, 46

Bloy, Léon, xxvi

Brockelmann, Cari, 119, 160, 192;

(references to Gesdrichte) 224

Browne, E. G., 37, 134

buddhi, 63—64, 65

Bukhârï, 46, ni, 128, 139

Bukhtyishû^c, Jibrâ’ïl, 38

Bunânî, 85, 90, 114

Burjulânï, 51, 104, 160, 162

Busti, io6, 179

Carra de Vaux, Baron Bernard, 8

Casanova, 2, 54

Chabbi, Jacqueline, 216

Chishd, Mu^cïn, 61

Chistiyya, 9

Chuang-Tzu, 67

Claudel, Paul, xv

Corbin, Henry, xxviii, 83, 219-20, 223

Dab^cï, Ja^cfar b in Sulaymân, 115 dam'ir, 30

Daqqâq, 89, 214

Dârânl, 51, 80, 85, 152, 152-54, 162, 164, 169

Dârimï, 99, 174

Dasitânï, 184 f£

David, 144-45

Daylamï, 223

dayr, 76, 156

Delitzsch, Friedrich, 46

Dhahabi, 9, 89, 163, 170

dhâriySt, 29

d/nfer, 43, 73, 133, 191

dhyânâ, 64 dictionaries, xxiii, 7-8

Dimishqï, a. ^cAmr, 77 dïn, 129

Dindân, 37

Dîutân al-Hallâj, (edition) xxii

Dozy, Reinhart, 7

Dreyfus, xxvi—xxvii

Dubaylï, 183

dün, 181

Dürï, 184, 206

Durkheim, Emile, xxx

Dustuwâ³î, ni, 115

Dussaud, René, 49

Ernst, Cari, xxiii

Essai (conventions of this edition), ix; xvi; (editions of) xxii, 215

exegesis, xxvii

fadl, 166 fahwâniyya, 31

fana, 41, 65, 81, 183, 191, 208

faqr, 129, 173, 200

fard, 128, 191

firigh, 9

Paris Dînawari, 29-30, 77, 213

Farisï, Fakhr, 142

fësiq, 128, 138

Farqad Sinjî (or Sabakhî), 51, 104,

114, 130, 147

Fasawï, 102

fawâ^id (pi.) 78, 166

fikr, 80, 132

Firdawsï, 46

Firyâbî, 176, 200, 223

Fischer, August, 9

Flügel, Gustav, 8, 224

Foucauld, Charles de, xxx

France, Anatole, xxvi

Francis of Assisi, Saint, 43

Galtier, Emile, 49

Gandhi, 62, 229

Gardet, Louis, xxviii, 5

Geiger, 50

gharîb, 28, 155, ï^5> 201 ghawth, 92

ghaybüba, 187

Ghaylân, 49, 120, 122

Ghazülï, Ahmad, 75, in, 152, 223

Ghazâlï, Muhammad, 9, io, 40,

42, 44, 46, 55, 81, 86, 97, 113, 164, 175, 203, 213-14

Ghulâm Khalil, 84, 115, 201 ghurba, 28, 165, 201

Gilson, Etienne, 5

Gobineau, 46

Goldziher, Ignaz, xxii, 7, 34, 43. 57, 83. 97, 99, *°3> 1X3. 141, *73, c£ Vorlesungen

Gourmont, R. de 8 grace, xxiv-xxv

Grimme, Hubert, 97

Gurgânï, 189

hadïth mursal, 84 ff., 127 hadïth qudsï, 83 ff., 134, 143 haecceity, 64 hâjiz, 28

hdjj, 44-45, 100, 140, 141

hâl, 132, Ï45, 191, 207

Hallâj, xxi, xxii, n, 27 ff, 45, 48, Si, 5<S, 59, «5, 68-71. 80, 83, 85, ïoo, 117, 122, 133, 140, 162, 191, 207-14

halqa, 106

Hamadhânï, ^cAyn al-Qudât, 28, 223 Hamid Tawil, 122

Hamniâd b. Salama, 28

Hammer-Purgstall, Josef von, 81 hanîjlyya, 9, 136, 157, 189 haqiqa, 28, 45, 55, 78, 2ïo haqq, 28, 55, 78, 140, 191, 196, 210 haraka, 96, 169, 173

Harawï Ansârî, 14, 31, 82, 202, 221

Harim ibn Hayyân, 111

Hanrî, 9, 99, 108, 147

Harrâzl, 60

Hasan Basri, 2, 30, 45, 48, 51, 77, 79, 82, 88, 92, 106, no, ni, 119-38, 152, 194, 210, 214, 224

Hasan b. Sabbâh, 54 hashish, 74 Hashwiyya, 8

Hassân b. abî Sinân, 85

Hâtim b, ^cUnwân Asamm, 97, 173 hayât, 208 haykal, 208 haylâj, 37

Hayyâj Buijumï, ï20

hazz, 173, 191 himma, 45 Hirâ, Ml, 97 Hïrî, 182

Hirschfeld, 50

houris (/îûrâf), 139, 144, 145, 189

Horovitz, 52

Huait, Clément, 225

hubb, 143, 149

Hudhayfa b. Husayl al-Yamân, 88, 109-10

Hujwïri, 221

hulül, 29, 80, 8i, 140, 169, 178

huqüq Allah, 168

Husayn b. Muhammad, 250

huwa, 145

Huysmans, Joris-Karl, xxiv, 8

huzn, 132

ibâha, 80, 207

[Ibn]:

—    ^cAbbâs, 95, 127, 180

—    abl'l-^c A wjâ⁵, 126, 138, 141

—    abï’l-Dunyâ, 92, 103, 160

—    abi’l-Hawwârï, 80, 153 ff

—    abi'l-Khayr, 58, 90, 181

—    abî ^cUmayr, 116

—    Adham, 57, 60, 76, 83, 84, 93, 118, 153, 171, 185, 197

—    A^cr5bï, 171

—    ^cArabi, xxviii, xxix, 9, 29, 35, 56, 57, 83, 9°, 181, 185, Ï95, 197, 200, 208, 214

—    Ash^cath, 126

—    Athir, 99,

—    ^cAtï, 30, 45, 69, 80, 96, 139, 170, 208,209

—    Barrajân, 201

—    Burd, 129

—    al-D5^cï, 176, 179, 211

—    Dâwûd, 30

—    al-Fârid, xxvii, xxviii

—    Farrî, 201

—    Fürak, 179, 214

—    Hakam, 53

—    Hanafiyya, 102

—Hanbal, 76, 84, 94, 137, 158, ï<5o, 170, 214 —Harb, 50, 173, 176, 183 —              Haysam, 179, 213 —Hayyân, 141 —Hazm, 8 —              cIyâd, 88, ni, 118-19, 139, 142 —al-Jawzï, 5, 9, 45, 75, 9°, 112, n3> 119, 154, 163, 190 —              Kalbï, 37, 179 —              Karrâm, 9, 77, 174-83, 198, 210 —              Khafïf, 170, 202, 213 —              Khaldûn, 92 —              Khidrawayh, 170, 173 —              Mamshâdh, 175, i?9, 180, 182 —              Mascüd, 88, 108 —              Mucâwiya, 53 —              al-Mubârak, 82, 118 —              al-Munkadir, 45, 117 —              al-Muqaffac, 38 —              Qutayba, 88, 104 —              Sabcîn, 28 —Sacd, 97, 99, 136 —              Sâlim, 77, 188, 20ï —              Sawwâr, 199 —Shâdhân, in, n6, 126, 163 —              Sïnâ, xxx, 68ff., 90 —              Sirin, 84, 104, 110, 121, 136 —              Taymiyya, 9, 32 —              cUkkâsha, 84 —              cUyayna, 114, 116, 162, 174, 176

Ikhwân ai-Safô, 31, 54 cïkrima, 117, 194 tlham, 31, 155, 174 cibrt, 190, 207 ctlfn ladunnï, 91 iltimâs, 141, 212 28, 157, 171, 177, 198 cImrân Khuzâcî, no, 120 Inostranzev, 46 inyilâ^ 148 tnsân kâmil, 42 ipseity, 64 irâda, 31, 203 Iranshahn, 58 c Iraqi, 171 iffl*, 30, 177 cIsa b. Dâb, 117 cIsâ b. Zsdhân, 106 isnâdf 84, 91 Isfahânï, Abu Nucaym, 5 Isfarâ’inï, 214 Cùh<b 135 islikhSra, 84 intinbàt, xxiii, 34, 65 istUâ^a, 177, 200 istithnâ, 103, 129, 178 isvara, 63, 66 ictikâf, 100, 108, 116, 175 ittihâd, 55 ittisSf, 191 Ivanox, xxix

- W3sic, 8, 147 cibra, 95, 170 Ibrahim b. Junayd, 51, 159, ï6o, 203 ibtighâ, 103, ibtilâ, no ifrâd, 208 Ignatius of Loyola, Saint, 43, 50 ihdâlh, 178 thrâm, 100 ihsân, 169 ikhlâs, 45, 128, 147, 148, 164

Jâbirb. Hayyân, 52, 53, 105-6, 141 jabr, 79, 177 Jacfar al-Sâdiq, Imam, 69, 138 ff. Jacfar b. Mansür al-Yaman, 28—30, 32 jafr (cabbala), 67, 68-72, 205 jafr (astron.), 58 Jâhiz, 28, 105, 112, 133 jamct 65, 197 jamc al~jamc, 65 Jâmâsp, 37

 

 

James, William, xxiü, xxx Jarïr, Azdï, 59 Jawbiyârî, 84, 88, 123, 176 Jesus, 100, 104, 152, 197 Jïlï, 42, 213 Joachim of Flora, 54 Joan of Arc, xxvi John the Baptist, 152, 172, 175 John Climacus, Saint 43, 167 John of the Cross, Saint, xxiii Jones, Sir William, 57 Jubba’î, 102 2ï2 Junayd, 10, 50-51, 104, 117, ïôî, 185, 188, 205-9 Jurayri, 10, 96, 186, 207

khatt, 29 Khawwâs, Ibrâhîm, 91, 152, 178, 182, 206 khidma, 81 Khidr, xxi, 35, 91, 148, 199 fefeh^d, 50, 89-90 Khuldi, Jacfar, 89, 188, 206 khulta, 80, 137, 150, 171 khulq, 148 khumild, 29 Khurqâni, 184 Kîlânï, 43, 123, 202 Kindi, CA M, 35, 37, 48, 84, 194 Kimiânï, 221 Kraemer, 35 Kraus, Paul, 225

Kabir, 61 Kacba, 31 Kadinü, 88, 108 kadkhoda, yy Kahmas, 80, 114 Kalâbâdhî, (editions of his Tacarruf) 2ï6-ï8 kalatn, 161, 171 kamad, 171 Kamâl al-Din, 98 KarrSmiyya, 151 fed3*, 75 kasb, 96, 173, 198, 200 kashkûl, 57 Kaufmann, 50 kawn, 55 khabar, 55 khadca, 187 Khadir (cf, Khidr), 91 Khannas, 199 khanqah, 79, 107, 175 Kharküshï (Khargûshi), 220 Kharrâz, a. Sacïd, 56, 78, 80, 96, 203-5, 20 8 Khashïsh Nasa3ï, 80, 141, 150 khatm, 34

Kremer, A. von, 39, 42, 43, 49, 58, 59, 213 kun, 31, 32, 70 Kürküt, 189 lafz, 171 lâhüt, 31 la3ih, 31-32 lâm alif, 27, 71 Lammens, 97, 125 Laoust, Henri, xxviii Layla, 94 laysiyya, 187 liwat, 129 Leo Aficanus, 122, 137 logos, 44 Lull, Ramon, 53 lutf, xxiv Macarri, 188 Macbad, 49 mabcath, 172 Madani, s.n. Abü Hâzim Maghribï, a. cUthmân, 214 mahabba, 30, 31, 135, 140, 158, ï66, 189

 

Majdhub, ii

Majnün, 94

Makdisi, George, xxviii

Makhül, Nasafï, 182

Makhzûmï, 99

Makki, ^cAmr, 29, 206

Makkï, a. Talib, 9, 45, 93, 137, 164, 2oi, 203

makr, 9

Mâkyânï, 176

Malik, in, 136, 139

Mâlik b. Dinar, 59, 84, 85, 104, 114, 134, <35, 147, 150, 199

Ma³mün, 53

Mamshâdh, Banü, 182 manas, 63, 65

Mani, 35

Mansürb. ^c Ammar, 96, 139, 159 manzür, 65

maqSm, 30, Ï95

Maqdisi, Ibn Tahir, 75, 81, 86, 111

Maqdisi, ^cIzz, 170

Maréchal, Joseph, xxviii, 236

Margoliouth, D. S., 59, 90 ma^cnfa, 143, 154-55, 158, 171, *75, 177

Maritain, Jacques, xv, xxviii

Martyn, Henry, xxiii

Mary, 96

Ma^crüf Karkhi, 89, 158-59, 205-6 mashi^a, 140, 203

Massignon, Louis (other works related to this one), xxii, 225

Mas^<udi, 55

Mauriac, François, xv mawfiz (pL), 106, 122 mawâtï (pL), 46 mayit, 43

Maysara, 86

Merx, 50

Mihyâr Daylamî, 47 mtnbar, 107

mi^crâj_f 186 ff

Miskawayh, 38

Misri, Dhü'1-Nün, 45, 76, 80, 93, 139, 141, 142-47, 153, 162, 183, 198, 205

mïthâq, 134, 159, 199

mit mar, 107

53

Mobed Shah, 60

Moses, 197, 202, 211

Moubarac, Youakim, xxv, 225

Mu^câwiya, 109, m Mu’ayyad Shirâzï, 27 Mudar Qârî, 135, 147, 151 muhaddithun, 84, 195-96 Muha’imi, 103

Muhammad the Prophet, 94—98, 111, 115, 126, 140, 165, 189, 195-97, 208

Muhammad b. Faraj, 51

Muhammad b. Ishaq, 51

Muhammad b. Kathir, 161, 183

Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Ishaq, 176

ntuhSsaba, 132, 164

Muhâsibï, xxx, 9, io, 76, 86, 89, 96, 97, 105, 155 ff., 161-71, 190, 207

Muhawwali, 158 muhiqq, 196, 209 Mujahid, 50, zoi, 112 ff, 162 Mujâlid, 117 mnkâlama, 202 miinâjât (pl.), 180, 195, 208 Munawi, 223

Muqâtil, murâqaba_f 171 muraqq^a, 51, 152 Murri (Salih), 92, 114 Mursi, 165, 170, 197 musïba, 137

Muslim Khawwâs, 34, 93, 118 Mutanabbi, 27

Mutarrif, no, 122, 125-26 mutashâbihât, 35—36 Mu^ctazilites, 138 muttala^c, 82, 95 muutâlâh, 208 Muwarriq, 112 ff.

Nâbulusi, 75, 90

»#«/, 59

nqfs, 65

Nafeï, 90

Nâgüri, 223

Nallino, xxviii namâz, 194 Nânak, 61

Naqshband, 61, 199

Naqshbandiyya, 9

Nasafï, 180 nash, 125, 165 Nasîbï, 68 Nâsir-i Khusraw, 54, 61

Nasr, Seyyed Hossein, xxviii, xxix Nasrâbâdhi, 83, 161, 214 Nathar Shah, 59 nazar, 65

nazar ilà’l-murd, 75, 81

nâzir, 32, 65

Nazzâm, 110

Nibâji, 157, 163, 186

Nicholson, R. A., 8, 41, 65, 172 ni^cma, xxiv

Niyâzî, 2, 90 niyya, 82, 128, 137, 138, 164 Nobili, Roberto de, 44, 66 nuqta aslîyya, 41

Nusayrïs, 27—28, 3 x-32,42,49,70, 141

nür, 42, 14O

nür sha^csha^canî, 29, 32

Nür Satagar, 60

Nûri, 10

Nwyia, Paul, xxii, xxviii, 19, 230, 238

Nyberg, 8

Pachomius, Saint, 68

Pascal, 44

Passion de Hallâj (Passion of al-Hallâj), xvi (editions of and references to), xxii, 13

Patanjali, 41, 42, 43, 58, 63-68

Péguy, Charles, xxvii

Plato, xxx, 87 prakrti, 63, 64 prâna, 43 psalm, 48 purusha, 63—65

qâb qawsayn, 56, 97, 186

Qaddâh, c£ ^CAA b. Maymün al Qaddâh

Qahtabî, 213

Qalandariyya, 100 qalb, 33, 109, 134/ 198

Qannâd, 184

Qarmathians, xxix, 37-38, 53

140-41

Qârûn, 153

Qassâr, 117, 193

Qatâda, 1x4, 124-26, 138 qirâ\ 82, 127, 188 qiwiîm, 45

Qurashî, 213

(prb, 32, 77

Qur^?ân (verse numbering of), xxii

Qurdûsi, 114

Qushayrï, 89 qussâs (pi), 112 ff., l68 qutb, 92 qüt, 44, 203

Rabâli Qaysî, 78, 79, 150 ff, 169 Râbi^ca, 79> 83, 115, 144, 149 & Rabi^ca of Jerusalem, 154 Rabi^c b. Khaytham, 11 ï

rahbâniyya, xxv, 50, 98—104, 134, I3^> 157, 164

rahma, 153

Raqqâshï, 48, 88, 114 nrçs, 74 Râzï, Fakhr, 27, 179, 183 Râzï, Najm al~Dïn, 1 ï Râzï, cUthmân b. Sacïd, 193-94 Razi, Yahya, 10, 180 Râzï, Yüsef 143, 182, 183 Râzï, Abû Hâtim, 29 Retend de textes inédits (publication and references), xxii, 5 Renan, Ernest, 52—53 ricâya, ïOI, ï62, 163, 170 ribât, 106 rida, 77, 82, 97, 134, 169, 20ï Rifâcï, 83 Ritter, Hellmut, 83, 224 ruhbdn (ph), 51, 99 rukhas (pL), 84, 147 rüh, 29> 55- 65, 154, 195, 2°4 Rümï, Jalâl al-Dïn M. Balkhî, xxviii, 9 Ruqba b. Masqala, 116 ru3ya, 127, 189, 208

samâdhï, 63—65, 66 sannyasi, 66 Saqallï,i99 Sarï, 27, 32, 107, 159, 205-6 Sarrâj, 13, 30, 81, 188 sarûra, 99 Satan, 201, 2O2, 205, 209 sattvâ, 63 sattvâpatti, 63 satyagraha, 62 Sâwi, 103 $awmaca, 99, 106, 157 Sayhür, k. al- of Hallâj, 223 Sayyîri, 65 Schimmel, Annemarie, xxix shabah, 207 shahâda, 68, 192 shahid, 7, 29, 77 shakk, 178 shath, xxiii-xxiv, 66, 73, 74, 82-83, V, theopathetic Shattâriyya, 9 shawq, 135, 148 Shibli, 83

sabab, 200 Sabas, Saint, 69 Sabas the Massalian, 100 Sabians, 53-54 sabr, 165, 168 Sabziwarï, 37 Sacy, Silvestre de, 72, 99 Safadî, Y., 171 sajar, 76 Safwân, 116 sahar, 131 Sahl, s.n. Tustarï Sahlagî, (Sahlajî), 184 ff. sakïna, 195 Salar Mascûd, 61 salat, 194, 205 sâlih, 20 Sâlimiyya, 151, 201 ff. 213 ff. santâc, 43, 73, 139, 144, 204

shirk, xxv shubuhSt, 131 shuhiïd, xxix, 60 shukr, xxiv shucübiyya, 46 siddîqün (pi.), 148, 150, 196 sirr, 202 Shakarganj, Farid, 61 Shaqïq, 77, 173 Shacrâwi, 91, 190, 213 Shâtibï, 81 Shibli, Abu Bakr, 68, 75, 153, 188 Shibli, Badr al-Dïn Muhammad, 153 Shirâzï, Mascûd, 182 Sibt ibn al-Jawzî, 223 Sijzï, a. Yacqüb, 38 Simnanï, cAlâ:> al-Dawla, xxviii, 91 Sindî, a. cAlï, 65, 68, 183 Sïwâsï, 81

 

 

Snouck-Hurgronje, Christian, xxx, 9> 99, 139 Solomon, 196 Sprenger, 8, 86 Stendhal, 41, 57 subha, 50 subhânï, 187 ff. subuhât (pl.), 196 siïf, 51, 79/ 104-6, 114, 124, 136, 147 suffit (ahl al-), 106 sü/î, 79, 105 Sûfï, al-, 105 Süfiyya, 105—6 Suhayb, ni Suhrawardi of Aleppo, xxviii, 8, 27, 55“5<>f 204 Suhrawardi, cUmar, 56, 183 Sulami, CAR, xxii, 2, 5, 8, 81, 139, 145, 210, 218-20 Sulamï, Ma’mün, 176, 181 Sumaniyya, 59 suwft, 53 sîira, 55

takbïr, 185, 194 talbïst 31 Tamim Dâri, 112 tatnztq, 75 tanahhus, 44 tanzïh, 140 taqiyya, 136 taqutâ, 101, 108 tarahhub, 99 tashacshucf 42, 183 tawahhunt, 50, 76, 169, 189, 190 tawakkuî, 77, 146, 173, 199, 201 tawba, 200 tawhïd, 191, 199, 212 ta^uâl, 114 Tawhîdî, 53, 55, 124 Tâ% D. 76, 116 Tatvâsïn, K. al- (edition), xxii Taymi, Ibrahim, 116 Taymi, Sulaymân, 115, 148 Teilhard de Chardin, xv t/ianâ, 193 Thawrî, 116, 132, 199 theopathetic, theopathic, theopathy,

la3alluht 55, 124 Tabari, 127 tobîca, 53, 55 tadtnïn, 32 tadmîr, 141 tadyic, 187 tafakkur. 108, 158, 180 tajdîl, 81, 150, 268 tafcîl, 77, 202 tajrïd, 65 tajwid, 77, 143 211 tahabbub, 165, 166 tahajjud, §7 Tahânuwi, 8 tahiyât (pl.), 194 tajallï, il, 16, 150, 199, 201 tajrïd, 6s, 185, 192, 212

xxiii-xxiv, v. shath tibb, 54 Tirmidhï, 28, 55, 68, 85, 132, 192 ff. Tremearne, 75 tiï, 55 Turkumânî, 81 Tustarï, 43, 56, 63, 80, 83, 88, 107, 187, 199 ff.t 210 cUbayd jurhunû, 52 Ubayy, 48 cujb, 164, 202 Umm al-Dardâ, 108 wnnta, 124—25 cUmayy Bistâmi, 184 fE Underhill, Evelyn, xxiii Urfe, Honoré d', 146

 

Uswârï, 114, 134

^cUtba, 100, 114, 13 b 137 ^cüthmân, 109, 124, 125 ^cUthmân ibn Maz^cûn, 99, 136 UwaysQaranï, iïi-12

Valesius, too

Van Vloten, 175

Virgil, 65

Varlesungen of Goldziher (references to), xxii, 7

vrtti, 43, 64-65 vrttinirodhd, 68

Waardenburg, Jacques, xxvi wadââ^cûn, 86

wager (of Pascal), 44

Wahb ibn Munabbih, 52, 113, 162 wahda, xxix, 60 wahdaniyya, 55, 200 uufty, 195, 196

wajd, 73-74

wajh, 153

Wakî^c, 107, 115, 138, 153

Wâqidi, 97

wara^c, 131-32, 146, 158, 165, 169

Warrâq, a. Bakr, 199

Wasil, 138

Wâsitï, 28-29, 55* 56, 77> 96, 189, 213

waylakum, ï68

u/d^cz, 137, r 59

Wensinck, 42, 48, 50, 51, 52, 99, 149 wird, 136

Wuhayb b. Khalid, 162

Wuhayb b. Ward, 115 wujild, xxix, 60

yadayni, 32

Yâffi. 163

yâ HU, 32

Yahyà QattSn, 36, 85

Yahy'â b. Mu^câdhRâzi, 88, 107,

180 ff., 206

Yamâmi, 123 yaqin, 199 ya Sin, 32

Yazld b. abï Unaysa, 53

Yazidis, 137

Yunus b. ^cUbayd, 115, 132

Zajjàj, Abu Ishâq, 102-3

Zamakhshari, 99, 102, 103 zann, 129

Zayn al-^cÂbidîn, 134

zill, 30

ziyâta, 196

Zuhayr, Bahi, 27

zuhd, 131, 146, 157, 168

Zuhri, 84

Zurqân Misma^cï, 58

Zwemer, 135

 

---

[1] The Poiiiati of al-HalSaf Bollingen Scries XCV1H, 4 vols., (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1982).

[2] Which ‘'Muhammad did not make¹' (herein, ch. 4 n 28); i.e., it is the word of God. Mas­signon was the first of the Western orientalists to treat the Qu Pin with reverence in this manner.

[3] Most tea den will need the table of conversion from Fliigels edition to the Egyptian text, in BeIVs Introduction (see Bibliography, s.n., Watt).

[4] The text refers to Massignon’s editions, for the sake of homogeneity. There have been oth­ers of the Tawdsm and Diwan (see Bibliography, s.n., Nwyia and Hallâj, for details), which are of course to be consulted. The Diwans of 1931 and 1955 are identical, except that the later one con­tains a useful supplement.

[5]  These were given in Arabic, in Cairo, in 1912-13, and edited recently. They have not yet received much attention because they were unpublished for so long. Massignon wrote that they were the first of the three parts (the other two being the Passion and the Essay) of his investiga­tion into Hallâj’s mystical language (Passion Fr r ift-ry/Eng i:iii — see the next paragraph for the form of notes like this). A fourth part now available is the collection of Hallâj ian articles in Massignon’s Opera Minora, H, 9~342.

[6] The second edition (1936) will suffice if absolutely necessary for most of the Arabic, insofar as the numbering system is identical.

[7] The word istinbSf meat» literally “finding the source of running water.” Nicholson trans­lates it, in a manner typically divergent from Massignon’s, as “intuitive deduction.”

[8]  For Massignon the defining characteristic and “crucial symptom" of Islamic mysticism.

[9] In the Essay, the mentions of locution théopathique from the addenda of 19 $4 are incorporated as ch. 3, notes 69 and 81.

[10]       Words, p. 134 (and passim for shath in general). Note that James's use is eccentric in the Eng­lish history of the word. Ernst also mentions the use of locution by St. John of the Cross, of whom Massignon was no doubt thinking is some way when he wrote locution.

to. Both from the same periodical. Henry Martyn is the orientalist authority given for the first quotation.

[12]  Ni^cma, lutf_r shukr, and others.

[13]  In one place {Patsion, Ft 1:29/ Eng 1:1 x v) Massignon translates théopathie into Arabic as ikhlâs.

[14]  See especially ch. 2, sec. 3. E., herein.

[15]  See herein, ch. 4, sec. 5. A.

[16]  IS Islam et le dialogue blâme-chrétien. Penta logic, 3, p. 132,

«R. E.g., ch. 4 n 201.

[18] Most systematically, Jacques Waardcnburg, in L’Islam ta le miroir de Voceident, where Mas­signon is treated with all the thoroughness of phenomenology, along with four other orientalists: Goldziher, Snouck-Hurgronje, Seeker, and Macdonald. The best account of Massignon's signifi­cance among some Christians is the life by Giulio Bassetti-Sani, Louis Massignon : Christian Ecumenist,

[19]  From Les Dernières colonnes de l’église. Reproduced in Oeuvres de Léon Bloy, vol. 4 (Paris: Mercure de France, 1965), 263. See Passion, Fr 1:27/ Eng t ; i xiii, on Bloy,

[20]   In the preface to the new edition, Passion, Fr 1:31 / Eng t :txvi.

[21]  OM, II, p. 17. The article is “La Passion d'al-Halladj et l'ordre des Halladjiyyah/' in Mé­langes Hartwig Derenbeurg (Paris, 1909).

[22]   Passion, Fr 1:44/Eng 1:3.

[23]   kie de Jeanne d'Are (Paris, 1908).

[24]  Like Massignon, Péguy turned to Christianity in 1908. He had also written on her before that year.

[25]   V.i,, ch. 2, sec. 3. A.

[26] He was responding to a reviewer who had called Anatole France’s work ‘’pious and secular exegeses": “On avait cru jusqu'ici qu'il n'y avait qu'une exégèse, et quelle était, ou qu’elle pré­tendait être fdentifiijue" In Péguy, Oeuvra en prose, 1909-1914 (Paris, ïçfil), 898.

[27]   Following Nallino: RMM, vol. 44-45 (Apr.-June 1921): J09.

[28]   Présence de Louis Massignon, ed. D. Massignon, 56-57, article by H. Nasr.

[29]  There is a balanced summary of both sides of this argument in Anncmarie Schimmel’s Mystical Dimensions, 259-74.

[30] Which is supported by those within the Islamic tradition, like ^cAlâ’ al-Dawla Simnânî, who have criticized ft>n^cArabi. For more critical interpretations of SimnSnl, see Bibliography, s.n. Lan- dolt, Mole,

[31]  See Muhadarât, p. 149, on "monism" among Westerners.

[32]   Fr, être, which can also mean ‘'existence”: wsytrd in any case. OM, II, p. 37.

[33]   E.g., the one sketched in the Passion, vol. 3-

[34] “Qarmathianism” is often used by him to signify Hellenistic syncretism as combined with ^cAlid loyalties in Islam, See sympathetic researches in his article, “Karmatians;¹ in Eli, and his

[35]The Rerwrd was vol. j of Collection de textes itt&iits relatifs Ü la mystique musulmane. Pederson's edition was fi- published, in i960, by another house (Leiden, E.J.Brill). Contrary to what Massignon says, there was a Cairene edition of 195J.

1.1 thank the editors of this Collection (Etienne Gilson and Louis Cardet] for planning a third edition of the Akltbâr al-Hallty (1957]. one of the most characteristic, and most difficult to fmd, of such monographs.

[36]Sec Essai, 2nd ed., pp. 336—449.

1. Necessarily held also by their Western colleagues. We are told with whom Malherbe studied the French of his time and among which subjects our dialectologists go to make their representative sound recordings. The personal interpolation of the subject is thus reduced to a minimum.

2.  P. XI.

3.         'rhe word is Goldzihcr's ( IZorteiungeH uber den Islam [Eng. trans., Introduction to Islamic Theol­ogy and Law, Andras and Ruth Hamori, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 198 i, 147, where the reader will find not “interiorization" but "spiritual experience.’’ Massignon refers to F. Arin’s French translation of the p'orlesuttgen; the notes here refer to the recent English version]).

[37]       There is as yet no comprehensive study of the parallel Western phenomenon, "mystical Latin" (as Huysmans and Rémy de Gourmont prefer to call what should be called "church Latin") ; a comparison of these two "consecrated languages" would be fruitful.

[38]       Ed. Sprenger, Before TahSnuwi other non-Arab Muslims, in this case Persian (Amuli, for example) and Ottoman encyclopedists and lexicographers, had collected materials,

[39]       See my own Bibliographie hallagienne (Passion, ch. 15 nos. 1639, 1665, 1670, 1671, 1685, 1689, 1(592, 1708, 1729, 1736, [same numbers in all editions, French and English, of the Passtow]).

[40] Who critically edited or translated Sarrij and Hujwirl.

[41] Sird’is al~baySn, lithographed in India.

[42] And Nyberg, Ibn ^eArabï,

[43]  Ibn al-Jawzi on makr (Passion, Fr. 3:51 n 2/Eng 3:43 n 121); Dhahabl on firigh min al- dunyü wa’l-Skhira (Passion, Ft 2:57 n 4/Eng 2:48 n 166).

[44]  Note the very different percentages of Muslims in Behar and Bengal, both subjugated po­litically during the same period (Arnold, Preaching of Islam, s.v.).

[45]  Passion, Fr 3:116/Eng 3:105.

[46]  Politique musulmane de la Hollande, in RMM ( 1911 ) 446, 448 (= 70, 72 of the offprint).

[47]   Ap. Ibn ^cAjiba, Fuftl/wz, I, 46.

[48]  Passion, Fr 1:649—50, 3:23!/Eng 1:599-600, 3:219 [book 3, ch. 20 of MirsSd al-^cibad of Najm al-Dîn R3zï (d, 654/1256)].

[49]Massignon_j, per hips more by oversight than in deference to the early sources (e.g., Jawhiri, SihSh, s.v,), given his announced principles in this chapter, puts this word (M^wOr) under the root TMR. The right place is here, where I have put it (and where Massignon knew it belonged, v. Dïwën, M J i ) to avoid confusion. See Lane’s brief history of this question, in the ArMc-Bngfyti Lexiam, under ⁵MR, book I. p. 98.

^[50]LF. alif the letter A, and the number 1. ma^lüf ⁽ accustomed,” as op­posed to maqtü^c, “left alone, lonely.” Hallâj applies it to any spiritual monad, while the tradition, as much among mystics as among Shiite extremists, reserves it for Iblïs, The alif “has refused the sujud” (Sari, ap. Lisan, IH, 14: contradicting Futühdt, II, 197, where, instead, the lâm~ alif the jawzahr, rebelled). ‘Al alif muta^akhkhar al-sujüd yantazir al-amr al-ilâhi” (= Iblïs: ms. Nus. 34, f. 124). Hallâj sees in it the monad, the ambivalent Ego, the yaqtn (= tinnïn).

amr, the divine Commandment (distinct from irada, the unbreakable decree). Hallâj parts company with the Salimiyya and Sahl (cf. Taw- hïdî, Basa^ir, 91, 256) by centering mystical union on Amr, through the “fiat” (cf. kun).

5. By this time Fudayl b ^cIy3d had already given a mystical interpretation to a secular verse of BashshSt (Tawhldi, Bashir, ro8).

[51]Left out of the list in £«<», by simple oversight; see Ausiott Fr I ; J 89/Eng i :34t.

[52]V. Stf 49, P Fr ( 1589/Eng 1:54J- Surely “mediate causes" (rrtiuej inidinics}, as a translation of is used in the bastard sense. Vir "secondary causes" or “intermediaries."

[53]        Muslim KhawwSs (d.c. 200) explains the method very well: "At first, since my reading of the Qur’an lacked sweetness, 1 began to read as if Muhammad were dictating it to me; then, as if I could hear Gabriel announcing it to Muhammad; finally, as if I could hear God Himself; ‘and all the sweetness was given to me’” (Sh/rawi, Al-fabaqAt al-Stubrü [Cairo, 1305], Ï, <5t [Recwri/, 1929, p. io]L

[54] Passion, Fr jirpS/Eng 3:185; Sarrâj, Lufna^c, 85 ff,

[55] Malati, f. 375, Cf. Goldzihcr, Vorksuttgen, Eng. trans., 69 n 2.

[56]        Put back into this overall picture, each element is still appreciated according to its proper nu­ance, discerned beforehand by analysis. Therefore, when a proposition oflslamic dogma passes from Arabic into Turkish, its syntactical order can be changed without damage to the conceptual hier­archy of the corresponding ideas—provided that the translator has elucidated the subject in advance.

[57] Note that the terms watsf, khStir, Jirasa, haqiqa^aql, Jikr,                      ma^crifa are absent from the

Qur’in.

[58] Talmudic or Christian; cf. below, sec. 1. c. See studies by Fraenkel; Dvorak.

[59]        ^CA.M,Kindi has already pointed out istabraq, suwius, abâriq, namSriq, and the Abyssinian (sic) term mishkat (RisSla, 9j; cf. MaSrri, Malâ^ika, 24). It is much less certain that the si/fat (muntaha) is the "white Homa," or that the sitôt is the Chinvat Bridge; and one ought at least to decide be­tween Darmesteter (Hautes Etudes XX III), who makes Hawvatat into Hârüî, and Bloc het, who turns the same word into ai-Khidr...

[60] Cf. Kraemer (R.MM XLIV, 51).

[61]        Theosophical tendency, perceptible in the MSnl and Ibn ^cArabl, who fail to understand that access to a mystical goal depends above all on the judicious choice of one way, which strengthens the will in its unwavering aim. They imagine, to the contrary, that they will find surer access to union with the divinity by using ail ritual means at once. This syncretist eclecticism prevents them from perceiving the gradual, irreparable, transforming differentiation along the road, between those who prostrate themselves on the "Way of the Cross" and those who are stretched out under the Juggernaut's chariot.

[62]  Which enters religious consciences that are gnawed by doubt, during periods of deca­dence, not at a beginning.

[63]  Cf. the verse of the shetna^c Israel.

il. etc.

[65]  Passion, Fr 3:13/Eng 3:6, and index.

[66]See Browne'» ClmliAr MaqSltt, f>. E45, on this name.

24.  See below, n 156 and related text.

25.  ZîJ shahrySr, trans. Tamîmï.

26.  Fihr, 295.

27.  The analogies pointed out between Jiqh and Romano-Byzantine law, between consensus prudentum and ijmâ^c, between utilitas publica and inaslaha, are only approximations.

28.  This specialization contradicts the usage of the mutakallimiin, as well as Hinduism.

29.  Firdaws, ch. 7.

30.  Santillans.

31.  Bïrûnî, Hind, 31.

32. The same slightly Mazdean, fatalist nuance is found among the Qarmathians: irresponsi­bility in man corresponds, in God, to indeterminacy. The first Muslim mystics, on the other hand, believe in the free responsibility of man, predestined in God. And the Hindus exaggerate man’s freedom so much that it becomes a power of liberating self-creation.

[67]  Ghazi h explained this well in his Mwqidk.

[68]  Because the subject of these tales is not pure anarchic subjectivism. There are common­places for all of humanity, principles of probability for the imagination, a common sense assumed even in the wildest fantasies.

[69]   Although in most countries an unprepared native audience cannot understand its own theater.

[70]  And many listeners cease to enjoy even these, after experiencing teal events that contradict the arbitrary narrative line.

[71] “Some others" he adds, "are found on our books of sacred law (al-kutub al-shar^ciyya); and most, as to their meaning, figure in the writing of the Sufis.”

[72]  Often, not always, not for everyone. This is not the relativism of Protagoras.

[73] Asin, Bos^uejo..., Zaragoza, 1903, 38-39; Goldziher, Vorlesungen, Eng. trans. 132 n 51; Hartmann, Darslelltrng des Stifi turns, 31, 103; KÜÎnï (ap. Shaft anawfi, Bahja, 79); Rinn, Marabouts, 90.

S3 - It is an asceticism of the breath, not of the heart (anâhata, seat of the sativa: Yoga HI, sec. 34), as in Islam. Cf. Kremer (C.S., 49).

54- Cf. the regular swaying of the torso of a child reciting a lesson in Qur’Snic school.

[76]  Spiritual Exercises, fourth week, third method of prayer.

[77]   Ibn Sida, Mukhassos, XHI, 101.

[78]  Confessiones, III, iO; VIÏÎ, 6; cf. VII, 9, his remaries on the Christian logos and its Neopla­tonic homonym.

[79]  Ascetic rivalry (to convince the adversary of the superiority of one's doctrine, by strug­gling to show greater abnegation) implies no doctrinal concession. Roberto de Nobili’s method [cf. below, n 240], understood in this way, has no relation to the “Chinese rites" and "Malabar rites," both dangerous experiments.

[80]   Malati, f 162.

[81]  Asin tried to find, in either the Pugio Juki or Herbelot, the intermediary who might have introduced GhazSli to Pascal... with no success.

[82]   See his

[83]   Wens inch, 77>e Book of the Dove.

[84]   Repudiated by Ramil (Passion, Fr 3 : XZJ n 1 i /Eng 3 ran n 266).

[85]   Makki, Qiit, II, 119.

[86]   Ibid., II, i î 5, 118.

[87]  Hujwiri, Kashf, 91.

[88]  Makki, Qiit, I, 92. One of the Sîlimiyya, probably at the time of the Qarmathian occupa­tion of Mecca, advised giving up the pilgrimage "rather than aiding the enemies of Islam" Ibid., II, 117, I. 23). The advice was recently (after 1916) followed by opponents of the Malik of the Hijix.

[89]  "Supplementary" or “surplus," says Makki's text, which seems, to attenuate the advice in­cautiously.

[90]  Ibn al-Jawzf Muthtr al-gharSm, ap. Ibn ^cArabî, MuhSdarât, I, 2(8. Cf. ^cAlî ibn al-Muwaffaq (Makld, Qiit, II, l2O-2().

[91]   Baqli, I, 107.

[92]   Passion, index, s.v. hajj.

[93] When that conclusion was condemned, Makki defined the purity of real intention (haÿqat al-ikhiüs) required for the pilgrimage (Qût, II, 115) as follows: “spending legitimate wealth for the love of God, keeping one’s hand empty of all barter that might preoccupy the heart and distract the attention (hawn)"

[94]   Munqidh.

Die Grosse Taüschung.

7$. The distinct Semitic reserve in these matters is not lack of imagination but respectful def­erence to the initiative of divine omnipotence.

[97]  The only person who has tried to support the theory with precise arguments is Inostran- zev, Iranian Influence on Moslem Literature, trans. G. K. Nariman, Bombay, Taraporevala, 1918.

[98]  Diffusion of technical procedures in architecture, carpet making, metallurgical arts, floral decoration (narcissus preferred to the rose), the musical scale, die setting for stories (Hezdrafsâneh'j.

[99]   Neither physical nor cultural anthropologists accept this.

[100] Goldziher, yrtdeswtgen, Eng. trans., 212 n 125.

So. The Panturanians have recently raised the stakes, claiming FSrïbi, ïbn Sinâ, Bukhari, and Zamakhsharï as Tartar national treasures . . . Even the Shu^£übiyya used to speak of equality.

[102] On the Arabization of maivâfi, see Goldziher, M. Stud. 1, tor ff, 147 ff

[103] Baghdidi.

[104]      The works of supposed nationalists like Ibn al-Muqaffa^c, Rüdag?, Miskawayh, Hasan Sab- bah are filled with a universalist spirit, either Hellenistic or Qarmathian. Even an arch-nationalist like the poet Mihyâr Daylami was writing characteristically when he finished a line, “siidad al-Furs Mt tiïn al-^cArab," (Glory is ours from both sides| “Persian noble titles (in this world), and the Arabs' religion (for the next life)!”

[105]      We find what are basically the same stages of a growing “mobilization" of die literary theme, among Aryans and Semites: epic (— qastda), drama qissa alternating between prose and verse), romance (= maqàma); in the first stage, only the memory of the listener is involved; in the second, the actor or reciter goes to work on the intelligence of the spectator; in the third, the reader's will itself is seized. But among the Aryans the form is capricious and the foundation pre­cise; while among Semites the form is rigid, the foundation capricious, unreal.

[106] Passion, Fr J:90 ff,/Eng 3:79 ff.

[107]      Wensinck (Dove, p. xlvi) goes very far in his search for a Hermetic origin of an image in Bar Hebraeus, who is alluding to Ezekiel's "Ancient of Days."

[108] Wensinck (Dove, p. xxii) omits reference to this,

[109] A bitter enemy like ^CA.M. Kindi (RjsSia, 14i ) admits this without realizing it.

[110] The Panturanians succeeded in writing perfectly orthodox Muslim catechisms in pure Turkish.

[111] Popular preachers do not take lessons in diction or rhetoric.

[112] Muqaddasi, 133.

[113] Jihiz, BaySn, I, 168; though Hasan Basri sometimes spoke in Persian (Ibn Sa^cd, VI I, raj),

HallSj no longer had fluent use of the language (Passion, Fr r                        /Eng t : 168 ). List of the great

>nau>âlï ap, II, 64.

[114] Dhahabî, I^etidâl.

[115] Muqatil, mulashSbih, explanation of the saklita.

[116]   Was hdt Mohammed aus dem Juâatthum aufgenomme», 1833.

ioj. Gesch. der Attributenlehre in derjud. Rclig., 1877.

[118]   Grundlinien der Sujik, 1892.

[119]  Jüdische Elem.„ 1878; New Researches, 1902.

[120]  Der Islam, HI, 374—99; Christentum wtd Islam.

[121]   We give the terms that figure in the QurÙn first.

[122]  Note the general "warping” of the radicals' meaning, as they pass from Aramaic into Ara­bic: RHM (love; compassion); SBR (hope; endurance); FRQ (to save; to separate); HMD (to thank; to glorify); SDD (equity; exactitude).

[123]  In which Muslim ascetics are not trying to imitate Christian monks but to be their rivals in rahbdniyya, in accordance with a Muslim method inspired by the Qur'an.

[124]  Asin transforms the analogy into a borrowing and presumes that St. Ignatius of Loyola copied his way of noting personal examination, on a double-entry table, from Suhrawardi (Bos- queju, 40). As if the idea of a double-entry table were not a commonplace of any rational method.

’ 109. V.i.

[126] There is research to be done as to whether the society was somehow connected to the al­leged "Bardaisanians" mentioned by Ibn al-Nadlm (Fihrist, 339), because Ibn Maymüm was sometimes called “Ibn DaysJn."

144.  See my Bibliographic qamtatc [Qpcru Minora, 1:627—39].

145.  Highly developed zoology; medicine (opposed to (ibb ai-Nabi and to libb rilliaiii); logic (opposed to grammar); astronomical calendars (opposed to ta^cbir) and Indian jafr (as opposed to Arab amoa³).

146.  Graduated pedagogy (as opposed to Quranic school); politics and Hellenized constitu­tional law (as opposed tofqh).

147.  Casanova dates the modified version c. 450; we know that the basic material is older be­cause Tawhidi (d. 414) already knew and appreciated it (BahbahSnI, ms. London add, 24,41t. f. 182b).

148.  Zâri al-muslifirin.

149.  Extnct of his Fttsiil arba^ca, ap. ShahrastanI,

150.  It was not the Sunni caliph of Baghdad but rather the Fatimid anticaliph (who had de­stroyed the Holy Sepulchre in t00Q), who was stricken by the taking of Jerusalem.

151.  Contemporaries knew of this : Joachim of Flora, in Messina in 119 j, learned from a man returning from Alexandria "that the Pa ta renes (Cathars) had sent agents among the Saracens to come to an understanding with them” (Expositio in Aporalypsin, cap. IX, ed. Venice, 1527, p- 134)-

152.  The translations themselves had very little immediate effect: three centuries would pass before a Plotinian text like the Theology of Aristotle (translated into Arabic in the third century a.h.) affected any Muslim mystics. Then it had influence thanks to two linked series of interme­diaries: hybrid philosophers like FMbi. Miskawayh, and Ibn Sïnâ; and syncretist encyclopedists

like the Ikhwân al-safâ: Both schools flowed together in Ibn ^cArabi. Hâtimï’s minor work on Aristotelian sayings quoted by Mutanabbï is a mere witty game.

153 Tanbth, 387.

[137] Baqli, 1, 515: sara^ir mutaiaUika; and the pseudo-MuhSsibî, ap. RJ^c3ya fi tafafl, ms. Cairo

II, 87, at the beginning: “muta³aihh".

e$j. Firdaws, preface; cf. Tawhidi, this work, ch. 4,sec. 3.A.

i$6. Passion, s.v. ; also this work, v.i. (Misri, Tustari, Junayd).

137. Liber de Causis, 67, 75,

[141]  HallSj, ap. Baqlî on Qur. 37:7.

[142]   Passion, Fr. 3:307 n 1/Eng 3:289 n 65.

[143]  Or khabar-nazar (ibid., Fr 3:310, 34 t~42/Eng 3:292, 323-24).

[144]   Ibid., Fr 3:27/Eng 3:19 (Ibn Junayd, Shadd a’-izâr, 10-12).

[145]  Passion, Fr 3:24/Eng 3:1$.

[146]  Ibid., Fr 3:83 n 5/Eng 3:73 n 137-

[147]  Following Dozy and anticipating Salmon, he adopts the false date attributed by Langles to Abu Sa^cïd ibn abi’l-Khayr’s apostolate in KhurîsSn: 200/815 instead of 400/1009.

[148]   The thesis of the Hindu origin of Islamic mysticism was pushed to extremes by Max Horten, in Indische Strotnungen, (IVallesers Mater. zur Buddhismus, Heidelberg, XU, 1927). For the period after the conquest, Tarachand, Yusuf Husain, Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, and Masud Husain have made studies of reciprocal influences, Cf. above, in ch. 2, sec. 5.E. AHall5jian resurgence in eastern Bengal was remarked upon in my Gandhiatt Outlook and Techniques, New Delhi, 1953, 78.

î86. Bîrûnï, Hind, trans. I, 174.

[150]   Ibid., p xxxi; II, 15. Before Ptolemy was translated,

[151]   Fihrist, 303. ^eAll ibn Rabbân had made a translation (Bïrüni, hx, cit. p. xxxi-xxxii).

[152]   Quoted by Jibriril Bukhtyishû^c.

[153]  XXIX figurae veneris, in Yamani, ftushd, ch. 7. Cf. the âsannas.

[154]   Cf. Fihrist, 245. And Abü Sharm, ap. JShiz, Bayan, I, $1.

[155]   Sanfîriï, s.v.

[156]  Add Kindi to the list.

[157]   Bîrûnï, Hind, trans., I, 179-82,

[158]   tyaty ah Hind by Ibn ShahriySr. Indian vocabulary introduced into Arabic by sailors: sharia, parasol; kiit; filfa; etc.

[159]  Agh&nî, III, 24; Kremer, C.S., 34.

[160]  In Ibn Hanbal, Rudd ^caia’l~zaH<ldiqa, the beginning. Cf. Nazzâm and Mu^cammar (Mur­tads, Munya, 31—32).

[161]  Philosoph, Système, 1912, 177, 274, 608.

[162]  The skepticism of early Islamic katëm comes from an occasionalism of Qu Panic origin (Passion, Ft 3:75, 96/Eng 3:65, 85; cf. "Méthodes de réalisation artistique ... de ITslam," in Syria, »921). Hindu skepticism on the other hand has a mystical foundation: it denies substances at first, then accidents, then sensations, only in order to liberate the consciousness from the labor of con­ceptual elaboration.

[163]   He refused to kill a flea (Luziimiyyàf, I, 212; cf. Margohouth, Letters, 1898).

[164]  The few Hindu elements to be found encapsulated there had passed through the Pahlavi language and had been cleansed by Manichaean teachings (Katila and Ditnna, Sindbad).

[165]   Ibid., Il, sec. 17 [IV, sec. 21].

23 J. Passi ott, Fr 3:102 ff., 87, 143/Eng 3:91 ff., 76, [31 ; Taw., VIII, 6.

[167]   Taw., VI, 7.

[168]   Hujwiri, Kashf, 252.

[169]   Tiw., VI, 7~8.

237- Ap. Sulatni on Qur 52:47.

[171]  One might argue that, the shahfida being precisely a choice for the mind, and therefore an alternation (suspension and resumption, nsfy and ithbSt), the fanâ bPt-tawlûd that Abü ^cAh Sindi taught to BisUmI is quite close to the Hindu idea.

[172]             !, set- ²4> 37; 11, sec. 45.

[173]  Cf. Roberto de Nobili (d. 1656), who submitted co the ascetic rule of the Sannyasis in order to demonstrate, by an ad hominem argument comparable to Pascal’s “wager,” Christ's superi­ority as an ïrtwrt, a simple, ideal model [cf. above, n 58|.

[174]   Besides certain adventitious forms of theurgy of dubious character.

[175]   The Chinese mysticism of Chuang-Tzu has just begun to be studied. Negro animist mysticism is rudimentary (RA/M XLIV, 10, n 2).

[176]   Ascetic inspiration.

[177]   Passim, Fr 3;5i/Eng 3.44.

[178]  To the Christian doctrine of expiation (trans., H, riii ); a quote from Basidiyo (text, p. 26).

[179]   Trans., I, 76, 82, 87-88.

[180]  Tratis., I, 62. He himself remarks that "the premises were different." In the same way we might compare the sphota (Yoga, III, sec. 17) with the Muslim jafr, and the ttirodha (Yoga, III, sec. 9, eighth article of the Way Ifflâjfn], suppressing pain at its cause, the end of kamta's samsSra, rest) with the bay» and bïkür of the Druze.

[181]   Trans., 1, 68.

[182]   Text, 43.

[183]  Except Abû’l-Fadl, who analysed the Yoga-Sutra briefly, the only Muslim after Birüni who seems to have studied it is Husayn ibn Muhammad, the Persian author of the Bahr al-hayâ(_f written in the eighteenth century (Luzac catalogue, XXIH, no. 867).

BS. (b) grammatical meaning, (c) Hebraic meaning, (d) Christian meaning and Greek equivalent, (c) and (d) according to Apa Saba (= St. Sabas?), Les mystères des lettres grecques (Coptic Arabic manuscript at Oxford, Huntington, 393), trans. Hebbclynck, Louvain, 1902, 127, 132. Cf. St. Pa- chomius, in Patrol, lat., XXIII, 87, 95, 98; and St. Jerome, Ep. 30 ad Paulam, (c) Ibn Sina à marked in fine, in italics.

This fundamental presentation was redone in fascicule 4 of the Institut français du Cairo's Mé­morial Avicenne-, "La Philosophie orientale d’Ibn Sina et son alphabet philosophique,” 1-18. Ibn Sînï shows the origins, both Arab (symbolism of the twenty-eight mansions the zodiac) and Is­lamic (the fourteen isolated first letters of certain Quranic suras), of this attempt to form a “sym­bolic logic” tabulating the process by which the events of the sublunar world come to occur, and he demonstrates the relation between that process and the Arabic grammarians’ ishtiqciq akbar.

[185]   HallJj (Qur. 7:1, T^au>., VI, 25).

[186]   Ibn ^cAta, ap, Sarrîj, Luma^c, 88.

2dr. Ja^cfar (ap. Baqli, on Qur. HI: 1 ); HallSj (T^aw-> f •$)■

[188]   Tirmidhi (ap. Sulaml on Qur. 20; 1). Cf. Taw., IX, 2.

[189]   Qarïfi (ap. Qîsitnî, Usill, 44)-

[190]   Hallàj (Taw., VI, 25).

[191]   Halllj (Taw., I, 15); QushayrI (ap, Baqli on Qur. 4SI cf. 44).

[192]   WSsid, Qushayri, ap. Baqli (on Qur. 26) ; Tirmidhï, ap. Suiami (on Qur. 20:1).

[193]   Baqli on Qur., sQras 19, and 36; cf. Hallîj (TW., VI, tj; ya³wa, Akhb., 39}.

[194]   Baqli on Qur. 19.

[195]  Meaning established by the Nusayris (catechism of Wolf). Cf. Hallaj on Qur. 7:1, and Taw., VI, 25.

[196] Meaning established by the Nusayris (Muhammad) and adopted by Hallaj on Qur. 7 ■¹ : and Taw., p, 38, 86; tajalli butin al-malküt HTmutk. Cf. Naslbi; cf. Taw., i, 15; VI, 27; Akhb., 46 Isri)-

[197]   Cf. “Piscis assus, Christus passus."

[198]  Meaning established by the Nusayris (Salmân). Qushayrf, according to Baqli (on Qur. 27). Taqdis: Salsal. Ibn Sina makes it the kun.

[199]   Meaning established by the Nusayris (^cAh). Baqli on Qur. 19; cf. Taw., VI, 25.

[200]   Like circles and range formulas.

2K0. Ikhwân al-sofa, III, 138-40 (S'W); Fadi Allah, JSwtdân (cf. Huart, Textes horaùfis, 189). Cf the mystical Balaybalan alphabet of Muhammad Bakri (Sacy, Notices el extraits..., IX, part 1, 365-96. Cf. Sacy, Druzes, II, 86. Goldzihcr, ZDMG, 28, 782. On the two Qur’anic pentads, KHY^CS [sura 19] and HM^eSQ [sura 42], see Mémorial Avicenne, IV, 6—8. [Cf Passion, Fr 2:191/ Eng 2:181.J On the seven doubled Arabic letters, see Hégire JTsmael, 1939, 37-39.

[201]      Reading of die whole text, without pauses or intercalations; practice of the theory of istin- bât (Passion, 1st ed., 43 n 8; 2nd ed. Ft 3:197/Eng 31185).

[202]      Passion, Ft j-.2$3/Eng 3:239.

[203]      KharkQshi, Tahdhïb, f. 12b.

[204]      Taw,, 170.

[205]      Passion, Fr 2:34—35/Eng 2:28—29.

[206]      jawbari, Kashf, ms. Paris 4640, £, 23a.

[207]      Passim, Fr 1:199 ft-, 338 ff./Eng 11155 ft, 291 fT.

[208]      Passion, Fr i;632~33/Eng 1:583-84,

[209] Passion, Fr 3:102-3/Eng 3:9l~92; cf. the Jewish Feist of the New Moon.

[210] Passion, Ft 3:2i8/Eng 3:206.

[211]      Syn,: ziyâda, ziyfoa, ihsan; it is the '‘day of thalli in Paradise," says the gloss in the Stra Hala- biyya (I, 453).

[212] Dâwüd T5³l also speaks of the "wine of joy” (^cAttâr, I, 222).

[213] “The cup of love" (Makkl, Q«t, I, 225; ^eAtt5r, 1, 126).

[214] F. 152-71 of the ms. Oxford Huntington 6h.

2t. And no longer by the voice of a munâdi.

[216] He gives them not only the vision (rw²y«) but also life together (munddama).

[217] KhStain (Khaltn), quest. 74, 119, 128, 129; and ap. Hilya, s.n.

[218] Passion, Fr 3:22O-21/Eng 3:208.

[219] Ibid., Fr 3:255-~j6/Eng 3:241-42. Cf. Shushtari, Diwan.

[220] Sh3 bis tari, Golshan-i-rdz, ch. 15 (syn. : butt, wathan, dumiya).

zq. Cf. Abü Hulmân (Passion, tst ed., 362; cf. P Fr 2:62~3, 140-41/Eng 2:55-6, 130-31.

[222] Cf. the adoration of the Rawda, a sacred virgin, among Ismailis.

zq. Jashtn, lab, zulaf, rttkh, khaft, khôl (ShSbistarl, op. cit. ch. 13).

[224] Tabarsl, Ihiijaj, 167-68, 170, (72, 161.

43-  Bahbahlnl, KbayrSliyya, f, 241b. See however Passion, Fr 3:119 n 4/Eng 3:107 n 66, Ja^efar's bull {edict] (Tam³iq, I, ill).

44-  Muhâsibî, Makiisib, f 87; and Passion, Fr 1:361/Eng 1:314.

45-  Passion, Fr 2:22, 44/Eng 2; 16, 38.

[228] Below, ch. 4, sec. 3.

[229] In Dhahîbl, Iridal, s.n. RiySh (fir).

[230]      Marked with two dots instead of one, making it Riyah; the passage shows that he meant Rabïh Qaysi.

49- Thinking of Habib ^cAjami, I suggest this intercalation,

[232] Marked HibbJn. He probably meant Hayyin Qaysï (Passion, Fr 3:t26/Eng 3:114), a shortening of the name Abû'l-^cAlà Hayyân ibn ‘’Umayr Qaysï, the râu>ï of ïbn ^cAbbàs and Ibn Samnra (ïbn Sa^cd, VII, »37, 165).

[233] Not artificial words, as in Ibn ‘Arabi s later school.

[234] Makkî, QïW, I, 153; Sh. Tab., I, 29; Passion, Fr 3/44/Eng 3:36.

[235] Makki, Qiit, I, 251.

[236] Taqarra^ in the sense of tanassaka (Goldziher),

[237] Goldziher, tWesunjjeH, Eng. trans., 43-45 ■

[238] Mâlik ibn Din3r was already reproaching Abân ibn abï ^cAyy5sh for this (Dhahabi, s.v.). Cf. Passion, Fr sizïS-rç./Eng3: 206-7.

[239] Goldziher, MwA Stud., 11, î55-56.

[240] And Ibn Sirin's: the istikkâra, which, i£performed in private, remained legal.

[241] Mahti, Tanbïh, f. 28-30.

[242] Resulting in this sense of the word ntutsal (cf. asmii mursala, as opposed to mudâfa, in ^CA. M. Kindi, 34; and the maslaha ntutsala rhe Maliki tes).

[243] Makkî, Qiït, 11, (57.

[244] Cf. Jalàl Rûmï attributing his lines co Shams Tabriz!, Musaffar Sibti attributing his Madnutt Mghlr to Ghazili.

[245] Passim, Fr 3:344—5^/Bng 3:327-34.

[246] In the beginning, the hadith qudsi was an indirect means of putting "theopathic speech"

into circulation by tracing it to Holy Scripture, in which God spoke in the first person. This aberrant branch of the hadith played a fundamental role in rhe history of Sufism, and, more gener­ally, in the history of prayer formulas and forms of devotion in Islam. It has not yet been studied systematically. An elementary study by Zwemer (in MW 1922, 263-75) refers to the following monographs on the hadtth qudsi •. Ibn Strabi (G.A.L. I, 441; there is the collection of Arba^cin by hjs disciple Qunyawi); Mu naw! (Gotha ms.); Madani (Athdfi siniyya, printed in HaydarSbad, >3^3); Nabhânï      There are some ahadith qudsiyya among the Imâmïs (Khutbat al-bayâtt).

There are references below for the study of the most important hadtth qudsi (list, ch. 3, sec. 5. B.): the hadith of the kttnt (ch. 4 sec, 3. D.), the hadith al-ghurba (ch. 5, sec. 1. B.), the hadith al-'ishq, the hadith al-ikhlds (ch. 4, sec. 5. A.) and the hadith aPabdâl (above, ch, 1, s.v. BDL). Cf. also Abü Dharr (in Hilya, VI, 163, life of Shihr); FUghib Pasha, Safina, 162. [See William A. Graham's Di­vine Ward, and relevant findings in Juynboil’s Muslim Tradition}

[247] Except for BunSnï, (Ibn al-Jawzï, Qussâs, s.v.).

[248] Dhahab!, I^tidSl, s.v.

[249] Qadîd. The word is used to Abü Madyan of Tlemcen.

[250] Passion, Fr 1:341/Eng

[251] ^cUdtil of Islamic jurisprudence.

[252]      As if, in order to understand a diplomatic negotiation, the historian could permit himself to read only ministerial telegrams printed in the “blue*' or “yellow" books; cf. a battle according co the operational memoranda of the military command; a parliamentary debate according to of­ficial newspapers; any biography according to the documents intended for administrative archives (city hall, notaries, police).

[253] Safwa. Cf. Maysara, a suft of ^cAbbîdân (Goldziher, M. St., II, 394).

[254] Cf also Ibn Sïn3 and the philosophers.

[255] Like a museum piece in an antique shop.

[256] Artistic imagination was intense among the Chaideans and Phoenicians.

[257] The question of the "historical” books of the Old Testament.

[258] Cf. the tale of Er the Armenian; and that of Thespesios (in Plutarch, Delays).

[259] “ttwiyct AbH HwayroSmith s cd., p. zo.

94.  Taibù, I Si. Sari extracts a portion “of one of the revealed books" (Qush., Il I, 165).

95.  Suyûtî, Durar, 199; Ghazllt, ffiyS, Ï, 6.

[260] Muhâsibi, Atert’iï, 237-44,

[261] Fihrist, 183.

[262] Qush., Rbâla, 158; the same, ed. Ansïrf, III, 245; IV, 36.

99- ^cAli Burhânî, Zahra, in fate; Ibn abi UsaybiS, II, 250.

[264]  Cf, rem, of J5mi, 347.

[265]  This work, ch. 4, sec, 3.

[266]  This work, ch. 4, sec. 2.

[267]   In reality Ma^crûf was the disciple of Bakr ibn Khunays, disciple of Bunîni.

[268]  This work, ch. 4, sec. 6.

£06. Jili’s ^cayniyya, attributed to Kîlânî.

£07. E.g., the DawSkafîka (Turkumânï, Luirnt⁶; Nibulust Kashf al-sirr al-ghdmid); imitated in Turkish by Niyâzî : "Dermân arârdat» " (first shîniyya),

[271] Traités mystiques, £891, III, sec. 3; cf. Goldziher, Vorksung&t, Eng. trans., ch. 4, 153 n 12S>; and his apocryphal quatrain against the madrasas (though he had had the NizSmiyya created), in which the Qalandars are named, though their order was founded in the thirteenth century. Langles, followed by Dozy and Salmon, put Ibn abl’l-Khayr two hundred years before his real dates.

[272]  Qush., I, 82-83. Cf the supposed interviews ofJunayd with Ibn KuilSb and with Abü'l- QSsim Ka^çbl (Ibn al-Najjâr; Subkl; Y5fi^cI, Nashr, H, 377); the legend of Ahmad Sibtï, brother of Hîrün (FwtûhSt, I, 668); the legend of the ahi al-suffa.

£09. Goldziher, Vcrlesungen, Eng. trans., IV, 153-54 n ^ï24- Margoliouth accepted (Early Devel­op ine tit, 186-98) the authenticity of Nafzï's Mawàqif, reproduced and presented by Ibn ^cArabi and ^eAfif TilimsSni as if they were of the fourth century; I cannot agree with him.

no. In Sha^eriwi, Larâ^if, II, 29.

nt. Preface to the Modify.

[274] Herein ch. 5, sec. i.

[275] Cf. the "luxury" of Napoleon’s marshals on campaign.

[276] Hypotheses of epilepsy, self-hypnosis, or a hyperexcited imagination have been worked out by sedentary psychiatrists who know nothing of life in desert camps and the positive ingenu­ity that must be marshaled in a band of bedouin, simply to remain its leader.

[277] But it has been said gratuitously that he demonstrated the adroitness of a legislator in the ‘’dosage" ofhis Quranic prescriptions; the accusers miss the fundamental point that Muhammad did not make the Qu Pan.

[278] On this subject, for modem alterations to the school of Ameer All, who was too impressed by Protestant missionary attacks (Pfander), see the rough, but more honest, portrait of Muham­mad by KamSl-al-Dln (Islamic Review of Woking, 1917, p, 9-17).

[279] Moreover, the opinion is common in pre-Islamic Arab literature.

3:. Herein p. 109.

[281] Cf. two Christian heretics of the East: Sabas the Massalian and the Arab Valesius. I think in this case there was not mutilation but only perforation : the tatiufib al-ihlïl of the Qalandariyya, with infibulation by a chain (sHst'la). The name of this latter group, "calendars," appears in ^cAtt3r, Suhrawardi BaghdSdï {^cAu>3rif}, and Najm ibn IsrS³!! ( “mulhaqttt"). The order was founded by JamSl Muhammad ibn Yûnus Sâwijï (of Siva) at Damascus (QanawSt) in 616 a.H. After Sïwiji’s death at Damietta (630), Jamal DergurinI succeeded him, then Muhammad Balkhi. They were persecuted (cf. Sauvaire, JAP, 1895, I, 378, 409). Ibn Khaldün cites the prophecies of one of them, Bâjirqï. Another Qalandar, Bahî Zak. Malta ni, had disciples including the poet Fakhr ^cIrSqi (who went to India, d. Damascus 699 a-H.) and Fakhr al-Sa^r3d3t Husayn Ghawri, author of the Qalandantâma, and Hasan Jawaliqi, founder of the KhSnqdh Siriyâqiïs (NE of Cairo) c. 722 a.H- (a line of shaykh ahshuynkh). Other khânqâhs, called Qalandarkhânas were founded in Istanbul, in Baghdad (in 762 a.H. according to ^cAzz3wi; this one became a tekke of the Me vie vis in 1017 a.H.), and in Jerusalem (at Birkat Mamilla in 793 a.H.; cf. Revue des Etudes Islamiques, 1952, 89). The salsabtl of Sanflsi contains the dhikr of the Qalandariyya of today (which is a sort of "sign of the cross" evoking the "Five of the Mantle"). They are Mukhammisa, extremist Nusayri Shiites, who took refuge in northeast Baluchistan near the Khyber Pass (according to Ghalib Amin Tawil of Latakia, and confirmed by Ansari at Agra, June 1945; also Abdulbaki, Qaygusuz, 163-6$).

[282] One of the oldest features of Arab asceticism: Goldziher, M. St., II, 395; Ibn Wasi^c and ^cUtba; Hallij {Passion, Fr i:$24/Eng 1:477).

[283] I have studied the problem of the vow of chastity in Islam in Etudes amnélitaities ("Mys­tique ct continence"), Paris, 1952. The only Muslim order to make a permanent public vow of chastity was the Qalandariyya, who are very late (our thirteenth century) ; the master infibulated the novice with a small iron chain (tawq) as the qufi of his chastity. On the ideal of virginity, cf. Hallâj (asrârunâ Bikrun: Stf 159, 191).

[284] Cf. the ^cuzzdb of the first century; and among the IbJdites.

[285]      Considering the antiquity of the Itajf as a mystical symbol, I am willing to see in the Mus­lim vow of chastity an extension of the pilgrims' temporary vow, and in the special costume an extension of the ilunm, which implies chastity.

[286] Ibn Qutayba,                   265.

[287]      Insofar as they should desire it; in case they should desire it; this is not a commandment Or precept but a piece of advice. Ibtightât is a semantic correlative of ibtada^cîlhâ.

[288] Disciples of Jesus.

[289] Ri^câya_t f. jb.

[290] Zajjâj, ofdubious finances (Taibis, ijj).

[291] LisSn, I, 421—22.

[292] I have translated fafiïr as "standard commentary.”

[293] From katabndhd.

[294] Cf. an antimonastic pronouncement attributed to Ibn al-Hanaftyya, though he was the head of the Murji’nes (Ibn Sa^ed, Tabaqât, V, 70).

[295] On Qur. 58:22 (in Ibn al-Farr3, Mu^c!amad). Kafab = ta^abbad according to Tustari (i5²: ^to constitute as a ritual) = farad according to MuhSsibl and Zamakhsharï, Fâ^ (cf, above, n 37)-

[296] In Zamakhshari, loc, cit.

[297] As m Wrights grammar, index, under “exceptive sentences."

62. tn ibn Sida, Mukhassas, XIII, too; Lis fin, 1, 421. This goes directly against the grain of ^CA1- lîf's MtAaziiism (Passion, Ft 3 ; 121 /Eng 3:109).

Aj. Tafsîr, IÎÎ, lf>S.

64.  Though he himself was a semi-Mu^ctazilite.

65.  Goldziher finds the pejorative bid^ca (already) in ibiadaSlha of this verse (M St., 11, 23 n 6).

Û6. Passion, Ft 3;99/Eng 3:88.

67, IV, 138; cf. Baqll, II, 311.

<58. Tafsù rahmânî, 11, 324.

69. Qur. 3:156, 168; 5:2, 18; 48:29.

70- Makkï, Qiït, I, 92.

[298] Herein, ch. 3, n 122. Cf. ibtigh&ii wajh Allah of Hudhayfa (Hanbal, V, 391).

[299] And when Ibn Qutayba speaks of a false raltbâniyya, "al-rahbSniyya al-mubtadtfa’’ it proba­bly means that he envisages a different, true one.

[300] Masliïl, f. 237-44.

[301] /fghiwjj, 1st cd., XI, 6i (cited by Noldeke, ZDMG, XLVIII, 46).

7$. Hilya: extract ap. Manar, XII, 747.

[303] Sh. Tab., I, 46.

[304] Ibn‘Abdrabbihi, ^cl^d, I, 177; III, 247.

[305] Pun ijSfa).

[306] Sh. Tab., I, 36.

[307] Khünsîrî, I, 233, 316.

[308] Ap. Yafi^ci, Nashr, II, 341.

[309] Bustini, D^ira, s.v.

[310] Bîrünï, AthSr, s.v.

[311] KahbSdhI, Ta^carruf, ms. Paris Supp. pets., f. fija-éÿb.

[312] Subkl, HI, 239.

[313]      JR/4S, 1906, 303-48.

[314] The first form of Muslim asceticism was militant; generally, the mystics sequestered themselves only after participating in holy war on the frontier. They took to hermitages that were fortified because near dangerous borders. From Ibn Adham to Shaqlq to HallSj, mystics were militants.

[315] J3hiz, BaySn, I, 195.

[316] Tagrib, H, 25.

[317] Qt7t, I, 149.

[318] Ibn ^cArabl, Afo/wrf., H, 59.

[319] QalUl, injâhiz, HayttwHn, IV, 146.

[320]  Cf. Bukhâri, IV, 76 (riqâq). Ibn Mas^cüd left sayings with mystical tendencies, such as his qirS^Ja of Qur. 24:35; there are quotations in Muhâsibî (Ri^eâya, f. 13a), MakkI (Qui, I, 148: on al­legorical meaning) : cf, Ibn al-Jawzi, Qwsws.

[321]  Sh, Tab., I, 23 (the saying would be taken up by Antâkï); Jâhiz, Bayân, I, 145 (taken up in the risâla attributed to Hasan).

no. Jâhiz, Bayân, III, 81 (it becomes a hatâth, according to Muhammad ibn Yûnus Kadimi, ap, Dhahabi, s.n. ; Hariri, Maq., XI). Umm al-Dardî Juhayma bint Hayy Awsibiya, d. c, 80 (Dhahabi, Huffdz).

ni. Qùt, I, 255, The statement "taqarrab shibran ... ifhirt^an ..." is attributed to Ibn Musayyab by Muhâsibî (Ri^cSya, f. 12a); Ibn Hanbal (V, 153) gives it as one of Abü Dharr s.

[324]  Hanbal, V, 153.

[325]  Seven, in Ibn Sa^cd’s account (quoted in Goldziher, Voriesungen, Eng. trans., 41).

[326]  Hanbal, V, 170; cf. V, 145, He even gives a hadïth qu<tà: "O my servants, you are all sin­ners—ask forgiveness of me; you have gone astray —ask me the way. You can do nothing, and everything is in my power!" (V, 154).

[327] j. Hanbal, V, 154, 172, 173, 169. Ibn Hayit declared it “az had min al-Nabî" (Hazm, IV, 197).

H6. Ibn Sa^cd, IV, 166; Haîâbi, Sfra, I, 306. '

117. On Hudhayfa, cf, my Salmiin Piik, Paris, 1933, 24 n 2, where I suppose that Hudhayfa

was a Shiite. One might ask whether there was not a rift between Salman and Hudhayfa at Ma­

ds¹’in (where they ate now buried in the same tomb); a rift analogous to the one between

Kaysâniyya and Saba'iyya, in the circlesof initiate-artisans; cf. on this my "Futuwwa/' in La Nou- velle Clio, Brussels, 1952, 182-83.

ï 18, Hanbal, V, 406.

ïîç>. Following the Prophet’s example (ibid. V, 393, 394). Cf. Bukhïri, IV, 80 (riqâq).

ï2o. MuttaqI, Kattz, I, 120.

121. Musfah, which is flat, on which everything slips, and where "faith grows like a purpura in clear water, and hypocrisy like an ulcer in pus and blood."

122.  The first statement of the legal problem of the Jasiq (cf. Passion, Fr 3: r88/Eng 3:176).

123.  Hanbal, V, 384,

[339]  Qur. 54:8.

[340]  Hujwiri, Kashf, 81-82, cf. Hiiya, part II, ms. Paris 2028. The case of Suhayb may be his­torical; Ahmad GhazSli (d. 517), io a sermon, in order to insinuate the superiority of saints to prophets, shows IsrSfil bringing Muhammad the "keys to the treasures," and Muhammad begging in vain for something with which to open "the souls ofSuhayb and Uways" (Ibn-Jawzi, QwssJs, f 118 [Recueil, p. 97]).

133- Ms. Berlin 3478.

[342] Uways, cf. Al-maidan al^adain (ms. no. 4978; As^ead 1690); Manda ib Vways of Lami^ci (cat. Rieu).

135 • Hadkhof the "irafas al-Rahman” He is supposed to have ripped out the same tooth Muham­mad had broken at Uhud (cf. ïbn^cUkkishas vision). ïbn Sa^cd, VI, 11-114. Dhahabî, I^e tidal, s.v.; ^cAtt5r, I, 15-24. Accepted by Fadi ibn ShSdhSn (JazJpiri, Hawi al^maqdl, ms. London 8688, 22b).

[344]  Ms. Kôpr. majm. 1590.

[345]  ^cAtt5r, I, 23.

138 Khünsîri, Rawdât, I, 233; same list in Dhahabl, Initial, I, 130.

[346] jo. Jshiz admired this saying of his: ’‘I have been asking God for an urgent favor for forty years. He has not given it to me, but I do not despair. — ? — I renounce what is not my affair,"

151. His doctrine is well developed: lafdil al~g)tanî; uns; the true sa^ih; dialogue of the living and the dead (Ibn^cArabl, MuhSd-, H, 270).

i j2. There have been no critical editions of his works (Mubtadlt; fragments of an IsrcPiltyat, ap. and Ihya). See his doctrine of ^caql, x better tool to serve God (cf. Ibn ^eAtS); on Moses in the Sinai (see Baqil, I, 273); on the heart, the dwelling-place of God (Tirmidhi, f. 202a).

153. The invention of u>ird by Ibn Sirin.

(54. Goldziher, Mult. Slud., II, 161 ff,

155- By the critics of the hadith, Ibn Hanbal (Makki, Qfil, I, !51) and Ibn al-Jawzi (QnssSs), who at least perceives the importance of the movement. Ghszâll is the only one who fully realizes the moral value of their “apostolic missions,’’

156,  ^cAnbari, an official preacher (khafib), uses Hasan’s maw<i^ciz.

[349]  From whom we have a very strange parable concerning the resurrection: God will revive a drowned man whose bones, having washed up onto the beach, will be eaten by camels whose turds have been burned (Ibn al-Jawzl, Sdfwo, ms. Paris 2030).

[350]  Passion, ist ed., 337 n 6 [a French version of Qushayri’s note, contained in Essai, Arabic supplement, Q 3 (Risala, bâb index, s.n., Muh. ibn Bishr). Massignon later said that this note was to be suppressed: Passion, Fr 3:266/Eng 3:250]; ms. Paris 2089, f 107a.

[351]   Makki, Qilt, I, 159.

[352]   Taan-up, Qilt II, 56; JShiz, Bayfai, I, 94, HI, 97; Tagrib., 378.

[353]   His definition of ^ca<fl (Tirmidhl, ^eIlal, 21 ta),

[354]  Author of the famous /«drift of the pomegranate (DhahabI, fftidâl, s.v.): “And as for him who retires to pray on an island on which God brings forth a spring and a pomegranate tree ~ if he eats a pomegranate and succeeds in dying prostrate, it is this grace obtained (and not his efforts) that will procure salvation for him.'* The pomegranate is the fruit symbolizing Paradise (Tustarl, Tafsir, 14-15),

596. Fihrist, 90-91, 306; Tagrib., I, 4^4

[356]  Discovered and published by E. Cheïkho, in Madiriq, XI, 260-64.

[357] CHRONOLOGY OF THE LIFE OF

ABÜ SA^C1D HASAN B. ABÏ’l-HASAN YASÂR MAYSÂNÏ BASRÏ

Year 21/643. Birth, probably at Medina; his father is Yasâr, a Mesenian

206.         Their fraternal rules for communal life (bread, salt, ashes; women raise their veils, as be­

fore relatives); cf. Passion, Fr 3:241; 1:562-63; 2:i22/Eng 3:227; i:siS^-i6; 2:iio-n. J5hiz

(BaySn, 1H, 3) sees these customs (nür al-iahwil) as a shu^ciibJ infiltration.

207.   Tagrib., s.a. 146.

208.  Sh. T<4>., I, 67.

209.  Extracts in Khûnsârî, RawdSt, II, 2to; Tusy’s list, 255.

210 Pihrist, 94.

2ti Ibn al-Jawzi did not write a FadH^il Hasan Basri, as Brockeknann erroneously inferred

from his Kilâh al-qussSs. [See GAL2 and bib.. Ibn al-Jawzl, aPHasati al-Basri]

[369]   Ibn KhalhkSn, I, 139; ^cAtt5r, I, 24.

[370]  Ibn Sa^cd, VII, 66.

[371]  ^cAbdaIlâh Ibn ^cAmir (29-44 a.h.), then Ziy5d (Tagrib., I, 96, 142).

[372]   IbnSa^cd, VII, 109; Hanbal, IV, 428; Dhahabi, Initial, s.n,

[373]   See above, sec. 2. A.

[374]  Executed in 83 as a partisan of Ibn al-AshSth.

[375]   Ibn Batta ^cUkbarI; Harawl, Dhatnm, 126b, 1273.

[376]   Ibn Sa^<d, VII, 119.

220 Imprisoned until HaDsj's death.

[378]   Taken and executed in 94.

[379]   Semi-Murjfite.

[380]   He was pursued, but he escaped.

[381]  Aghgm, IV, 40.

[382]   Ibn Sa^cd, VII, r (6: Tabari, II, 134?-

[383] Jahiz, Bay tin, I, 195; Hasans grandson Ja^cfar ^cIsa (d. 217} is mentioned (by Dhahabî, Yti- rfSl, s.n.)

[384]   Ibn Sa^cd, VII, 127-

[385]   Chuftya, II, 97.

[386]   Dhahabï, I^etidal.

[387]  Author discussed by his contemporary Ibn Dinar and accepted by Hammâd ibn Salama and Antâki.

[388]   Dhahabï, I^e tidal; Tagrib., I, 482; ibn Qutayba, Ma^cRriJ, 252.

[389]  Makkï, Qfït, II, 141. Laying bare the formative process of the corpus of Sunni traditions, the future Sttltth of the third century. This collection of the hadith. of Anas ibn Malik and Hasan, celebrating chastity and condemning lîwâta, was published three times : in the edition of Hasan's freedman Abu Makis Dinïr ibn ^cAbdall3h Habashi (250 hadïfh), published by Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Habib QaffSs (d. 286); and editions by Dâwûd ibn ^cAffân Khurâsânï and Ghulim Khalil.

[390]   Dhahabï, I^etidal; MuhisibI, Ri^cuy«, f. 10b.

[391]   Dhahabï, I^e tidal.

[392]   Herein, ch. 5, sec. 2.

[393]   tthSf al-firqa, Paris, 2800,

[394] Tabari invokes Hasan s testimony to decide several historical points related to the Prophet and his four successors (I, 1013,1173, 1456, 1835, 1849, 2373, 2560, 2697, etc.),

[395]   Baqli, s.v,

[396]   Baqli, f. 325b, s.v, Cf Muhïsibi, NasH-’ili, 5b.

274- Jahiz, BaySn, I, 88.

275-  Ibn Qutayba, T<a’u47, 225; cf. Ibn Sa^cd, VH, 125, 127.

[399]   Tabari, I, 290, 316-17.

[400]   On Qur. 2:96; Ibn Qutayba, Ta^wïl, 223, 264,

[401]   TirmidhI, 170b.

[402]   Cf. Birünî and Ibn H^a5tm on ^fb^e repulsiveness of the external rites of the fay.

[403]   ^clyâd, Shifâ, I, 159, 165.

[404]  ShaAjwï, Tab., I, 29; which does not imply a contradiction (cf. Spitta, Asharitentum, 102),

[405]   According to^eAbd al-WJhid ibn Zayd (Pnssrw, Fr 3:172-73, 178/Eng 3:159-00,

[406]   According to what Ibn Hanbal says (RtM, f. 2b).

[407]   Cf. his prayer taken from Qur. 12:38 (Murtads, Munya, 15).

[408]  Nôldeke, Gesdi. Qur., 273.

386. Jâhiz, BayUn, III, 69 (cf. risâla said to be Hasan's), 67.

[410]   Since it contains the verse of the “fiat.”

[411] The hadtth at the beginning of Bukhârïs Salilli: “Certainly works depend upon intent, even if "intent” is taken in the Hanaftte sense of "premeditation of a ritual gesture,” seems to be an echo of Hasan's statement, given herein (see below; n 299 and related text), "The intent is more effective than the work.”

[412]   Ausmn, Fr 3:161, 164, 167-68/Eng 3:149, 152, 15 5.

[413] Improved from that of Abd Bayhas (d. 94; Mubarrad, Kâmil, II, 179; Brunnow, Chand- sdtiten, 30-31).

29t. Awfoft, Fr 3:188-91/Eng 3:176-79; Tabari, III, 2489; J3hiz, Bay an, III, 69; KiUnL Ghutiya, I, 80; Frtr^, 97; MunadS, Muttya, 23; Sha^er3wi, Tab., I, 29.

[415]   Ibn Batta ^cUkbarï, Shark,

[416] "Attrition" in die religious sense. Massignons translations for liHzn are atiritimt and chargrin or sorrow j i 8. ^cAttïr, I, 27.

319.  JShiz, BayAn, II, 154.

320.  Passion, Frjrnÿ-zo, 168-69; 130, 118/Eng 3:107-9, 156-57; 118, 106,

321.  In Tustari, Tafstr, 100.

323.  GhazSli, foy3_r 11, 21.

323.  Ibid., IV, 289.

324.  Tirmidhî claims that Hasan even applied the Greek theory of the four temperaments to explain the influence of the fast on character f 209a).

335.  As quoted by Ibn ^clySti (in Hilya, s.n.).

326.  His theory of tadkakkur (according to Safadl, in KhünsSri, II, 211 ).

[419]  Jâhiz, BaySn, III, 69; Ibn'abd Rabbihi, ^clqd, 1, 287.

[420]  Cf. the similar pronouncement of Mutarrif (in Ibn^cArabi, Muhâd, II, 281).

[421] Jîhiz, Bctydff, I, 162; var.: "Hold a tight leash on your carnal souls, which are escaping; resist them, for if you yield to them, they will drag you to ruin. Sharpen them (the word "hearts" is missing here) with recollection (dhikr), for they are swift to lose their edge."

[422]   Ibid., I, 162; HI, 68-72. Cf. Tabari, HI, 1400.

[423]   IbnSbd Rabbihi,II, 138-39.

[424]  "The wise man does not concern himself with opinion; if his wisdom is approved, he praises God; if it is disapproved, he praises God" (quotation ap. Ghulâm Khalil, Shath al-iunna (and Rerweif, p. 3)).

[425]  Cf. his anecdotes: his four amazements (ap.^cA«3r) [he was amazed by a child, a drunk, a mukhartmlh, and a woman]; the two tombs confused (Jâhiz, Baydn, HI, 76); his smile as he died (ap. ^eAtt3r).

[426]   Agbânï, XVIII, 33; Yâqüt, UdabÔ, JI, 389; Tagrib., 275, 299.

[427]  The only two lines of poetry later attributed to him are in fact by Mu^crüf and Abü’l- ‘AtShiya (Diutiti, 96; cf. Aghari, XVI11, 14; XIX, 15).

[428]   Passion, Fr 3:23/Eng 3:16.

[429]   Biqir, ap. Tabarsî, Ihtijüj, 167-68, 210, 231, 243; ïbn Qutayba, Ta^uâl, 5; Baqlî, II, ²¹3 ; Junayd, Daw |Recueil, p. 4].

[430]  The expression mîthaq al-'ulamà (copied from rhe Covenant of the Prophets) is used by Hudhayfa and Hasan (Ibn Sa^ed, VII, u 5 ; Tabari, III, 2490).

[431]   Passion, Fr 3:130/Eng 3:t »8.

[432]   Ibid., Fr 3:t2O-2l/Eng 3: to8-9; Y5fi^eI, Marhattt, I, 69-72; Malati, 332.

[433]   Tabarsi, Ihtijüj, tôt.

[434]  Hilya, in which he is mentioned as xghaiïb. Perhaps MSlik ibn DlnJr was already alluding to this hadith when he claimed to have read in the Torah (sic): "We have incited you to desire Us, and you have not desired Us ..

[435]   Ibn Sa^ed, VII, 122.

[436]   Ibn Qutayba, Ta’iMl, 93, 120.

[437]   Ibid., hi.

352,  Who left him four recommendations: "No individual ra³y in ûjftir; excommunicate the Qadarites; be silent about the Companions (sec Ptwr/on, Ft 3:223 n 6/Eng 3:211 n 29l); allow no heretics among your listeners, for they would denature the meaning of your words" (Ibn Batta ^cUkbarî). This is the same Abü Qulâba whose authority is invoked by Ibn Sa^cd (via Hammâd ibn Zayd) for the phrase, which the Prophet is supposed to have said to ^cUthm3n ibn Maz^cüti, op­posing hatûjiyya samba to mhbaniyya (see above, n 37—38 and related text).

[439]   Ibn Qutayba, Mtfârif, 228.

[440]  IbnSa^cd, VII, 140-50.

[441]  Ma’lüf, ap. Mmjtabas, VI, 316.

[442]  Ibn Sa^cd, VII, 144.

[443]   Ibid., 118; Ibn KhallikSn, I, 140.

[444]  Hajj Khalifa (s.v., zuhd) remarks that Hasan was not a qibs.

[445]   Q«t, î, 81.

[446]  Qü/, I, 149; Ibn Sa^cd, VII, tz8 (against raising the voice or stretching out the hands dur­ing prayer).

[447]  See above, n 75-77 and related text. Ibn Sa^cd, in contrast, has Hasan condemn the siy (Vll, 123); obviously a polemicist’s invention (Muhâsibî, Ri^câya, ma).

[448]   Ibn Sa^ed, VU, 12t.

[449]   Sarrâj, Masâri^c, 8; Ibn Qutayba, ToWI, 411.

[450]   Tabari, HI, 2492.

[451]  Yâfi^cï, Marham, 1, 72; on the antithesis isgba-khatS, sec Passion, Fr 3:126 n 3/Eng 3:114 nilj.

[452]  Hasan considers chat Adam's sin was foreseen (Y5fi^ci, Marham; I, 70).

[453]   Ibn Sa^cd, VII, 127; see above, n 256 and related text. Ahnaf ibn Qays had also been against them.

[454]   See above, text and notes at n 259 and n 341.

[455]   Ibn Sh3dh3n.

[456]  QiïA, I, 149, See the very penetrating judgement on Hasan and Muhisibi (cf. Passion, Fr 2-370 n J /Eng 2:352 n 109) by J. Leo Africanus.

[457]  ^cAtt5r, Pavet trans., 29.

[458]  ^cUbaydall3h RiÛ^ci, Kitfib al-futuunva (written in 1082 a.h.}.

[459]   ‘'Pit al-tnashS³ikh^r> according to the chant of initiation into the trade (zajal fi'I-sbadd, in Boudant, Recueil de chansons, popular Arab songs, 1893, 5-7). The Yazidi sect makes him their Shaykh Sin, perhaps identifying him with the ancient Semitic god of the Moon.

[460]   See below, sec. 5. A.

w51, 148/765. Ja^efar, a descendant of both ^EA1I and AbS Bakr, is one of the only Shiite Imams to be venerated in traditional Sunni devotional practice. The name jafari was suggested for the Shi­ite religion in case Nsdir Shih’s reconciliation had succeeded in permitting the placement of a fifth tnusattii for Shiism, next to the four Sunni ones at the Ka^Eba. The Sunnis accept due kutub al- jafr, at-katf, under his name. The Zaydis have occasionally obtained this fifth muiallii (Snouck, Mekka, I, 68).

[462]  Among the hadlth qudsi attributed to Ja^Efar, specifically among those he received from Ja­bir (who is buried at Madi’in in the same grave as Saimin and Hudhayfa) and transmitted to ^EAb- dallih ibn Maymûn QaddJh (Ht7yo, Hl, 202; I^ctidâl_t s.v.), there is one of considerable importance in dogma. In it, God says to the qabda ma^ch~mut ( = the handful of matter from which He made all of the elect), "Jbliw Muhammadan, fa kanatf ‘"Be Muhammad/ and it became him.” This word kiln; (Must. Yf. Salâm, jawdkir al-ifiilif... ^calS matn Ab; Shujü\ Cairo, TadSmun, 1350, p. 123) is the feminine of the Quranic word kun (be=fiat); it is directed at the first of human creatures, the "white pearl" (durra baydâ) of another hadlth, the eudgiveiblithes, die sign of Mary (cf. "Textes pré­monitoires et commentaires mystiques relatifs à la prise de Constantinople par les Turcs en 1453,” in Odem, VI, Leiden, 1953, 10-17. It is quite remarkable that early Qarmathian doctrine sees the kûni as the first divine emanation (Van Arendonk, De Opkomst... in Yemen, 1919, 304-6), while a Sufi like Mansür ibn ^cAmmir can make it a personification of the perfect houri of Paradise, "to whom the Creator of the human race said, 'kiltii, fakStiat'” (ap, Sarrîj, Masârf, 1301, 127, 1. 14; note that Mansûr ibn ^cAmmir, the raw! of Abü Hâshim Kofi, was the teacher of ^eAlt ibn Mu waffaq [d. 265; Hilya, IX, 32$]). The Qarmathians, on the other hand, see in it the Perfect Man,

[463]  Pasiiott, Fr 3:207 n 4/Eng 3:195 n 90; Dhahabi, I^ctidâl, s.v. Cf. ^Eow ba^cd ahi aPbayl. in Kharkûshî f. 155b,

386- This question is also linked to the strange (and ancient) mystical tradition according to which Mîlik permitted the eamâf

[465]  Hanbal; I, 77.

[466]  DhahabI, Huffiiz.

[467]  The founder of the Miliki rite.

[468]  One of these, which Dhü'1-Nün repeated to his disciple RabiS ibn Muhammad Ta Y claims that ^EA1I was the only legitimate caliph of the râshidùn (Dhahabi, I^ctîdâl, s.v,). It is difficult to imagine Mîlik transmitting such a Shiite hadlth.

[469]   Parallel passages, ap. Baqll, I, 48, 97. «07; II, 3°4-

and the nafy al-nPya professed by the orthodox, disregarding Abu Basfr and Ibn al-Hakam, from the beginning of the third century; the Qarmathian M<r ^cÛlwî and Ja^c far's Allah N«r, which are identical.

[471]   Passion, Fr 3 ; I jo/Eng 3:118; Nusayri ms. Paris 1450, f, 12a.

[472]   Passion, Fr 3:138 n 5, 147/Eng 3:126 n 7, 134.

[473]   Ibid., Fr 3:209 n 6/Eng 3:197 n 114; and Makki, Qiit, 11, 117.

[474]  litimas al-hilâl following the tables brought out by Ibn abî’l-^cAwjâ , under the name Ja^cfar (Parq, 25; Kîndî, Qddïs, ed. Guest, 538 1.37, 533 1. 23, 534 1. 20; Ibn Jubayr, 162 1. ti, 167; Ibn Sa^cd, V, 2i 1. id). On Ja^cfar's opinion, cf. Maqrizî, Ittfaz, 76 1. 14; Kindi, Qâtfïs, cd, Guest, 584 I.17; Ibn Taymiyya, Maj tn, al-rasâ^il ai-kubrii, II, 157 (Goldzihet); Tabataba^i, ^cUrwa wuthqo, 419-21,

[475]  Tabarsi, Ihlijaj, 185—86, 183, 179.

[476]   Sunni method.

[477]   Fihrist, 3 35 : title of his Kitab al-rahma, Cambridge ms. 896.

[478] S3^tid (d. 462), in his Tabasjât, compares him to MuhSsibi and Tustari; cf. Ibn al-Qifti, lit, 127.

[479]   ktiqama, ap. MalaS, i66.

[480]   Farq, 25.

[481]   With whom he was very close.

[482]   See Der Islam, HI, 251.

[483]   See Hilya, IX, 331—35; Ibn ^cAs3kir, V, 271—88. On his trial in Baghdad: Kindi, Qu4âi Misr, 453, And Kattani, Fihris, I, 234, for the monograph of Ibn ^cArabi. His matrix were com­piled by a Maliki, Muhammad ibn QSsim ibn Yîsur (descendent of the sahâhï Ammar : Ibn Far- hün, 248). On his tomb (photograph in Es.mi], which is preserved in the QarSfa, cf. Ibn al-Zayyât (Kawâkib say y dm, ed. Ahmad Taymur, Cairo, 1907, 233-38, and 109-10). Following Yf. Ahmad (1922), I studied the adjoining turba of Fakhr Fârisi, the Hallâjian tnuharldlth (d, 622 a.h.) who was Malik KSmils adviser during his interview with the rihib (St. Francis) at Damietta. For centuries. Dhû'1-Nûn's tomb was one of the stages in the curious pilgrimages, in the form of a closed circle, which were undertaken in the great Muslim cemeteries, such as the QarSfat Misr. The aim was to speed the arrival of Divine Justice, hoped for by the Martyn of Desire. It should be noted that in the fourteenth century, popular legend had it that Dhs'l-Nûn was a contemporary and friend of Hallàj (Qüsî ap. Sha^cr5wi, Lawaq, 1,159); especially in Turkish poetry (Kev. Et. IsL, 1946,72,74.7⁶)

[484]   Fihrisl, 359.

[485]   The man with the fish, like Jonah.

[486]   Sarrîj, Masarf, 130.

[487]   Dhahabi, Initial, s.v.; herein, p. 139; MSlinl, 31.

[488]   Ibn aî-Jawzî, Sajwa; YSfi'l, Nashr. JI, 83.

[489]   Dhahabî, ms. Leiden 1721, f. 28a.

[490]   MâlinJ, 32; Tagrib., I, 753.

[491]  The map of his tomb, his stela (Kufsc inscription of the third century), the monument of his kltâdim, Hi mid (d. 634/ 1236), and the manitma of the sultan Barsbay (838/1434) concerning his waqf were published by myself in 191 f {Bwlt. first. Fr. ArchéoL Caire). A mosque at Giza is dedi­cated to him; there is a cenotaph bearing his name in the ShSnîz cemetery in Baghdad.

42k Fihrist, 358; 355.

[493]   Brockelmann, G.A.L., I, 199, 521.

[494]   Ibn'Arabi, Muhrid., H, 313, 315-16, 363.

[495]   Passion, Fr 3; J2o/Eng 3: ÎO8-9.

[496]   See above, text at n 34⁶-

[497]   Passion, Fr 3:66/Eng 3:57; 'AttSr, I, 126-27, <33; Ibn Qayyim, Madarij, III, 220.

[498]    Misri is clearly anti~Mu^ctazilite (Baqli, I, 390); he acquits himself of the accusation of (Passion, Fr 3:181 /Eng 3:169).

[499]   See ch. 2, sec, Z.B., "Convergence of Guiding Intention," "The replacement of the hay...

[500]   SarrSj, Masâri’', 180— 81 ; Ibn ^eArabî, Muhâd., II, 69.

[501]   Khàtatn, (Khatm), quest, 118.

[502]   Cf. the tales ofSslih Muni and Ibn^cUyayna (Ibn^cArabI, Muhâd, II, 304, 279).

[503] HallSj criticized both of them specifically (Passion, Fr 3:128-29, 1 : j89~9O/Eng 3:1 16-17, i:543).

433- [Recwetf, p. t6.]^cAbd al-RahmSn ibn Ahmad, Pisalafl'l-tasauwuf ms. Na^cs5n, HamSh, aceph­alous. Cf. his comment on divine union, without going through the Prophet (SarrSj, Luma , 104).

[505] Suhrawardï, ^cAwHrif IV, 291.

435- {Recueil, p, 16.] Published during his lifetime by MuhSsibt (Mahabba), whose source was Husayn ibn Ahmad Shaml.

[507]  Huiva al-Malakfit (= the upper angelic world), implying a thesis that Muhâsibï later makes explicit. Perhaps this is the “huwa] " of initiation ceremonies.

[508]   He pointed out the perils of it (Powwn, Fr 1:431 /Eng 1:384).

[509]   Sunan, ap. Ibn al-Jawzi, NStnits, XI. Cf. Su hr a wards, ^cAw3rif_t IV, 252, 276.

[510]   ‘Auwif, IV, 253, ï 98. Mûri is considered a saint by the SSlimiyya (Makki, QiV, II, 76)

[511]   Lumtf, 42.

[512]   Yifi^cI, Nashr, H, 334—35 (Rerwerl, p. 17].

[513]   Allusion to the^/tarftr Khumm (Passion, Fr 3142/Eng 3:34).

[514]  The excessive esthetic care lavished on the comeliness of the images so reduces this itiner­arium mentis Deutn that it almost resembles the “Map of the Land of Tender" drawn by a disci­ple of Honoré d’Urfe.

[515]   YSfi^cï, Nashr, II, 335.

[516]   See Hariri, Maqâmât, 1.

[517]   Monograph on him by Ibn abï'1-Dunyî (d. 281); extracts in Tha^clabl, Qatlâ.

[518]   DhahabI, Huffiiz, IV, 39.

[519]   Not to be confused with the Zaydl traditionist ^eAbd ai-Wihid ibn Ziyid (d. 179). Ibn

Zayd transmitted from Hasan Basri, whose true successor he is, two liaÂïth of fundamental impor­tance to Sufism: (a) the kadîth (Hi(ya, VI, 165), "^cashi<]am wa 'aihiqtuku,¹¹ transmitted by Muhammad ibn Fadi ibn ^eAtiyya MarwazI (d. 180) to Ibrahim ibn Ash^cath, the kh&ibti of Fudayl ibn ^cIy3d; (b) the haiitth al-ikhfàs (Qush., 113), transmitted by Hudhayfa to Hasan Basri, ^CAW ibn Zayd, Ahmad ibn ^£At3 Hujaymi, Ahmad ibn GhassSn Hujaymi Tamfrni (d. 240), Ahmad Ya^cqûb Sharitî, Ahmad ibn Bashshir, to Nasawï and Qushayri (cf. K3zarÛnî, Musakalât, ça-b). Note that Ibn Zayd's disciple Abfl ^cUmar Ahmad ibn ^cAta Hujaymi (d. 200; see Lifân, I, 221), who com­pared Abü Bakr to Abraham, was rejected by Zak. S5jl (student of D3wûd Zïhirî, Lisân, I, 422) and by Ashfari (Maq.). One of Hujaymi s disciples was Muhammad ibn Zak, Ghiiabi (d. 281), a friend of Ibn abî’l-Dunyî, the teacher of the historian of Sufism, Ibn a!-A^crâbî (d. 341). Ibn Zayd trained AbQ Sa^eld Mudar al-QJri (Ht/ya, VI, 1 Jfi, 157,160, 163,164), who is quoted by Muhîsibî and who transmitted Ibn Zayd's doctrine of the ru³ya to KalabSdhI and Ibn Manda through Salih ibn Muhammad Tirmidhi, KhalafBukhSri (d. 350; Usân, II, 404; cf. KaiâbSdhl, Akhbür, 155b). D5wad ibn Muhabbir (author of the Kitâb al-^ca<jl), and^cUthm3n ibn^cUm3ra             II, 187). Ibn

Zayd himself, admitted as a rihvï, by Wakl^c, Muslim, Ibn abi’l-Dunyâ, Fudayl ibn ^cIyad, and DSrânJ, is "weak” for Z. Sïjï and Nasa% and rejected (matnlk) by Bukhari, AbO Bishr Hawshab ibn Muslim, who was older than Ibn Zayd, seems to have taught him about Hasan Basri (Hifya. VI, 199). One purported chain of congregational affiliation, in order to reach Hasan Basri (and even Kumayl ibn ZiySd, sic), includes ^cAbd al-Wihid ibn Zayd via Abû Ya^cqüb Süsi (QushSshï, Stmt, 99), over a chronological hiatus. The chain ends at Najrn Kubra and the Chishtiyya (cf. Beaurecueil, F/rLitri, Cairo, 1953, 13).

[520]   Imitating SulaymSn Taymi, he observed a vow of chastity for forty years.

[521]   Makki, Qtit, 1,153.

[522]   Ibn ^cArabi,                   H, 354. His nephew Bakr would retract the proposition ("mo’mrïw

fi’bildtlâs ma^c al-tab^c": Ash'art, MaqâlSt, f. 96a). Passion, Fr 3 ;Z46/Eng 3:232.

[523]   Passion, Fr 3:142/Eng 3:130.

453-  Dhahabi, Ftidâl, s.n.

454-  Possitw, Fr 3:H7“l8/Eng 3:105-7.

455-  Hi/yd, s.n (following Ibn al-Jawzi’s Safwa) [Resutn'l, p. 5J.

[527]   This is one of the oldest mentions of this term; Hasan Basri used to say “ahi al-inqitâ .

[528]  Maqdisi, Muthtr, ms. Paris (669, f, 99, 121b. Zamzam visits Siloah on the night of ^cAraf3t (Yq. HI, 762 [s.n., ^cayn Sw/wSh]; Goldziher, M. St., II, 136) or 15 Sha^eban (Gaudefroy Demoni- bines, Pèlerinajte, 84).

[529]   Fâsiq = munâjiq =                       l-niir.

[530]   Dhahabi, ms. Leiden 1721, f. 180; Rifs’/, Rawda, printed in Damascus, 13 30, p. 95-

[531]   Passion, Fr 3:iç6/Eng 3:184; Alüsl, Jala, 62.

[532]   Makkï Qût, II, 137.

[533]   Ibid., H, 177.

[534]  Asin, Logia D.Jesu, no. 31; Ibn al-Jawzi, Nagis; cf. the bizarre sermon of Ahmad Ghazâlï (d. 517) on the "imperfect" poverty of Jesus [Recueil, p. 97]: "The angels came together at the as­cension of Jesus; he sat, and his muraqqa^ca was torn into three hundred pieces; they said, 'Lord, will You not make a shirt without stitches for Jesus?' ‘No. The world (into which he will go down again) does not deserve chat he should have one.' Then they searched the undergarment of Jesus and found a needle. And God said, 'By My glory if that needle had not been there, I would have rapt Jesus into My innermost Holiness, and I would have been unsatisfied for him even with the seventh heaven; but you sec, a needle has put a veil between him and Me’" (Ibn al-Jawzi,

f. 118). Must the hermit carry a needle? Ibrahim Khaww2s is praised by Ibn al-Jawzï (Talbïs, 339) for carrying one with him. Foucauld, in his rule of 1899, wanted not to have one (ch. 4, p. 7^s )■

[535]  MuMsibl would dissociate himself from this (Tawafthutn); BistSmi would reprove it (#«' sion, Fr 3:i77/Eng 3:104-65).

[536]   Ibn al-Jawzi, Nümûs, XL

[537]   Dhahabi, ms. Leiden 1721, f. 5b.

[538]  RifS% RrtWrt, 84, She was soon confused with R5bt^ca Qaysiyya (Ibn Khallikîn, I, 201); and she is still confused with her.

[539]   Pasibn, Fr 3 : i57/Eng 3:144-45.

[540]   Suiarni, Milian, ap. Ibn al-Jawzi, Nâtniis, XI.

[541]   Ta^çamcf.

[542]  Jîmî, 73; Sha^cr3wï, Tab., I, 82. Also in KaUMdhl (Ta^camtf).

[543]   lbn^cArabï, Muliàd., II, 339.

[544]  Ms. Leiden 892, f, 172a-! 77b [Recueil, pp. 12-13]. Ibn ai-jawzl reproaches Abü Nu ay^m for having published them (Saju>a, preface).

[545]  Ms. Leiden 892, f. 172b. Cf. Pension, Fr j:2i8/Eng 3:206.

[546]  Taken up again by Misri (herein, text at n. 441.

[547]  Ms. Leiden 892, f. 173a.

305. Ibid., f. 173b.

[549]  Ibid., f. 174a. Muhïsibï would present this thought, which is perhaps Ant Ski s, as a hadith.

[550]  Ms. Leiden 892, f. 175a.

[551]  Ibid., f. 174b. AntSki, who did not have MuhSsibfs training in theology, was already dis­sociating himself from the Mu^ctazilite theologians on this point. He must have been attacked early, because one of his statements is attributed by Ibn A^tr3bi (d. 341: in Kitab al-zuhei, ms. Cairo majm. 125, rep. 29) to someone else. The statement is, 'liman la yajib dhikruhu” (Hilya, f. 175 [IX, 291 ]: "utjub mS yefnik bitark mH là ya^cnlk”).

[552]  Ms. Leiden 892, f. 1762-b

[553]   Ibid., f. I77a-b.

[554]   Ms. Syrian Society, Beirut (dated 486 a.h.). Cf. Sprenger, ap. JJMSB, 1856.

[555]  By the word, ha^cdkum_t which was replaced by their names after their deaths; Muhâsibï mentions Misrî; Ibn^Atâ mentions Hallâj.

[556]   Passion, Ft 3:<58/Eng 3:5^s-

[557]   Passion, Fr 3:162/Eng 3:150.

[558]   Passion, Fr 3:195~96/Eng 3:183-84.

[559]   Passion, Fr 3:241 n I2/Eng 3:227 n 59.

[560] Baqlî, I, 78 (of 1, 9)-

525. The Syrian school, after him, includes Ibn al-jalls and Abu ^cAmr Dimishqi, who perhaps should be identified with Abû HulmSn.

526.  Ibn^cArabî, bfaluûi., Il, 328.

527.  AshSrî, Maqâlâf, 97a; Hazm IV, 226-27; Sam^citii, 70a; SarrJj, Lmwiu', 200 ; Tagrib, 1, 46°-

528.  Hfiyawwi, IV, 146; cf. herein, ch. 2 n 182, text at ch. 3 n 56.

529.  Makkl, QiV, I, 9; Dhahabî, fti&il, s.n.; Ibn^cArabî, Muhâd., H, 345.

530. According to Maqdisi, Hwwwyma, 128. C£^cAttSr, I, 269—74; MSlini, 27, Sam^c3ni, 478b; Hilya, vol. IX, ms, Paris 2029, f. 49b-54b.

531.  He was also the student of Rabi^c ibn Sahih. A verse is attributed to him (Sibt Ibn al- Jawzl, ms. Paris, f. 35a).

532.  Mujâb al-(ta^cwa; tiryaq mujarrab (Sulami, ap- Qush. s.v.). Ibn al-FarrS, Tahaq. Hanàbiia, s.n.

533. Passion, Fr 3:37/Eng 3:29. The anecdote of the ostrich with the pearl is supposed to have been the object of one of ShSfiTs legal opinions (according to Muzanî, ap, Subkî, I, 24’); apparently figures in the Chinese story of Tripitaka (Casanova). Bakr ibn Khunays, the author of

the hadith on the evil qurfS (Taibis, 121) and a student, through Dirîr ibn^eAmr, of Yazîd Raqqîshî (KalîbSdhî, AkkbSr, 8b, J6b), is given a biography in the Hilya (VIII, 364, 365). The life of Ma^e- rSf Karkhl (his waqf in Baghdad is managed by the Suwaydi family) was recorded by Ibn al-Jawzî (Fadâ³il .Vf.). His maqdm in Egypt, at Minia, is mentioned by ^eAli Pasha Mubîrak (XII, 37).

[570]  Mission en Mésopotamie, H, 108. The legend, accepted by ^cAtt5r, of his conversion from Christianity to Islam when he was a child, and the contrary legend, also accepted by ^eAtt3r, of the claim to his body made by the Christians at the time of his burial, seem to me to cancel each other. His relations with the eighth Shiite ImSm also seem to be no more than an assumption.

535- Sam^c3m, s.v.; DhahabI, I^ctidal.

53<S. QussÆs, s.v,

[573]  Before him a Mu^ctazilite, Bishr ibn Mt/tatnir (student of W2sil, through Bishr ibn Sa^eîd and Za^efar2nï, and teacher of Murder), while in prison in Baghdad, had composed verse and pop­ulat sermons (J3hiz, HayawSn, VI, 92-93 and 97 if, 94-96 and 136 FT,; Bay an, I, 76-78; Malati, f. 65-66), the style is not unlike that of Murri, Abû’I~^cAt3hiya, or AntSki.

[574]  Makki, Qftt, 1, s 53-

[575]   Fihrist, 184.

[576]   Herein, ch. 409.

[577]   SarrSj, Masâri', 126-28.

[578]   Herein, pp. 44-45-

[579]  Mil ini, 3rf>a^eï», jo; Tagrib., 41J-

[580]  Mâlinî, Arba^cîn, 13.

545 • No. 103, of the year 48 J.

[582]  Ms. Bnll-Houtsma.

[583]   Cf. the zalidiyât of Abu NuwSs.

[584]  Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi, ms. Paris 1505, f. 78b.

549- Herein, text at ch. 2 n 127; Fihnst, 185.

[586] On him cf. DhahabI, FtidSl, H, no 1032; 111, no. 2079-

55ï. Ms. Damascus Zah. majm. 38; Khatib had studied it (ms. Damascus Zah majm. 18).

[588]  Brockelmanns article in the Entyclopcadia rf Elam, s.n.

[589]  Not a mystic by intention, Ibn abî’l-Dunyâ had influence because of his authentic piety, which was at once spontaneous and traditional, with sources in Burjulânï and Mansür ibn ^cAmm5r (Hilya, IX, 328). He had a vast audience that extended as far as the court. Followers began to make new editions of his works with naive fervor. The Kilâh al-wppi wa’l-bukS (ms. Damascus) and Kitabfads³il to dht'l-hijja (ms. Leiden) ought to be published now that we have a

(Cairo, 1354) in which there are five risiilat, including the Kitab al-au>liyii. Among Han- halites, a line of authors linked to Ibn abî'1-Dunyâ survives, including Muhammad ibn Muham­mad Manbÿï (c. 777 A.H.), author of the Tatliyat ahi al-masa’ib (ed, Cairo, 1929).

[590] Corrected in the second French edition from Kitâb .il-uMiâyà, but see bib. for published version.

4.  Margaret Smith has published an excellent edition of the RiSiya (London, 1940, reissue 1947, G.O.F). (Smith gives, in the margins of her edition, the folio numbers of the manuscript to which Massignon refers throughout the Essay. J

5.  Passion, Ft 3:178/Eng 3:166.

6.  Ibid,, Fr 3:241 /Eng 3:227.

7. Ibid.,Fr 3:68 /Eng 3:59 (or ntShiyya, as it is usually written. Mâ'iyya may be closer to the ety­mological source of the word (see R. Arnaldez in E/z, s.v., Mahiyya); the sense is not in dispute}.

8. Ed H, Ritter, Gluckstadt, 1935.

[591]      [Hîtya, X, 73-110], for which Ibn al-Jawzi (tn the preface to his Saftva) reproaches Abû Nu- aym, as he docs for the details given on AntSkl and Shibll (anecdote cited herein, text related to

ch. 3 n 9 and ch. 4 n s°i )-

[592]      A fragment of the Kitâb al-sabr wrdl-ridri was published by O. Spies in Islamite (Leipzig], 1934.

[593] Cited by Anbarï, Nuzhat al-altbba, 345.

[594] KalâbSdhi; and all chronological lists.

[595] Compare to St.John Ciimacus, The Heavenly Ladder [or 77ie Ladder of Divine /lsce„(] step 26, nos. 13, 2$.

[596] [Fragment of another recension. Recueil, p. 21.} Quoted here from Yifi^ct, Nashr, II, 382 (see the complete text in Rawd al~riydhsn, Cairo, 1374/ <955, 24—25!; v.s., sec. 1. A. no. 15; comp.

f. 8a.

[597] This is a hadilh explaining Qur. 9:34 (cf. herein p. 98 and text at ch. 4 n 1 tâ).

[598] Who will go there first, according to the hadith.

[599]      He uses Mu^ctazilï vocabulary but in order to turn it against the Mu^etazilites fitdl, fadl, lutf> tâ^ca IS yurad Allah bihat RJ^câya, f, 82b),

[600] Baqli, H, 144.

[601] Rt^crty<i, f. jib.

[602] Passion, Ft 3:68, 22s n ?/Eng 3:59, 213 n 285.

[603] Ri^cSya, f. 5a.

[604] Passion, Fr 3..170-71/Eng 3:60-61.

[605] Nasâty, f. 15b; Asin, Logia, no. ji.

[606]      Junayd as well (Pæwwb, Fr 3:62 n i/Eng 3:53 n f ).

[607] Passion, 1st ed., 411- [Ibn Khaftfs five shaykhs who possessed the science of external law (zàhir x sltarfa) : Muhâsibï (d. 243/857; Shàf/ite), Junayd (d. 298/910; Thawrite); Ruwayrn (d. 303/915; Zâhirite); Ibn^cAtâ (d. 309/922; tradûionist; æSufyânî); ^cAmr al-Makki (disciple of Junayd). Vide Qushayri, ed. 1318, 2; Yâfi'î, Nashr, f, 41. On the Kâzarûni lise, v. ^cAttâr, II, 292-] Cf. Passion, 2nd ed., Fr 2:196 ff./Eng 2:186 ff.

[608] Munqidh, 28.

[609] Passion, Fr 2; 196/Eng 2:186.

[610] ShArâwi, Tab., H, 28.

[611] Ap.'Irâqï, BiVilh, ms. London Or. 4275, f. 18b [Recueil, p. 23].

[612] Herein, ch. 3, sec. 4, and p.95; Passion, Fr 3:253/Eng 3:239.

[613] Also quoted in Dhahabï, I^ctidâl, I, 2ûo [see note 51|.

[614]      Ibn Khi draws y h [or Ibn Khidrüya] and Hujwfcï had perhaps already tried it (Kashf, 338,280).

[615] Makki, Q’if, H, 67.

[616] Muhâiibï, Mahabba, f. 12 pp. 22-23].

[617] HaUij, in Passion, Fr 2:57 n 4/Eng 2:50 n 87.

[618] Here, the Damascus ms. has been corrected by the one in Leiden, thanks to R. Nicholson- This became a haciith quit si ■. “Kuiitu satrfohu wa basarahu."

[619] Cf. HailSj, in Passion, Fr 3:50-51, 184/Eng 3:42-43, >7^-

[620] Hallâj, in Passion, Fr 3:206 n ÿ/Eng 3:194 n 85.

[621] Ghibta; Passion, Fr 3:Zi8/Eng 3:206.

[622] Ibid,, Fr 3:178/Eng 3:166; herein, ch. 3 n 17 and related text,

[623]          d-hij&b; cf. herein, text at ch. 4 n 34²-

[624] Inadequate term; cf. Passion, Fr 3:179 n 1/Eng 3:166 n »88.

[625] Cf. above, n 74.

[626] Karâma.

[627] Dhahabï, I, 42; ^cAttïr, I, 240-44. His Kitab al-difa is cited by HSjj Khalifa.

[628] Sources: Ibn al-Bayyi^c Dabbl, Ta^nkh Nlshtyiir,extract ap.Sam^c3nï, f.4766-4771. Dhahabi, l^ctid3l (s.n.); Ta^rikh kabtr (sub anno 255: a "detailed” piece that appears, abridged, in Leiden ms. 1721, f. 736—753). Ibn al-Athïr (Kâtnil, s. a. 255) gives his genealogy, Mujir al-Dïn ^cUlaymi jahl, ed. Cairo, 1283,1, 262) tells of his stay in Jerusalem.

[629] And not "Kidtn” (Ibn al-Haysam, in Dhahabï,

[630] "ZUma*»» yuhitnutithu Allah” (Dhahabi, TcPtikh, ms. Leiden 1721, f. 736-753).

[631] Whence the anecdote of the needle of Jesus (herein, ch. 4 n 484)-

[632] The principal one, a sort of rule for living, as it comes down to Hamdün ibn Husayn Saf- far, is as follows: "Five things give life to the heart: enduring hunger ( jaw^e}_f reading the Qur’an, rising at night (for prayer), humbling oneself before God at dawn, and frequenting the pious (Dhahabi, TaWth, ms. Leiden 1721, f. 73b. [Recueil, p. 24}).

[633] Critique of the eremetic custom described in Passion, Ft 3:238 n 6/Eng 3:224 n 22.

[634]      The place is well known. It is at the SE angle of the Haram platform al-ma^crifa, a curi­ous mystical name). It is known that Ghazâlî went to meditate on his IkyÔ (with his QistSs (Qus- tasj and Mikakk) 100 meters from there, in the zdwiya Nasriyya (installed between the modem "Golden Gate” and the middle hidden door — BSb al-Rahma and Bdb etl-tawba of early toponymy, following Qur. 57:13), one or two years before the taking of the city by the Crusaders. N.B. ^cAbd al-Wâhid ibn Zayd affirms that Khidr resides in the Haram, between the Bâb al-Ratena and the Bob al-Asb<U, and that on Friday he prays, alternately, in Jerusalem and Mecca (Maqdisi, Mutter, ms. Paris J669, f. 99b).

[635] See below, n 123 and related text.

too. It is said, also, "on the outskirts of Zughar” (jir).

tot. The “Gate of Jericho” disappeared from toponymy with the Frankish occupation. The "Tomb of the Prophets” suggests the Jewish cemetery of Kidron, between Gethsemane and Si~ loah. But the mention of “John son of Zacharias” certainly indicates the two chapels of John and Zacharias, to the left as one enters al-Aqsd (where Ibn Adham loved to pray). The ktelnqilh should therefore be identified with the zitwiya Khatantya of today (attached to the south wall of the Haram).

[638]  YîqOt, BuMJh, II, 393; Marâsid, I, 336.

[639]  Harhwia el nabita, 1901.

[640] Additional notes on Ibn Karrtm: ^£Umar ibn Hy. Naysabüri Samarqandï (d. c. 501 a.h.) and his Rawnaq at-qui il b (mss. P. 4929 and <674) must be consulted; his istutd goes back, through AbÜ Nasr A. Samarqandï (d. 455 a.h., under Tughril), to the book of Abü’I-^cAbb5s A. ibn Ishâq ibn MamshSdh (ManSqib al-hnSm /sM<f), to Ishâq ibn Mamshâdh. The Rawttaqshows IbnKarrâm spend­ing two days with his friend Abd Yazïd BistJmï (ms.P. 6674, f, 35b); offering a candle at the Holy Sepulchre (ms. P. 4929, f. 52a = ms. P 6674, f. 35b); with Ibn Harb (6674, 59a); in prison (6674, 37a); in his tnadrasas in Herat (6674, 48a) and Samarkand (4929, 53a, 54a); and dying (4929, 48a). It shows his asceticism and contempt for the world (4929, 51b, 60b); and it prints his wasiyya to Ma^tnun Suh ml (4929, 35 b), from which Bïrûni (Own. 287) reproduces the piece on the tomb of Joseph of Arimathea. Another work by the same author, the Sawn abakhbâr (ms. P. 5039), men­tions the Mazyadite prince Sadaqa (d. jot). The two mosques built within view of Segor (Zu- ghar) in 352 a.h. (cf. Rev. Et. Is!., 1952, 81) by AbÜ Bakr Sabbshl seem to be KarrSmiyyan. Ibn Yazdânyâr (ms. P. (369. 163b) quotes a saying of Ibn KarrJm.

[641] Which were written down under his dictation by someone named Ma³mün ibn Ahmad SulamI Harawi, of whom it is known only that he passed through Damascus in 250.

[642] Indirect disciple of Hammid ibn Zayd, through Ibn^cUyayna and Ibn al-Mub5rak; briefly suspected of ipS’’.

[643]  The remark is Sam^eànïs.

jo8.^cUlaymf Uftsjaiil, I, 262.

»09, Ibn al-Dâ^cî, 387.

i so. Cf Passion Fr 3: ïôp/Eng 3:157.

J f I. Farq, 203, 206, 207.

[648] Ibn al-Dî^i 381, 383.

i [3. A Manichaean or Hindu ascetic argument, considered so that it may be refuted.

[650] Farq, 207: haythiithiyya, kayfüfiyya (on the model rubiibiyya; cf.ghaybiiba of Bistlmî; and kaynfiniyya of Makkl, QtK, II, 88).

[651]  Baghdïdï, Fart}, 202-14; ShahrastSni, Milal, I, 143-54; Ibn aI-DS^cI, 381-84.

[652]  GhazSli, TahSfui, I, 22.

[653]   Passion, Er 3:112, 70/Eng 3; 100, 59-60.

[654]   Ibid., Fr 3:87~88/Eng 3:76-77.

[655]   Ibid., Fr 3:*»6, 65, 117, 163/Eng 3:105, 55, ioj, 150. Cf. ap. Ibn al-Farrà (My^ctamad): = “iaràr bi’Pshahâdatayn dtln tmnsFnlnat al-qa!b."

[656]  Muqaddasî, Alisati al-taqiïsim (written in 375/985).

[657]   Passion, Fr 3:12! n 4/Eng 3:109 n 77,

[658]  Not anteriority (cf. Passion, Fr 3:162 1. 3-4/Eng 3 ; 149 no. 6).

[659]   Mazdean.

[660]  As opposed to Tayfür Saghir (herein, p. (»4).

[661]  IhyS, IV, 160, 187.

[662]  SarrSj, Luma^c, 177; Baqli, Shath, f. 27; Qush, IV, 169. His continent: "There is a state in which it seems I am 'I,’ in myself, as in every being; there is another state in which I am 'He/ to Him, in Himself.” I think this Sindi is ^CAR Sindi, who was the teacher of Bistimi, according to the only ha&lh he transmitted (Sahlagi, Niir, f. 25 ), and a student, through ^cAmr ibn Qays Mula’i and Atiyya^cUrft, of Abu Sa^<Id Khudari (this chain of three names is that of the hadith of Ibn Ka- thir, cited herein, ch. 5 n 3),

[663]   ^cAttâr, I, 144; Baqli, Star/i, f. 46,

[664]   Makkï, Qnt, II, 6j.

[665]   Rifï^cî, Rawda, 97. Also, Dermenghem has made a photograph of a                              of BistSml, at

Bakti (O. Zousfana, around Oran). There is one in Egypt as well (at Girga: ^cAli Pasha MubSrak, XII, 5). [Photos in Essui.J

[666]  On Dürî, see Dhahabî, l^ctidâl; Qush. IV, 112, 173; and Passion, Fr 3:267/Eng 3:25°- He is probably the editor of the Shalahst examined by Satrïj (Luma^c, 380-94).

[667]  On him, consult Passion, Ft 3 ^Idy/Eng 3:250.

[668]  Extracts, ap. Sahlagi, Mir.

[669]  Sam^câni, f. 81 a; Hujwïrï, Kashf, 164,

Ï74. Very Hallljized in places (f, 32 [Lay/S <»«']. 93 [verse] 1.35—-40).

j 75. The pagination is that of my copy, the Kitôb al-nûr has since been published by A R Badawi in die first volume of his Shatahdt al-Siifiyya (devoted to Bistiml), 37-148. Sahlagi also wrote a Kitâb riih a!~rilh (ms, Paris Supp. turc 983, pp. 1443-1341).

[672]  Sahlagi (Mir, f io8) explicitly identifies^cUmayy with AbO ^cImr3n Müsa ^cIsa ibn Adam, grand-nephew ofBistimi (v.i., ch. 5 n 330).

[673]   Preserved in Turkish translation with preface (Schefer Turkish ms. toiç, Mihrshâh ms. 202); cf. ^cAshir ms, 432.

[674]   Tadhkira, I, 134-79.

[675]  Pp. 27-51.

[676]   Cited by Hajj Khalifa (cf. Huh, 5334).

[677]  Sû’Iai al-ruhbdn, ms. Parts 1913, f. 1953-1963; Huh, 5381.

[678]   ShaSâwî, Tab., I, 76. — However, Sahlagî, f. 49, 52.

[679]   Sarraj, Luma^c, 89, 366.

[680]   Passion, Fr 2:41/Eng 2:35.

[681]   Fidya.

[682]   According to Suhrawardî, ap. Kürküt, Haritnî.

[683]   On this word, see herein, p. 169.

[684]   Baqll. Shath,, f. 100; tafsîr of 53:18-23; Ibn^cAta Allah, . Mursi, I, 192.

[685] Passion, Fr 3: nfi-iy/Eng 3:105. A word much discussed, which occurs in some versions of the Qur’in.

[686]  Sahhgi, f. 66, 122.

[687]   I.e., my intercession, at the Last Judgment.

[688]   Baqii, Shath., ms. QA, f 132; ^cAttâr, I, 176

[689]  BaqB, Shalh., ms. QA, f. 103 ['Recueil, p. 31]-

[690]   Sarraj, Lumf, 392-93.

[691]   Cf. Passion, Fr 3:20 n 7/Eng 3:13 n 14.

[692]   Sha^crâwî, Tab., I, 75.

[693]   Sha^er5wî, LatS^if, I, 127; Tab., 1, 76.

[694]   (Recuetf, p. 30,] A sort of "original sin" thus repaid; the luqma is a trace of the idea of original sin (cf. Ibn Adham and Sari, apud Ibn^cAsakir, VI, 73).

[695]  Sha^cr3wi, Latirtf, I, 127. Another, weakened version: “Would I ask,” said Bisri mi to Ibrahim ibn Shayba Harawi, “for the pardon of all men?¹’ "O Abd Yazld, if God gave you the pardon of all creatures, it would not be much, for they are but a mouthful of clay" (Sha rawi, Tab., 1, 76; Sahlagi, f. 45).

[696]  Junayd, according to Dûri, (Sahlagi, Mir) [Recueil, p. 31).

[697]   [Recueil, p. 32.] DhahabI, l^ctidal Compare the outrages of William Blake.

[698]  Baqlijll, 14. There are two variants, following two different theses on the ru^ya: (a) “God is intimate with some among the faithful, who, if they were deprived of the sight of Him for one hour in Paradise, would cry out (from thirst) to leave, as the damned cry out to leave hell" (Sah­lagi, Nîir); (b) “If God did not take care to conceal His face from the elect in Paradise, they would cry out (from thirst) for help, like the damned in hell" (KalSbidhî, AkhhSr, f. 153b; Suhra- wardî, ^cAwârif, IV, 279).

[699]   Ibn al-Jawzî, NSmiis, XI [Reeved, p. 32). A variant, according to Sahlagi (Kiir): "The elect in Paradise visit (God); when they come back from the visit, effigies are offered to them; he from among the elect who chooses one never comes again for the visit." This seems to be a veiled criticism of MuhSsibi's Kitab al-tawahhum (v. herein, p. trip). Cf, Passion, Fr 31179/Eng 3 :166-67-

[700]  Passion, Fr 3:i ïO/Eng 3:99. BistSmI has a glimpse of this liberation, when he refuses to pronounce the shahâda (Baqll, I, 73; cf. Passion, Fr 3:246/Eng 3:232).

[701]  For example, “The reality of Sufism is a scintillating light (ttiir sha^csha^cSnt), which our eyes come upon and discover, and by which our eyes are contemplated" (Sahlagi, Nflr; cf. Passion, Ft 1:520, 3: 147/Eng 11472, 3 : (34; this is the lamhat al-basar of God — Passion, Ft 3:113 /Eng 3:102); the spiritual tau>af, around the Throne (cf. Passion, Fr 1:588-89, 596-97/Eng 1.541-43, 550).

[702]   Cf. Hallaj, injra, ch. 5 n 410.

[703]  "I believe in Muhammad the Messenger neither because he split the moon and broke stones nor because he made trees come together and plants and bricks speak, but because, with perfect wisdom, he forbade his Companions and his Community to drink wine, and made wine an illicit drink" (ap. Afiîkï, trans. Huart, 120.

[704]  Makki, Q«t, II, 75. Sahlagi, f. 59. This anecdote was for me, at Fez in May 1923, a signifi­cant test of shirk khaft, with the learned sherif Abdelhayy el-Kittani (see bib., Kittïnî).

[705]  On his life, see (Lisdn al-mtzSn, V, 308) the attacks by Xbn al-^cAdîm (Kitdb aKmalha ft I- radd ^calÔ Abî Talka) and his autobiography, discovered by H. Ritter (KitSb al-sho'n; cf. note in Eludes catmélitaines, 1951), in which his wife’s piety serves as a spiritual electroscope for him.

[706]  Brockelmann made him into two different men with different dates for their deat (G.4.L., I, 164, 199)

[707] Uut now found. See below, "Table of foe chapters of tile         al-u>iktyi.“

2$6. See^vAtt5r, H, 91-99-

257.  Cf. the attempted reform by the Thawrite tnaliimatï Hamdûn QassSr (d. 271), who tried to reintroduce the notion of kasb.

258.  His own reference, ap. MasH'il, f. 280 of my copy.

259.  His own reference, ap.^cfirï/ al^ubiidiyya, f. 166b; on the esoteric meaning of thana (con­sult quest, too and 139).

260.   Passion, Fr 1:432; 3:n/Eng 1:384; 3:4.

261.  On this unusual meaning of the term, cf. Jïhiz, BaySn, UÎ, 81.

[708] hi fact, this fist is not the table of contents but a simple list of questions constituting rite fourth chapter of the Klwtnt rtf.wfjya’ which was discovered in 1954 (Bib., s.n. Tinnidhl). Osmân Yahias ed. (pp. 142-136) re­produces lbn^£Arabi's responses from the Fitl (see also Cairo ed. [reprint Beirut 196S] 2:39-139 [cf ch. 3 11 262, vs.]) and theJ^wôh mitrMassignon also fills in die gaps in this fist; see Remo/, p.2jj.

266.  Without mention of their authors.

[709]  Passion, Fr 3:106/Eng 3:95-96. Here I cite the pagination of my copy of ms. Damascus 104. Cf. ^cHal, f. 166b.

[710]  ^cA<ikâb al~qabr-~>nu³tnin haqqan (f, 398); Tirmidhi and Ibn Khuzayma were fellow disciples, with Rawwâsî, (f. 402). Discussion of a hadith of al-Kai bi (f. 11; cf. herein, text at note 136)- The role of ^ca$l. He is ^cuman (f. 317), like Abû Hishim. He classifies Abii Hanlfa among the mystics.

[711]   Passton, Fr 3:65 n 3/Eng 3:55012,

[712]   Ibid., Fr 3:24, 158/Eng 3:15, 145-46.

[713]   Ms. Damascus 104, f. 353.

[714]   Passion, Fr 3:302/Eng 3:283.

[715]   Ptyitda, Cf. Hllya.

[716]   Passion, Fr 3:19-20, 25-26/Eng 3; 12-13, 18-19.

[717]  Cf. Qut. 5:10-11; Ghazâlî, Munqidh, 7. Ms. Damascus 104, f 216, 291; The Angels can­not guess the secrets of men's hearts (cf. Sabihi, in Baqlî, H, 22). Passion, Fr 3:26-27/Eng 3 : * 9-

[718]   Ibid., Ft 3:23—24/Eng 3:16.

[719]   Cf. Tirmidhi.

[720]  ^cllal, f 209a; it is supposed to be Hellenistic. Also, according to lbn^eArabi, Sahl calls God

aRawwal" (Rashit al-zulsl, ms. P. 4802, 4) and calls the primary matter “hafâa" (habS) (Fut., 1,132). Firyibl attributes to Sahl (Khulasa, ms. Arles 428, p. 39<) a GhSyat ahi af-ntHyu (Qu- rashl, Tab, hanaf., 1, 153).

[721]   Saqallî, Mtfarada,

[722]   Whence the taf^cïl of Ibn Salim (Passion, Fr 3:47/Eng 3:39).

[723]   Saqallï, Mtfârada; Passion, Fr 3:î22/Eng 3:109-10.

[724]  Cf. Passion, Fr 31239/Eng 3:225. Ibn KairSm, by an inverse process, links the inkâr al- kasb to the tafdii al-ghind (herein, ch. 5 n 87-8 and related text).

[725]   Passion, Fr 3:32/Eng 3:24-25 [see also Passion Fr 3:120/Eng 3:108].

[726]   Ibid., Fr 3:46/Eng 3:38.

[727] Ibid., Fr                          3:307-8.

298.  Saqalli, Shark, Hl.

299.  Passion, Fr 3:301, 376/Eng 3:283, 358.

300.  Ibid., Fr 3:175 /Eng 3:163.

301.  Ibid., 3:3O2-3/Eng 3:190-91,

302. Hubb ai-sahâba fard', and not tabam, ^can alfussdq (Saqalll, Shark}; Passion, Fr i:iio~it/ Eng 1 ; 69-70.

303.  Passion, Fr 3:186-87/Eng 3^: >74“75.

304.  Ibid., 3:16/Eng 319.

305.  Ibid., Fr 3:46 n 7/Eng 3:39 n 95.

306. Attenuation by Ibn Silim of his doctrine of bals (= ghurba ila al-Mahbilb, in Qüt, 11, 67; cf. Passion, Fr 3:131/Eng 3:119); exaggeration about the mu³min haqqan (Passion, Fr 3:100 n 5/Eng 3:89 n 241). Tustarî, on the contrary, used to say, ^,JI pray to God that He should give us back our true faith, an yuhaqqiqa ^îmânanâ," and to profess the tabam ^eammatt yadda^t al-tawakkul wa^fl-ridz wa’l-shaioq (Saqalli, Shark; cf. Ghulam Khalil and Ibn Barta ^cUkbari).

307.  Passion, Fr 3:112/Eng 3 :yi.

308.  Mtftamad ft ustil al-dïn, ms. Damascus Zah., tawhïd, 45.

309.  Ghunya, I, 83-84: in the following order: iii-iv, v, iii bis, vi, vit, xiii bis, x, xii, xiii, xiv, xvi.

[740]   “Lam y azal ra^yan ■ ■ - fi dhâtihi!'

[741]  There is a surviving fragment of the Radd ^ealü ïbtt Salim of Ibn Khaftf, in which he con­demns proposition (i) as professing the eternity of the world (qidam al-dahr); to which Harawi an­swers that it is perhaps nothing but the divine prescience (S7w : Ma^cs»m ^cAlt Shah, TarcPtq, I 1, 222).

31 z. “Yudrik bisifa wShida.”

[743] Added by Kilïnî (in an independent section). (In the Recueil, the section in brackets is added to (iv), not (iii),]

3 J 4. Yatajallà, KiJSni abridges.

313. Rubiïbiyya. Œ-Passio», Fr 1: til n 5/Eng ï :70 n 21.

3 i 6. This secret is that of the preeternal investiture of each person s "1."

[747]   Cf. Shiblî, Àkâm, 156.

[748]   Passion, Fr 3;47/Eng 3:39. This proposition is summarized as “khalq fi hull iiafas" by Ibn ^cArabi (Fur, I, 211 ; IV, 23).

[749]  Ibn al-Farra notes that, nevertheless, “taf^ctl, wnhiduhu ji^cl..in grammar {“laf^cil_s a col­lective noun, has the singular, JiT).

[750]   Taw,, P. 164.

[751]   Passion, Fr 3:129/Eng 3:117.

[752]   Passio», Fr jrijo-ji/Eng 3:118-19. Kîlânî exaggerates the characteristic: "From His creatures, God wants the acts of obedience, but not the faults, which He foresees in them, but not as coming from them."

[753]  In an independent section, xiii bis, Kilânï adds, “Gabriel did not move when he came to speak to the Prophet.”

[754]  Passion, Fr 3:93 n 5/Eng 3:83 n 197. Monist degeneration from the rule of meditation (cited herein, ch. 2 n 1).

[755]   Qadftno (notes Ibn al-Farrï).

[756]  MuMatha (ibid.). Nevertheless, adds Ibn al-Fana, “the word imda designates one of the uncreated attributes of God.”

[757]  “God is the food (<p»r) of the universe,” says Makki (Sha^crïwi, Latiiïf, II, 28; Cf. Tus­tari); and equivocal formula that does not distinguish grace and nature.

[758] Kdlbidhi cites him as the foremost among Suh writers "/t ^cuICim al~isharin’' (as opposed to mu'amatit), ap. T&mtf.

32p.Jâmi, 69, 81, 138. Sha^cr3wî, Yawcty, 13; Tab., 1,91, 81.

[760] Date given by Abü'I-Q5sitn ibn MardSn NahSwandi, his student from 272 to 286 (MSlini, 14).

[761] Mi I ini, lac. cit.

332. Text (condemned proposition) given below (text at n 342), Another text, on samâ^£, is also quoted: . the faithful man who has come back to God, attached himself to Him and set­tled near Him, forgotten himself and all that is not God. And if he is asked, 'Where are you from?' or ‘What do you want?’ his only response is 'God!'” It is almost dhikr. (^cAtUr, II. 4°: Sha'rïwl, Tab., I, 60).

333. Ms. Shahid ^cAli Pasha 1374, sec. V. The text of the Ki tab al-sidq was published, with an Eng. trans., by A. J. Arberry, Calcutta, 1937.

334.  SarrSj cites his adab al-salat (Luhm' 153).

335.  lbn^cArabï adds an ambiguous clause to this formula (Fut. ï V, 42).

336.  Passion, Fr 3:t39/Eng 3:126-27.

337. ïbid., Fr 3:24/Eng 3:16. He opposes rtïltâni to juthmdnï. His doctrine of understanding, iïqâ al-sam^c_I then istinbât (Sarrïj, Luina~, 79), was borrowed from MuhisibI and was later taken up by Suhrawardî of Aleppo (haySkfl, on Qur. 75:19).

338.  His use of the word ^cazama is KarrSmiyyan.

339.  Baqlï, Tafsir. f. 215b; ^cAwârif, IV, 302, 303. Junayd condemns this innovation (Jimi, 82).

340.He explains that if souls are not "burned" by divine irradiation, it is because they were created with divine light (ap. Baqli, on Qur, 24:35; cf. Tustari); Hallij, less emanationist, explains the phenomenon by amâna (Passion, Fr 3:2o/Eng 3: t2).

341.    On Qur. $8:22: "As for those whose sign is glory and bliss, who have received grace and suffered no loss, they are permanently under His guard and protection, their defeats are light, the stage they have attained is beyond all stages, and their thoughts are beyond all thought; they are in essential union with God forever (fi^cayn al~jam^c tna^c al-Haqq abadan}'’ (Baqli, II, 316; cf I, 400).

342.  Passion, Fr 3:130/Eng 3:118; notion outlined by Misri (^cAttâr, I, 127)-

[773]  Text, ap. Tawüsïn, p. 171 ; cf Passion, Ft 3J24/Eng 3:306-7.

[774]  Qush., 174; cf Passion, Fr 3:2i$~i6/Eng 3:203.

[775]  Misri had hinted at this (Sarrîj, Luma*', 104).

[776]  Passion, Fr 3:106/Eng 3:95.

Î47- Ap. Sarrij, 59- The remark was made by “one of the Sâlimiyya" (Makkî, Qüt, 11, 61; Tustari, Tafsit, 9), about Kharrîz applying poems of profane love to God, as he sang of LaylS or SawdS. Compare Hallij on Qur. 30:45 to this fragment.

[778]  Qush., I, 168.

[779] Junayd is to he carefully distinguished from his homonyms: ïbrïhlm ibn al-Junayd (d. c, 270), Junayd al-Khatîb (Fihria, 186; Harawi, Dhamtn, 117a), Abü “Abdallah Iskif Junayd Is- Èahinï (Sam^c5nî, .IhsiÎè, s.n.; a disciple), Abü Zur“a Muhammad ibn al-Junayd Kashshl and Abü’l- Khayr Junayd! (Maqdisi, Homonyma, supp., p. 184), Abü “Abdallah ibn Junayd, friend of Ibn “Arabi (Hilyat al-abdsl), and the ShïrJîï family of the Banü Junayd (from our twelfth to fifteenth cen­tury). On Sari Saqati (d, 253), Junayd's teacher, see Hilya, X, 116-27; lbn^eAsSkir, VI, 71-79. Sari, at whose feet Junayd had himself buried in ShOniz, appears to have been a profound mystic. In his youth he had known Ma^erOf, the solemn illiterate of Karkh in Baghdad, who loved God alone (according to *Alï ibn Muwaffaq (ihyd, IV, 221 J), and who prayed ten times a day for God to pacify the Community of believers (Passion, Fr 3 = 224/Eng 3:212). Sari, during his long voyages, notably to Syria (where he learned the story of the Three Men Walled-in Alive, which popular tradition combined with that of the Seven Sleepers; and where he also learned complex technical

[780]   The question of the huwa huwa (Passion, Ft 3 : j 93 / Eng 3:181).

[781]   Ibid., Fr K339-4O/Eng 1:293.

[782]   Ibid., Fr 1:117; 3: it?/Eng 1:76; 3: iOS-6.

[783]  Ap. Baqli, I, 584 (cf. gkayba, ibid. I, 18$) [v. herein, ch. 5 n 305].

[784]   Passion, Fr 1:117; 3;s3/Eng 1:76; 3:45,

[785]  Or, in his first formulation, "extraction of the Absolute from the contingent" (ifriid al- qidatn, which prefigures the Hallijian ijriid al-Wâinii, Passion, Fr 1:117, 664/Eng 1:76, 614)- Tie formula is inadequate, but its anti-monism irritated Ibn ’’Arabt so much (Tajaïliyât) that he de­clared, "You can only distinguish the absolute from the contingent if you are neither one nor the other" (Salâmï, 1, 363). Therefore we must correct the assimilation of Junayd and Ibn ^eArabl, suggested in Passion, rst ed., 37-38. [For the corrected version of the same passage, on Ju­nayd s doctrine, see Passion Fr 1:117-18/Eng 1:76-77. Cf. herein, ch. 5 n 351.]

[786]  Baqli, II, 173.

[787]   Herein, text at n 211.

[788]   Passion, Fr 3:18 / Eng 3:11.

[789] DawS <il~arwâh, ff t—$ of my copy: preeternal istind\ then isiifi (Moses), then m^ya (Mu­hammad), then nwnâjsth given only to the ah! al-mnwtilsh.

[790]   Hujwiri, Kashf, 129-30; Ibn al-Najj3r_f ap. Safadl, Shark risdlal Ibn Zaydiin, 83-84.

[791]   The section in parentheses is added in Hujwiri 5, version.

[792]   Passion, Fr 3:31 n 7, 212-13 /Eng 3:24 n 27, 200.

[793] Sacrifice and suffering (Passion, Fr 1:131 ; 3:125-27, 130/Eng I ;$i; 3:114-15, 118); ^wajd (Ibid., Fr 3178/Eng 3:68); khàtitân (Ibid., Fr 3:30—31/Eng 3:23).

[794]  Baqlî, II, 174.

[795]  Passion, Fr 1:133; 3:‘79/H«g i:93; 3:167.

[796]  Ibid., Fr 3:244/Eng 3:230; herein, text at ch. 2 n 63.

[797] Al-liaqq osbaq ntin haqtqat al-ntuhiqq (Baqh, 1, 587); Passion, Fr jiSç/Eng 3:78- Ibn ^cAt3, like Kharrâz, yields to the charms of parables of profane love (on Zulaykha : Baqii, I, 422),

[798]   Passio», Fr 3: J4~i5/Eng 3 :7~8.

with God alone." Cf. Passion, Fr 3:226/Eng 3:213-14; and Ibn Sam^cün, ap. Ibn “Arabi, Muhâda- nft, II, 184.

[800]   Aithb. *1 utfu’ (4), a continuation of Ka^ebl 1.

[801]  Sul a mi's text, which is corrected by Akhbfr as follows: "God became what cut off his vi­sion from all sides, erasing all sides, in every perceived object; what confronted him, raking the place of everything and every presence in front of him. The mark (of supremacy) of the invisible which appeared on the visible, by an unveiling of rhe mystery of disguise (the diacritics of the C. ms. make this read ghayb abtaghayyub, not ^cayn al-yaqtn), is what led him to request the vision. In this, the tongue of the visible (form) only translated the invisible reality; not anything else."

[802]   A word weakened by the Hanbalite tradition, through attempts to explain it. Tagbayyub is the dtsguise of creative action, what hides it from our senses.

[803]  Refutation of the Sslimiyyan thesis.

[804]  Akhb. * I ha³-ya³ (6) » nos. 6-9.

[805]  Van: rise towards Him.

[806]  Var. : interrupt (his shooting).

[807]  Miracles.

[808]   Here Ka^cbi interpolates the sentence translated in Passion, 1st ed., 314, I, $. ("What is mysticism?" “It is what you see" the cross), cf. Passion Fr 11659 ff./Eng 1:609 ff.]

399- Passion, Fr 3:2U~i2/Eüg 3: «99-

[810]   Added rightly by Ibn al-D3^ci and Ibn al-Sabb3gh,

[811]   Passion, Fr t:3i9/Eng i:273-

[812]   Akhb. *t yab-yaw (7) = nos. 10-14.

[813]   Cf. herein, ch. 3, sec.4; Passion, Fr 3:86/Eng 3:73.

[814]   APMasmild ilayhi.

[815]   XiiM

[816]   Passion, Fr 3:365/Eng 3:347.

[817]   Akhb., *1 yah-k3 (8) = nos. 15-18.

[818]   Var. SulamE’s text has “lights."

[819]  ^elb3ra. Var. : ^cib3da, ritual,

[820]   Tajrid, divine transcendence.

[821]   Passion, Fr 3:67/Eng 3:57.

[822]   The technical word ihimSs means “the search to determine (the new moon),” the calcula­tion (of the first of the month) either by direct observation of the sky (to which Halllj alludes) or by reference to tabla.

[823]   “Without personal revelation," added gloss.

[824]   Passion, Fr 3:123/Eng 3:111.

[825]LM notes that his 2Sb~j la (which he does not reproduce) is a trans, with variants of his number 21 j of Baqti’s ShothiySt ~ Corbin's paragraphs 791-93 = Vadet's sections 92-97.

Not: Bazen Büyük Dosyaları tarayıcı açmayabilir...İndirerek okumaya Çalışınız.

Benzer Yazılar

• Memoir of a Friend: LOUIS MASSIGNON by Herbert Mason
• Louis Massignon et l’Iran sous la direction de
• Dîwân Traduit et présenté par Louis Massignon